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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 8 Feb 1956

Vol. 154 No. 1

National Loan, 1956. - Finance (Profits of Certain Mines) (Temporary Relief from Taxation) Bill, 1955—Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time. I am sure that every Deputy at some time or another has had the opportunity of hearing locally the tradition that exists in various centres of the country that there are minerals of value beneath the soil in those localities. In some cases these minerals were worked in the past and where there were commercial workings they were most fully exploited during the last century. The peak of such production was about 100 years ago. From that peak production gradually declined and many undertakings ceased operations.

Some feel they were closed because of competition or the policy of opposed interests. Others, and I think they are correct, feel that the decline of mining in Ireland came about because of the working out of the most profitable parts of the deposits and because of the discovery of fresh deposits of higher grade ores in other countries.

In any event, whatever the reason, it is clear that an incentive is necessary if we are to get business people interested in the somewhat chancy business of searching for, working and commercially developing such non-bedded ores as may be existent in Ireland. It will be appreciated that even the reopening of a long abandoned mine may be a very expensive, chancy and dangerous business. No one can tell with any certainty what lies under the soil where it cannot be seen. Exploration requires very heavy expenditure. Even after exploration has been concluded, unforeseen and unforeseeable difficulties may arise at any stage. Unexpected physical difficulties may be met and may have to be overcome. The vein of the deposits may be broken or may peter out sooner than anticipated.

In other words, capital must be committed to an enterprise involving a greater risk of failure than would be associated with a normal commercial enterprise. The house will note I have referred to non-bedded deposits which are those mentioned in the Bill. The content of bedded deposits is capable of being more readily assessed and the extraction of such deposits is more akin to a normal commercial operation. Working on non-bedded ores is, however, for the reasons I have given, a speculative and risky venture.

Mining, too, differs from an ordinary industry in another way. Every Party in this House is committed to the policy of assisting the inception of new industries by a policy of protection. Whether that protection is given by tariff or by quota or other import restriction, assistance is in that way available to industry, particularly in its infancy.

Such assistance or incentive is not available to mining. Assistance could perhaps be given under the Trade Loan (Guarantee) Acts and indeed I did sanction last year a very substantial guarantee under those Acts to an Irish mining concern; but though that might help in an individual case, such guarantees would clearly not provide the broad incentive the Government deemed necessary, if such minerals as we possess are to be raised.

It was clear to the Government therefore that the only satisfactory broad incentive was by way of tax concession. I do not wish to suggest that we were in any way unique in coming to that conclusion. The U.S.A., Canada, South Africa, Australia and, I think, Germany all afford special treatment in their tax codes to mining ventures. The concessions that these countries offer as an inducement to mining are varied both in their incidence and in their complications. I felt, however, that we have a slightly different problem perhaps from theirs and that what we required here was a solution that would be simple for would-be investors in these enterprises to grasp and yet far reaching in its effect. It is on that basis that I ask the Dáil to approve of this Bill.

The basic principles of the Bill are simple, though I confess that in drafting these principles into legislative form, the wording becomes a trifle involved. These principles are three in number: first, as the whole purpose of the Bill is to act as an incentive, the benefit is given to new mining operations for obtaining non-bedded minerals, while at the same time giving existing operators the benefit of certain provisions from now on, and it will be noted that, in order to be eligible for relief, new mining operations must begin within the next three years, thus providing an inducement not to delay development unduly; secondly, the relief is confined to Irish companies and it will, I think, be conceded that it is realistic to restrict the concession to companies since it can scarcely be expected that persons would work non-bedded deposits of minerals on a scale of any magnitude without the protection of limited liability; and thirdly, the concession takes the simple form of exemption from tax on profits, for the first four years of development and thereafter 50 per cent. exemption for four years.

Income-tax and corporation profits tax will, subject to certain modifications, be assessed in the ordinary way as if the proposed legislation had not been passed. The income-tax assessed for a year of assessment to which the legislation is to apply will, for the purpose of arriving at the amount which ranks for the total or partial relief, be reduced by income-tax on debenture interest, royalties and similar charges from which income-tax may be deducted and retained by the company in making payment of the interest, royalties, etc. to the persons entitled to receive them. Income-tax on so much of the profits as represents the amount of the interest, etc., is essentially the liability, not of the mining company, but of the persons entitled to the interest, etc., and therefore cannot properly qualify for the relief. The income-tax assessed, reduced by income-tax on the charges, is the amount of income-tax which the mining company would effectively bear were it not for the Bill; and such income-tax (called, in the Bill, the "net income-tax") is the amount which ranks for total or partial relief. The amounts of corporation profits tax assessed for periods to which the legislation is to apply are the amounts of that tax which will qualify for total or partial relief under the Bill.

It is provided that dividends payable out of profits to which the Bill applies will be taxable to income-tax in the hands of the shareholders only to the extent, if any, to which income-tax has been suffered by the company for the periods out of the profits of which the dividends are payable.

So much for new mining operations. The Bill is, however, concerned also with Irish companies which are already producing non-bedded minerals and, in so far as production by these companies has commenced within the recent or comparatively recent past, the companies will be granted a measure of relief.

Perhaps I might make some reference to the sections of the Bill. Section 1 contains the main definitions which are necessary for the interpretation of the Bill. The type of mine affected by the Bill is one from which non-bedded minerals are obtained. The Schedule lists 14 such minerals; and the Minister for Finance is being given power to add to the Schedule by Order. "Existing mining operations" is defined as meaning mining operations which, at any time during the three years ending on the 5th April next, have resulted in the production, on a commercial scale, of such minerals. In fixing that period of three years, I deliberately had regard to the fact that during the emergency it was perhaps necessary first to produce minerals on what I might term an emergency rather than a commercial scale.

"New mining operations" are mining operations which (a) are not existing mining operations and (b) are, in the Revenue Commissioners' opinion, substantially distinct and separate from other mining operations.

New mining operations may be carried out either by, say, companies already engaged in mining or by companies which will be concerned solely with new mining ventures To the extent that new mining operations are carried out upon it, any mine may rank as a "qualifying mine" under the Bill, that is, qualifying for the main benefits provided.

There is provision, comparable with the normal provisions for income-tax appeals, for an appeal against an opinion of the Revenue Commissioners as to whether or not mining operations are substantially distinct and separate from any other mining operations.

Section 2 makes the Bill applicable to the profits of an Irish company from the working of a "qualifying mine", where the company commences to trade, in relation to the mine, within the period of three years beginning on the 6th April, 1956.

Section 3 provides that, for income-tax purposes, the working of the mine shall be treated as a separate trade, and makes the further technical provision that corporation profits tax which, under the Bill, is not payable, shall be deemed to have been paid.

Section 4 explains the method of computation of the "net income-tax", that is, the income-tax which is to be eligible for relief. Briefly, this will consist of the income-tax on the mining profits, including the Schedule A tax on property owned and occupied for the purpose of the trade, after reduction of tax on "charges", tax which the company can recover by deduction from the chargeants. Therefore relief will not extend to such part of the profits as is referable to the charges, and the Revenue will accordingly get the full tax on any debenture interest, bond interest, etc. payable by the company.

Section 5 and 6 define the income-tax relief and corporation profits tax relief respectively to be given in respect of the mining profits. The "net income-tax" appropriate to four complete years dating from the commencement of the trade of mining, and one-half of the "net income-tax" appropriate to the next four complete years, will not be payable and in Section 6 the same general line is followed for corporation profits tax.

Section 7 provides that, in so far as dividends are paid out of the mining profits of any period as respects which relief is given under the Bill, the tax which the company may deduct from the dividends must be modified by reference to that relief.

Section 8, 9 and 10 are technical sections, providing for an average rate of tax in computing certain repayments, for the termination of the relief after eight years and for obtaining the information necessary to administer the Bill.

Section 11, which deals with existing companies, provides that a resident Irish company working an existing mine may be given relief, computed on the lines laid down in the case of new mining operations; but the relief in any case will extend only to any balance, as at the 6th April next, of a period of eight years reckoned from the date on which the company commenced to work the mine. No relief will be given for any year or period prior to the 6th April next. Thus, where a company has begun to work an existing mine on, say, the 6th April, 1952, it may be given relief for a total period of four years from the 6th April, 1956. For those four years the company may be granted relief to the extent of one-half of the income-tax and corporation profits tax which would otherwise be effectively borne by it.

Section 12 provides that there is a provision to meet the case of an Irish company which begins to work a mine abandoned by another such company before the end of the full period for which the outgoing company could have claimed relief under the Bill. In any such instance, the incoming company will be entitled to claim relief for any balance, reckoned from the date on which it commences to carry on the trade, of the total period for which its predecessor could have claimed relief, had it continued to trade. It should be appreciated that this provision will apply whether the predecessor company was working an existing mine or was engaged in new mining operations.

I do not propose at this stage to elaborate on the minerals specified in the Schedule to the Bill, but, of course, if any Deputy wishes to have any further details of these minerals or of their commercial uses, I will be happy to try to give the information desired. May I, however, mention that oil is not included, because, first, there is some doubt whether it, strictly speaking, comes within the geological definition of non-bedded ore deposits and, secondly, because I do not think this would be the appropriate form of tax concession, if tax concession were necessary to induce oil exploration or development. Should it happily arise that there is any prospect of such exploration or development, I will then be prepared to consider if special tax treatment is necessary or desirable.

So much for the Bill. May I now turn to the amendment in the name of Deputy Lemass and, in doing so, may I say that I do not understand its purpose? If the Deputy merely wishes to obtain information, I shall, of course, be happy to give him all proper and appropriate information that is desirable. But I would have thought that if that was his purpose there were other ways in which he could, adequately, have achieved it, such as by parliamentary question.

In the first place, it should be clearly noted, as I have already explained, that this Bill is of general application. It does not relate to any particular mining property or to any particular mining company. The company which has been incorporated to take a lease of the Avoca minerals has no better entitlement to the concessions under the Bill than has any other company. To secure any benefit under the Bill, St. Patrick's Copper Mines, Limited, as will any other company, will have to fulfil the terms and conditions that are laid down in it.

Apart from that, the amendment and its wording appear to rest on some presumption that the Government had an obligation to submit to the Dáil proposals in relation to the commercial development of the property at Avoca held under lease by Mianraí Teoranta. The provisions which deal with the making of lease on State minerals are clearly laid down by statute. The relevant legislation is, as I am sure Deputy Lemass is well aware, since he introduced it and carried it through the Oireachtas, the Minerals Development Act of 1940. Section 26 of that Act sets out clearly that if, in the opinion of the Minister, it is in the public interest that any State minerals should be granted by way of lease to any person, the Minister may demise such minerals to such person by way of lease for such term as the Minister shall think proper. The Minister, in that context, is, of course, the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

The section goes on to provide the manner in which the Minister shall exercise the power so given to him and it specifies certain conditions which are to be incorporated in every such lease and, of course, it also provides that the Minister for Finance is to be a party to such lease and shall, therefore, concur in the terms.

I have no doubt that Deputy Lemass when he was introducing this section in that Bill did so because he realised that it would be quite impossible for commercial negotiations between State Departments and private interests to be brought to a proper conclusion if they were to be conducted in the full glare of publicity before such negotiations were concluded.

In saying that, I do not suggest that the Dáil should not be given at the appropriate time all the appropriate information. That too, I may say, was also clearly envisaged by Deputy Lemass when he was introducing that same Bill, for, in Section 77, it is provided that there would be every six months a return of such mineral and prospecting leases laid on the table of the Dáil.

The fundamental weakness of the amendment, therefore, is that the terms of the mining lease have no relevance to the Bill. The Bill stands on its own legs and should be judged on its own merits as an incentive to new mining enterprise. At the same time, as I have already said, if the purpose of the amendment is to elicit information then I have no objection to enlarging on the statement made by the Tánaiste some months ago and to making available now the details that will be published in due course as provided in Section 77, and, in addition, giving other information, relevant to such statutory details, as is proper.

The lease to St. Patrick's Copper Mines, Limited, was executed on the 3rd January, 1956, and demises copper, lead, zinc, pyrites and other minerals in an area of approximately 6,900 acres in County Wicklow. It is for a term of 21 years from 1st October, 1955, and provides for rights to surrender in certain circumstances together with an option of renewal for a further period of 21 years.

The company under the lease is bound to do all necessary and proper work for the proper exploration and development of the minerals and for that purpose to expend at least £180,000 or such further sums as the company considers necessary up to £450,000 within a period of one year from 1st October, 1955, or as soon thereafter as may be reasonable. I might add that both the Minister for Industry and Commerce and I were satisfied before the lease was signed that the company had available the necessary finances to enable it to honour this commitment.

If the result of such exploration and development work so warrants, the company has bound itself by the terms of the lease to build a concentrator of a capacity of 3,000 tons daily on the site and to expend on such erection a sum of approximately £1,500,000 and, further, to install plant and apparatus and to do works for the effective development and exploitation of the said minerals at an approximate cost of £750,000—these two items, therefore, making a total of £2,250,000. The company has further bound itself in such working to employ approximately 500 men.

When the company goes into commercial production, it is bound to recoup in full to the State, subject to a small offset in respect of stamp duty liability, the sum of £542,966. That sum is the amount expended by Mianraí Teoranta on exploration and development at Avoca up to the 1st October last, as certified for the purposes of the lease by the Comptroller and Auditor-General in his capacity as auditor of the accounts of Mianraí. This amount is to be paid by means of an annual payment of 25 per cent. of operating profits and such payment is to be a first charge on such profits.

The company is bound during the currency of the lease to pay, in addition, by way of royalty, an annual charge on the operating profits computed at 4 per cent. up to £350,000 and rising to 9 per cent. on profits in excess of £1,750,000. These percentages which will accrue to the State are likewise a first charge on the profits.

The company has bound itself to sell the products of the mine at the best price obtainable—for the ascertainment of which an elaborate formula is included in the lease—and to bring all the proceeds of sale to credit in the company's Irish bank. If the working of the deposits becomes unprofitable and a temporary stoppage of commercial working therefore becomes necessary, the company is bound to pay a dead rent of £3,500 per annum.

There is a further provision in the lease by virtue of which the company is bound to sell to the State, at the option of the Minister at prevailing market prices, up to 50 per cent. of the finished metallic products. The lease contains a provision that any default of agreement between the parties as to whether the erection of the concentrator is warranted or whether a stoppage of commercial working if such unfortunately occurs, has been justified—that these points, in particular, and indeed any other points of difference in the interpretation of the lease shall be submitted to an impartial arbitrator. There are, of course, as well, the usual technical details with which it is, I think, unnecessary to burden the House.

It is clear from the details that I have given to the House that the agreement made with this company is one of advantage to the country. We have arranged by this deal that further exploration and development work, which will, undoubtedly, be very costly, will be carried out at no expense to the Exchequer, that it will be carried out expeditiously and efficiently by people experienced in this class of work and I may add that, in doing that, they will be employing more Irish labour than was employed by Mianraí in their exploration and development work.

If, as we all hope, exploration by the new company shows that subsequent exploitation would be a commercial proposition (in the opinion —in the last analysis—of an independent arbitrator) then we will have recovered all the money which, through Mianraí, the State has spent on exploration at Avoca. We will have obtained a substantial income through the percentage charge in lieu of royalty which I have mentioned; we have provided that we can get 50% of the finished minerals, should we need these minerals, and very substantial employment indeed which has been estimated to reach a figure of about 500 men will be given in the Avoca area. There will obviously also be the additional subsidiary employment which will be given in transport, etc., arriving out of these activities.

As I have said this Bill lays down the principles on which the concessions will be given. They will be given to any company which qualifies within the terms of the Bill. The amendment appears to me entirely irrelevant to the purpose of the Bill which is to provide in a general way, and not merely for any single mining development, such an inducement as will bring private enterprise into this speculative field.

If it is successful in doing that and if as a result it is found possible to raise minerals in commercial quantities, I suggest to the Dáil that the increase in our production that will follow, the aid that will be given to our balance of payments problem particularly in respect of our dollar payments and the employment that will be available at home will be all well worth while.

Mr. Lemass

I move the following amendment:—

To delete all words after "That" and substitute the following:—

the Dáil declines to give a Second Reading to the Finance (Profits of Certain Mines) (Temporary Relief from Taxation) Bill, 1955 until it has received and approved the Government's full proposals for the commercial development of the mineral resources at Avoca, County Wicklow.

I should like to say that the amendment is not quite so irrelevant as the Minister suggested. Before dealing with the matter to which the amendment refers, there are some observations which I think should be made on the Bill itself. I agree that a revision of the existing system of taxing the profits of mining undertakings in this State is needed. I suppose that could be said about the system of taxing industrial profits generally, but it is particularly the case in relation to mining ventures. The system of taxing the profits of mining concerns here is that taken over from British legislation when this State was established in 1922. It was not designed and did not operate to encourage or help Irish mineral development.

The British tax code in its application to the profits of mining concerns has since been very considerably amended and improved, but no corresponding changes were made here. Last year, a British Royal Commission recommended some further easements in their code—recommendations which, I assume, will be acted upon by the British Government. Most sensible people will, I feel sure, agree that changes in the taxing system require very careful consideration, particularly changes which are designed to act as economic incentives, first, to ensure that the changes adopted are effective in achieving the economic aims desired, and, secondly, to ensure that they are not such as to result in inequity in the treatment of taxpayers generally.

It is quite obvious that the provisions of this Bill were not the result of any examination of the system of taxing mining profits best suited to Irish circumstances and most likely to act as incentives to private people to engage in mining operations here. The Minister has emphasised that this Bill is of general application and has urged that it should be considered not in relation to a particular project, but on its merits, as a measure designed to change tax laws. That is a childish pretence. Every Deputy knows that this Bill has resulted from a bargain with one group in relation to a particular undertaking. There was no detailed consideration of the system of taxation which should exist and there is nothing logical about the changes in the tax code which the Minister is now proposing. It resulted from protracted negotiations in which one party sought to get as much and the other party sought to give as little as possible.

It may be that the proposals for changes in the law which have resulted from those negotiations are good, but no one can deny their origin. Personally, I do not think they are good, and, if this Bill is to be considered on its merits as a tax measure, without reference to Avoca or to any other particular project, then I think it should be rejected. I make that case even though, as I have already said, I am strongly of the opinion that the system of taxing mining profits here requires revision and that benefit would result from its intelligent revision. I assume that, when the Canadian interests that are concerned with the Avoca minerals came to the Government to discuss the concessions they needed, they referred to the Canadian system of taxing the profits of mining undertakings. The Canadian federal tax law has got a logical basis. It was designed to encourage the investment of capital in the development of Canadian minerals and it was designed intelligently to that end. The Canadian tax law provides for total exemption from taxation during the first three years of production and then for a very generous depletion allowance equivalent to 33? per cent. of the profits for so long as operations are continued. There is also a depletion allowance for the benefit of shareholders. The whole purpose of the scheme of taxation operating there is to encourage the substantial investment of capital by the three years' tax free concession and then to permit of the recovery of the investment in a wasting asset by means of the depletion allowance.

The Minister must have had before him, as a possible basis for changes here, the Canadian tax position. I am quite certain that the Canadian interests with whom he was negotiating would have agreed to accepting here the same system of taxation as that to which they were accustomed in Canada. Instead of that, we get this proposal for four years' total exemption from taxation and four years during which the tax charge will be reduced by 50 per cent.

I suggest that, on the face of it, that system of taxing the profits of mining undertakings here appears to be designed to encourage the very type of development which is least desirable in our circumstances, designed to encourage raids upon Irish mineral resources by foreign financial interests with the idea of getting as much profit out of their operations as quickly as possible and then clearing out.

On the merits of these proposals as a system of taxation, I would urge their rejection by the Dáil. I would urge upon the Minister the desirability of taking back this Bill and so changing it that the tax concession will operate so long as production continues and will be framed so as to relate the concession to the volume of production. I am quite certain, and I say this with some reason, that the introduction into our tax law of the more logical provisions of the Canadian tax code would be as attractive to the interests that are concerned with Avoca as the proposals of this Bill. Apart altogether from the merits of these proposals or the contrasting merits of the Canadian federal tax arrangements, I would urge on the Minister— I would urge on the Government and on the Dáil—that changes of the law of this kind should be made after examination of Irish conditions generally, without reference to their reaction upon individual enterprises, made on their merits and not as a result of bargains with particular groups.

So far as I know, no Irish interests at present engaged in mining operations here, or likely ever to become engaged in mining operations here, were consulted about the provisions of this Bill. In so far as anyone outside the Government service was consulted about this Bill, it was the Canadian groups interested in Avoca only. I am quite certain that if the Minister had taken the obvious step when he was proposing to make these changes of bringing into consultation Irish interests which may be affected by them, he would have produced a different Bill here.

May I say—because I believe it to be true—that the alteration of the terms of this Bill on the lines I have indicated would not delay and certainly need not delay the exploration and development work now proceeding at Avoca by a single day? Even if it is true that the bargain which has been made with the Canadian interests at Avoca must stand—that these tax arrangements must apply to them—I would urge that the general law which is to apply to all other mining concerns in this country or to any new concerns which may commence operating here should not be on this basis but should be more intelligently drafted on the lines I have suggested.

This Bill provides for the giving of these tax concessions only to companies which mine what are called here "non-bedded" minerals. Why should this Bill not apply to coal-mining? In the course of his remarks, the Minister said that the risk of working bedded deposits—and, for practical purposes, when we use that term we mean coal— can be assessed more readily than the risks of working non-bedded deposits and that the extraction of these bedded deposits is a normal commercial operation. Whoever prepared the Minister's brief took that, no doubt, from some text-book published abroad, because it is not true so far as Irish conditions are concerned. If the Minister had consulted the officials of the Department of Industry and Commerce alone—apart altogether from commercial interests engaged in coal-mining operations here—he would have found out that, whatever may be true of coal-mining in other countries, the risks of coal-mining here—the risks of seams petering out, of having to incur a great deal of non-productive expenditure—are just as considerable if not more considerable than in the case of these non-bedded minerals.

In my view, there is a far more urgent need to encourage the exploration of our coal measures and to facilitate new coal-mining ventures than there is to encourage activities in relation to the non-bedded minerals. This country is, I think, likely to face a fuel crisis in the very near future. Only a couple of weeks ago the British fuel authorities were forecasting a fuel crisis in Britain—inability to produce from their own resources enough fuel to keep their industrial activities at their present level. They foresaw the possibility of nuclear power being available for industrial purposes but they pointed out that long before nuclear power would be available to them in sufficient volume, the fuel crisis—and that was the term they used —would have developed. If that estimate of the position in Britain by the British fuel authorities is accurate, then we here are facing a crisis of greater magnitude than theirs.

We are dependent very largely upon Britain for our supplies of solid fuel, and as soon as their crisis develops, it is possible that they will try to meet it by curtailing coal shipments abroad. As the House knows, we have not yet taken any positive measures to develop nuclear power for industrial purposes here. There are advantages also in encouraging mining activities for the winning of coal that do not exist in the case of other types of mining activities. The whole of the product of the Irish coal mines is consumable within the country. I have said that it is now, and certainly will in the future, be needed within the country. The product of these other mines, these non-bedded mineral mines, will be exported from this country in a raw or semi-raw state, and apart from the immediate employment given in the winning of them, they will confer no other benefit on this country, particularly if they should be developed entirely by foreign capital for the profit of foreign shareholders.

The case made by the Minister for the exclusion of coal mining from the Bill will not stand examination. The risks of coal mining in this country are not less than the risks of any other kind of mining. Must we wait until some foreign interest has concerned itself about the possibility of exploring and developing the coal resources of this country before the benefit of the Bill will be extended to those operations? I am glad that the Government changed its mind about the extension of these tax concessions to existing undertakings. I had indicated here before the Christmas adjournment that the original intention of the Government to confine the concessions to new mining operations could not be justified. Whatever bargains were made with the Canadian interests concerned with Avoca cannot and should not allow us to be led into a position in which the tax code operates unfairly in respect of other interests. The change of mind which the Government had is therefore welcome.

I move this amendment because I think that the main matter to be discussed on this Bill is the arrangement which the Government has made for the commercial working of the Avoca minerals. It is fully understood, I am sure, by every Deputy that this Bill is just a part of those arrangements, and is before the House at all because the negotiations which were undertaken resulted in an understanding that these changes in our tax law would be made. I feel that the Dáil should get the whole story. I reject completely the Minister's contention that the Dáil is not entitled to be told in a very special manner the arrangement regarding Avoca—the leasing of minerals there to these Canadian interests stands in an entirely different light from the normal granting of leases for State minerals which is proceeding year in and year out.

Mr. Lemass

The exploration and development of Avoca was originally undertaken under the authority of a statute by a company which the Dáil and the Government set up for that purpose, financed by funds voted by this House, and it is surely nonsense to suggest that at the end of that operation, when the commercial development at which it was aimed became possible, the House should not have an opportunity of learning and approving of the details of those arrangements.

You did not give the House much opportunity in connection with Slievardagh.

Mr. Lemass

I came to the House with a Bill which authorised everything that was done there, and not merely gave the House details but gave it an opportunity of approving in advance of the action taken.

Exactly the same provisions were devised in this case.

Mr. Lemass

We have now got from the Minister, because this amendment was tabled——

They were given months ago.

Mr. Lemass

——considerable information on the arrangements regarding Avoca not previously available to the public or members of the Dáil. I want to comment on those details. Some of them I learned to-day for the first time, and I may have something further to say later about them, but so far as the picture has been given to us of the position that will exist there, I have something to say about it.

First of all, it is desirable that the House and the public should be reminded of the background of this development. So far as this debate is concerned, the history of this Avoca development can be regarded as having started in 1947, with the introduction of the Minerals Development Act of that year. Mianraí Teoranta, the State organisation responsible for mineral exploration activity, had been operating in Avoca before that, mainly for the purpose of producing the sulphur required by our fertiliser industry during the war years. In 1947, I, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, came here with that Bill, one of the main provisions of which was to provide a sum of £85,000 a year for seven years to enable Mianraí Teoranta to carry out mineral exploration activity, it being understood that its main effort would be concentrated in the Avoca district. That sum was provided in 1947 and the work of exploring, by tunnelling and otherwise, the minerals in the Avoca area began.

The second stage came after the change of Government in 1948, with the advent to office of the first Coalition, when that work stopped. The Minister for Finance in the first Coalition, Deputy McGilligan, came to the Dáil to make his first Budget Statement on the 4th May, 1948 and in that Budget Statement he said—I am quoting his exact words:—

"The scheme for exploration of mineral deposits, for which £85,000 is provided in the Estimate for Industry and Commerce, will not be proceeded with...."

Every member of the Coalition Government of that day concurred in that decision. At a recent dinner of the Wicklow Chamber of Commerce, the present Minister for Justice, who is sitting opposite me, is reported in the Wicklow People as having described the commercial development at Avoca as—and these are his words—“the fruition of many years of hard work and earnest faith in the development of the Avoca mines.” So far as the first Coalition was concerned, the Government in which Deputy Everett was then Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, they had no faith whatever in the possibilities of Avoca, and their decision was that there should be no work there. That decision I know was taken initially by the then Minister for Finance, now Deputy McGilligan. He communicated the decision to the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Morrissey. Deputy Morrissey, as Minister, acted on that decision without consulting with the Board of Mianraí Teoranta, without making any investigations on the spot as to the potentialities of Avoca, without even opening the departmental file regarding the deposits there.

However, the decision was one which produced some political difficulties for that Government and because of its political repercussions they were forced subsequently to reconsider it. A conference was held—not in the Department of Industry and Commerce—but in the Department of the Taoiseach and under the chairmanship of the Taoiseach, and as the outcome of that conference the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Morrissey, was instructed to announce in the debate on the Estimate for that Department in July, 1948, that the Government was reconsidering the matter, as he said, "in the light of additional information recently obtained". There was no additional information obtained or even sought in the interval. He said also that he expected that a decision would be taken in the near future. It was not taken in the near future: it was taken one full year after that statement by Deputy Morrissey had been made here in the House, and it was not until July of 1949 that it was agreed that development and exploration work at Avoca should be resumed on a limited scale. Even then that decision was not acted upon. Even then the Minister for Finance, now Deputy McGilligan, succeeded in holding up the implementation of that decision for a further three months. It was not until September, 1949, that exploration work was resumed.

That is the history of the Coalition Government's "earnest faith" in the commercial development of the Avoca minerals. However, exploration work was resumed. It was accelerated during 1953 although some flooding difficulties were encountered in the workings and extended to include diamond drilling in the surrounding area and by the beginning of 1954 it was obvivous that a stage had been reached at which decisions on future commercial development had to be taken. In February, 1954, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, I formally asked the Board of Mianraí Teoranta to submit its proposals for the commercial working of the deposits. Then came another change of Government and the present Government and the present Minister for Industry and Commerce became responsible for these matters.

What happened after that I do not know. I have been able to make certain assumptions from published statements and replies to Dáil questions but the full information is not available to me. I know that the Board of Mianraí Teoranta advertised these mines in a number of foreign newspapers. I do not know if any effort was made to promote the formation of an Irish company to develop the deposits commercially or if any consideration was given to the practicability of developing these minerals as a State enterprise either by Mianraí Teoranta or by some other company set up for that purpose, or by State enterprise in partnership with Irish private commercial concerns.

So far as I have been able to find out, no attempt was made to consider or explore the possibility of the development of these Avoca minerals by an Irish undertaking. There were discussions with a number of foreign companies. Quite a number of concerns in other countries which noted the advertisement to which I have referred indicated an interest in the deposits and discussed the possibility of their participating in their development with the Board of Mianraí Teoranta and with the officials of the Department of Industry and Commerce. Finally, some Canadian groups appeared upon the scene—I used the term "groups" deliberately because, so far as I have been able to discover, there was more than one group even though those two groups may now have amalgamated their interests.

I do not know whether the other foreign companies that showed an interest in the development of these minerals were made aware that the Government was prepared to grant the tax concessions provided in this Bill. I do not think they were. As I said, these concessions resulted from the negotiations which proceeded with the Canadian interests after it had been decided that the Canadian interests should have preference over the other foreign interests that had come forward. Finally, it was announced on the 15th September of last year by the Minister for Industry and Commerce that the Government had decided to lease these minerals to the Canadian group. The Canadian concern which is financing this undertaking is, I believe, the Mogul Mining Corporation of Toronto.

I think I should make it quite clear that I am not criticising in the slightest degree the technical competence or financial standing of these Canadian interests. They are clearly in a position to finance and develop the minerals. The Mogul Mining Corporation owns or controls a variety of mining properties in Canada. Indeed I would say that if it was established that some foreign interest had to be associated with the development of Avoca I would just as soon have Canadian as any other.

The details of the arrangement have been given to us here to-day by the Minister. The minerals are to be leased to the Irish subsidiary of this Mogul Mining Corporation for 21 years with the option of renewal. There is to be no tonnage royalty but the company is to pay from profits certain percentages to the Government. I understood the Minister to say that these payments in lieu of royalties will amount to 4 per cent. of the profits if the profits are under £350,000 and 9 per cent. of the profits if the profits are over £1,750,000.

It is on a graduated scale.

Mr. Lemass

The Minister stated that the company is to invest in the undertaking approximately £2,250,000, that they are planning to carry on operations at Avoca on a scale which will mean the mining of rock at a rate of 3,000 tons a day or 1,000,000 tons a year, that the operation will include the crushing of that rock, and its concentration by a flotation process, the concentrates to be exported for smelting elsewhere. I assume they will be exported to Canada, where this Mogul Mining Corporation controls a large smelting works scheduled, I understand, to commence operations next year.

It is necessary to put certain figures before the Dáil so that it will appreciate the magnitude of the operations which are involved here and the substantial sums of money that have to be taken into account before we turn to consider the question whether the method decided upon by the Government for the commercial working of these minerals is the best in the national interest.

According to statistics which were published in Canada by the Mogul Mining Corporation in the newspapers there in connection with the share issues which they were planning, the Avoca rock averages about 1.12 per cent. copper, .16 per cent. lead, .053 per cent. zinc and 8.1 per cent. sulphur. In a statement published in the Toronto Globe and Mail on the 17th September, 1955, at the instance of this Mogul Mining Corporation, it was estimated that the whole operation will break even so far as the Mogul Mining Corporation is concerned with copper selling at 30 cents. per pound, that is, £240 per ton.

I am not clear, I confess, as to the basis on which they calculated their operation costs. I do not know, for example, whether the yield from the sales of the lead and zinc concentrates or the sulphur are being put against operating costs or whether that yield will be additional to whatever may be obtained from copper, but I assume that sales of lead, zinc and sulphur concentrates represent a possible additional revenue to the undertaking. The whole economics of the operation is based upon copper.

Several times, as Minister, when discussing the possibilities of the commercial development of Avoca, I made it clear that it depended completely upon the output of copper from the mineralised rock being sufficient to sustain the operation. If the company achieves its target of producing 1,000,000 tons of rock per year, averaging 1.12 per cent. copper, there are theoretically 11,200 tons of copper. I understand that the process of extracting copper from the rock is not efficient enough to give 100 per cent. extraction and that an 80 per cent. extraction of the mineral is all that can be relied upon and that, therefore, the yield of copper from the operation is, shall we say, likely to be around 9,000 tons per year, and with copper selling at £240 per ton, the whole operation, so far as the Mogul Mining Corporation is concerned, will break even. That is to say, the costs involved are clearly round £2,000,000 per year of which, on my calculation, about 10 per cent. will represent wages paid to workers at Avoca.

For some time past the price of copper has been fluctuating between £390 and £400 per ton. The price yesterday was £397 per ton. If, therefore, Mogul Mining Corporation are correct in their estimate that these operations will break level with copper selling at £240 per ton, then it is clear that at present prices, assuming that these prices are maintained and that their output is at the rate of 3,000 tons per day as they are planning, the profits they will make will be somewhere between £1,300,000 and £1,400,000 per year tax free under this Bill. In addition to the profits which they can hope to earn at the present price of copper, there will also be profits coming in from the sale of the lead, zinc and sulphur concentrates.

A statement was published in the newspapers last week to the effect that the Silvermines Company which is doing a somewhat similar operation in County Tipperary sold its lead concentrates last year at an average price of £69 per ton. The first question one must ask oneself is whether the price is likely to hold or what are the prospects of the price of copper slumping again as it did at various times before the war. Nobody can, of course, attempt to forecast what the future trend will be but there was published last week a review of non-ferrous metal prices by the British Metal Corporation. In that review it was emphasised that the demand for copper was rising, that shortage which was the basic element in the copper position and that the overall demand for copper had been underrated. The other trade journals made similar forecasts and all the indications are that the price of copper is likely to remain high and that profits of the order I have indicated are likely to be earned by this concern. The Mogul Mining Company we are told are investing in Avoca £2,000,000 or £2,500,000.

I did not say that. I said they were investing that in concentrator and other apparatus.

Mr. Lemass

They themselves said they were investing £2,000,000. I thought they might have revised their estimate of capital needs between the publication of their statement in Canada and the Minister's statement here to-day.

Mr. Lemass

I can give the Minister some information as to what measures they are taking.

I want the Deputy, when he is quoting me, to quote me correctly.

Mr. Lemass

Whatever they are investing, they can hope to get with the scale of operations they are planning and the present price of copper not less than £5,000,000 in profits during the four years that they will be operating free of tax. In other words, they can recover their total investment in the undertaking and, nevertheless, have a very substantial profit to show at the end of four years and the prospect of further profitable working in the future.

Present indications are that the total supply of mineralised rock at Avoca is about 13,000,000 tons. It is possible, and perhaps even probable, that the rock tonnage is larger than that but the Mogul Mining Corporation are basing their plans on the assumption, according to the statements they published in Canada, that there are 13,000,000 tons of workable rock at Avoca. They, therefore, can hope that by the time they have worked out the whole of the 13,000,000 ton deposit they will have extracted profits from the operation of round about £10,000,000, £12,000,000 or £13,000,000 in the aggregate; and that is after being taxed at the half rate during the second four years of operation and taxed at the full rate during the remaining five.

The Minister has stated that the agreement with the Mogul Mining Corporation provides for the assessment of the value of the Avoca products, so that the profits earned there will be credited to the St. Patrick's Mines, Ltd., the subsidiary of Mogul which will actually operate at Avoca. That was no doubt a necessary safeguard. The whole of the money required for this operation is being raised in Canada. There is no Government participation in the financing of the undertaking, and apparently no opportunity to private Irish investors to invest in the company is intended.

The first action taken by the Mogul Mining Corporation, according to a statement published in this newspaper from which I have already quoted, the Toronto Globe and Mail, was to issue £3,500,000 in debentures; so highly are the profit prospects of this Avoca operation assessed in Canada that, according to this newspaper, the issue was—these are the words they used—“over subscribed almost before the books opened to receive subscriptions”. There was a subsequent reference in the Financial Times to an application made by the Mogul Mining Corporation to the Stock Exchange Committee at Toronto for a quotation for 5,000,000 $1 shares and that application was granted by the Toronto Exchange authorities. It would appear from these announcements that the Mogul Mining Corporation is raising $8,500,000 from the Canadian public for investment in this undertaking. In view of the indication given by the Minister of the total investment contemplated, it is not clear to what extent they are risking their own resources in the undertaking.

Now, the main question that arises here is, of course, the desirability of planning the development of these resources at Avoca in this particular way. I do not want to debate at the moment, although it might relevantly be done, the main principles involved in the policy of attracting or inviting foreign capital into Irish developments. There are some obvious advantages and some obvious disadvantages in that course; but in my view each case has to be considered on its merits and, while it might be possible to lay down some general principles that would govern a decision, it would be unwise to tie oneself up by rules of thumb in a way that might prevent a particular proposal being considered in all its aspects. The advantages of bringing in foreign capital for Irish industrial development are that it is likely to bring with it technical knowledge, information about production and marketing methods, skilled personnel, skilled executives and skilled technicians, and contact with international markets which Irish concerns might not easily establish. These are, I think, the main advantages in inviting foreign capital into Irish development if we assume that there is no financial problem, that there is a choice and that the capital required for development is available from internal sources, or external sources, as we decide.

But the disadvantages are considerable. In the first place the bringing-in of foreign capital means the sending-out of the country of the profits resulting from these operations and, as I see it, the main impediment to Irish economic progress at the present time is the fact that Irish industry and Irish agriculture between them are not now generating enough new capital to give our economy the buoyancy it requires; and we are not solving, or helping in the slightest to solve, that problem by allowing our development to be financed by foreign capital involving the transfer of the total profits to foreign shareholders. It is reasonable to assume that foreign financial interests coming into this country will be concerned only with the prospect of profits here. Should the prospect of profit peter out, should the profit prove to be non-existent or unduly low, or should changing circumstances at any time make it impossible to continue to earn profits, then these people will get out again at once without any concern about the employment problems or the social problems they may leave behind them. An Irish company directed by Irish nationals, who will have to continue living in this country whether the enterprise succeeds or fails, and continue meeting those who may have suffered by the failure of their enterprise, is far more likely to fight to keep the enterprise going over bad times, far more likely to endeavour to help it over a temporary slump and thereby give it a chance of survival.

Finally, in so far as we decide to rely upon skilled foreign executives and technicians for our industrial development, then the chance of training our own people in these spheres, of giving them the knowledge and the technical competence which might lead to subsequent development, is reduced. Our experience has been that foreign-owned concerns operating here employ foreigners almost exclusively in their top executive posts and there is a limit beyond which no Irish employee will be promoted. I do not want to mention any particular companies by name but I am sure no Deputy will have any difficulty finding out for himself that that is so in regard to some major industrial concerns here which are financed entirely by foreign capital.

As I said, I do not want to debate that general issue, but I do want to relate the advantages and disadvantages of using foreign capital for Irish development to the particular project which is under discussion, namely, the project of Avoca mineral development. The question I want to put to the Dáil is whether it was necessary that this Avoca development should be initiated under Canadian auspices and with the aid of Canadian finance and Canadian technical help or could it have been done in any other way which would have conferred greater ultimate benefit on this country?

So far as finance is concerned, I do not think it would have been impossible to have raised here the money required for the development of Avoca on the scale contemplated by the Canadian company. I know that a mining venture of that kind would be regarded as a risky investment but, upon the basis of the information I have given here concerning the present strength of the copper market and the practicability of producing ore containing minerals in the percentages I have indicated at Avoca at the rate of 1,000,000 tons per year, together with these tax concessions now proposed in this Bill thrown in, there is no reason to think that that money could not have been raised; or, if there was a temporary reluctance on the part of Irish investors to subscribe the whole of it, then the answer is that the Industrial Credit Company was set up precisely to deal with that type of situation. The answer is that the Industrial Credit Company was set up precisely to deal with that type of situation by investing in the shares of such an undertaking until public confidence in its future had been established when the shares could be sold to private investors on the stock market.

I do not pretend to be an expert in these matters of mining, but the inquiries I have made in relation to Avoca have not convinced me that any exceptional technical problem is involved, once the planning of the operation has been settled. The plan for the actual working of the mine, the taking of the rock from underground and the location and design of the crushing and floatation plants are the important parts of the development and, after that, the remainder is largely routine. I understand that it is the intention of the Canadian company, at that stage, to use local personnel very largely to direct these routine operations.

There is no reason to think that an Irish company, charged with the development of these minerals, could not have obtained, in the ordinary way of commercial operation, the technical advice needed from a firm of consulting engineers in Britain, Canada, the United States or any other part of the world. There was, then, as I see it, no special problem in finance, and there was no technical problem that could not have been solved.

It may be that there is a marketing problem. I do not know. The conclusion to be taken from the quotations I have given from technical papers as to the strength of the copper market would seem to suggest that there would be no difficulty in disposing of the concentrates from Avoca to smelting companies at a known world price. I understand that the intention of the Canadian company is that the copper concentrates from Avoca will be exported to Canada to the mills of the Mogul-controlled Smelting Company and will constitute about 25 per cent. of the ore going into their smelting works. It is not one of the least of the advantages of the whole operation to the Mogul Mining Company that it will operate to give them an assurance of these supplies.

I suggest that when it is proposed to bring in foreign capital to develop an Irish resource like the Avoca minerals the onus of proof that such is the only or the best way the development can be carried out rests on those who propose it. Is there no other practical alternative method? I think there is and I think that any one of the alternative courses that might be suggested would have conferred substantial additional benefits on this country from the development of Avoca. So far as I am concerned, the commercial development of the Avoca minerals on an adequate scale was foremost in my mind in 1947 when I asked the Dáil to agree to provide £85,000 a year for exploratory work. My belief is that any company with adequate finance could get the technical advice necessary to develop these minerals on a substantial scale.

Why did the Deputy not acquaint some of his friends with the facts when he knew that this money was available 12 months ago?

Mr. Lemass

I was not aware of it. I was aware that the Board of Mianraí Teoranta was advertising these mines but I did not know what measures the Minister was taking to explore the possibility of development. I did not feel it desirable that I should act as a promoter of a private group for that purpose. I was convinced that proposals would come for development by a State company or by a State company allied in some way to private enterprise.

The only criticism of the 1947 Act that I can recollect came from the Labour Party in the Dáil and Seanad. They objected to the proposal that the ultimate outcome should be commercial development by private interests. The Minister can verify that by looking up the debate in the Dáil.

The 1947 Act dealt with the Slievardagh Coal Mines as well and I had indicated my intention of offering that enterprise for sale to private interests but there was no critical word spoken, either here or in the Seanad, except by members of the Labour Party who objected to the general principle that mine development should be conducted through private enterprise. My recollection of the nature of that debate had convinced me that the likelihood was that the present Minister for Industry and Commerce would come to the House with a proposition for development by a State company or by a State company in some way connected with an experienced private concern.

Is the Deputy suggesting that that is what should be done?

Mr. Lemass

No. I must say that I have no great confidence in State enterprise, particularly as regards mining operations. The experience we had in Slievardagh convinced me that there are substantial reasons why a State undertaking cannot get the best results out of mining operations. But that is not the only alternative. I think that there are interests in this country, not without experience in mining, which could obtain the necessary money and technical advice to develop these Avoca minerals. I do not think that they would come forward on their own. If there was a desire on the part of the Minister for Industry and Commerce to secure the development of the Avoca minerals by an Irish group, such a group could be got together. It might have necessitated some underwriting of capital commitments for a time and it might have required the same tax concessions that the Canadian interests have secured.

That possibility must still surely be there. If the development of Avoca by the Mogul Mining Corporation involved the commitment in that undertaking of Mogul Mining Corporation funds and nothing else, then one could understand their reluctance to let anyone else in. But that is not the position. This Canadian company, the Mogul Mining Corporation is, so far as one can find out, not involving only its own resources in Avoca. It has gone to the Canadian stock market, to the Canadian public and sought subscriptions of the capital and got the subscriptions of the capital from Canadian private investors.

Did they object to offering any part of the stock here? Do they object now to putting any proportion of the stock in the St. Patrick's Mines, Limited, on the Irish stock market for Irish investors to take if they want to take it? I find it hard to believe that they do. Was the proposition put to them? Could it not be put to them now? If the Government has so committed itself to them that their lease of the mine must stand, is it not possible to discuss with them, not as part of a bargain but as an arrangement which any foreign company would be wise to make, to associate Irish interests with their undertaking by inviting investment from private individuals here. The advantage to this country is that we would then have an assurance that there would not be a quick flitting out of Avoca, regardless of the social consequences of quitting there, if the profits should diminish or if the corporation should find it could use its resources more profitably in some other part of the world. Tying in Irish interests would guarantee some continuity in Avoca, guarantee that some effort would be made to keep it going if times became difficult, and would help to ensure that out of these operations there would be an addition to Irish resources available for further investment in productive activities here. The employment, all the advantages that the Minister mentioned as being involved in this development, will be the same no matter who does it. They will certainly be the same whether the capital is provided from Irish sources or from Canadian sources.

Is there any reason why these 5,000,000 dollar shares should be offered exclusively on the Canadian stock exchange? If there is I am not aware of it. If there is a reason, can we be told it?

Alternatively, if the Mogul Mining Corporation is insisting that the whole of the investment in Avoca must be made by them, the whole of the profits to be earned at Avoca must redound to their benefit, then is it not possible to impose a condition that some part of these profits in excess of a certain agreed figure per year will be reinvested in this country? That is not an unusual arrangement around the world. Even the British Government, until recently at any rate, imposed an obligation upon American film companies that the profit earned from the showing of their films in England should, in part, be held in England for investment there.

Could we not consider the possibility of imposing a similar condition upon these Canadian interests? Is it not important in this instance that we should start off on the right foot? If there is any prospect of substantial external investment in this country, should we not now make up our minds as to the conditions we will seek when inviting that investment? It is probable, with the present price of copper, that there is a number of Irish mineralised areas now capable of profitable working which could not have been worked a couple of years ago at the price then prevailing.

The interest which is now being shown in certain mineral resources in parts of the country is a consequence of the improvement in the non-ferrous metal market. The substantial rise in price recorded last year—and the prospect is that this high price will continue and even go higher—will bring other interests in to put up proposals for financing mineral development here. Should we not consider the possibility of using that situation to greater national advantage than is being attempted at Avoca? Can we not, at least, make it a condition that a certain proportion of the profits from this undertaking must be reinvested in this country, even though reinvested for the benefit of the foreign interests that started the operations?

I do not know if these matters were considered by the Government. I do not think they were and that is what I am concerned about in regard to the introduction of this Bill. In fact, I am certain the origin of this Bill was a round-table discussion leading to a bargain with this one Canadian group. The Minister attempted to generalise the proposals because the Bill had to be of general application but behind this Bill there was no consideration of what is good policy for the country, what is likely to be of greatest benefit. There was merely the question of fulfilling to the letter the contract entered into with the Mogul Mining Corporation.

We have not got many prospects in this country of establishing concerns capable of generating profits on the scale which may arise in Avoca. A sum of £10,000,000, £12,000,000 or £13,000,000 is a big sum for this country, a big sum of money to contemplate being paid out, from the using up of Irish resources, to the Mogul Mining Corporation shareholders in Toronto. If we could possibly keep it here, if we could devise a method by which these minerals would be worked by a State organisation on a non-profit-making basis, providing funds year after year for investment in other Irish industrial possibilities, think of the enormous benefits that would accrue to this country. If these ideas ever entered the mind of the Government, let them tell us why they rejected them. Let them tell us why they are keeping to this one line, leasing these minerals to a foreign concern and allowing them to take out all the profit. If they can show there was good reason against any course other than the one they adopted, if they can convince the House they have considered every other course, let them say so. I do not believe they did.

I would, therefore, urge on the Government—I do not think it need involve any delay in Avoca—to take back this Bill for reconsideration. I have no objection whatever to linking up this Canadian group with whatever plans are made in Avoca. I think that, in view of the arrangement already made with them, they cannot now be excluded but I do think it is possible to get with them an arrangement which would be satisfactory to them and far more beneficial to the country than that which the Minister has outlined this evening.

You do not want them developed.

Mr. Lemass

I know that will be said. It was the Coalition Government of 1948 that stopped their development and do not forget that. We will take good care that it does not happen again. We realise that is the type of misrepresentation we will get.

I wish to intervene for a few moments in connection with the Avoca project which has come before the House. I must confess straight away I have little or no knowledge of mining. I am more concerned, in the few words I have to say, with the general question of the development of industries or mining resources that we have and the means by which that development takes place. I am astounded at the disclosures that have been made in this House in connection with the Avoca Mining project. It would seem to me as though this country is looked upon as something like the undeveloped countries in the Middle East—Iran, Iraq and these other places—where you have large foreign concerns prepared to explore mineral resources, mainly oil resources.

The idea is that the natives of those countries are not capable of exploring mineral deposits. Yet, despite the fact that they lack the business knowledge, know-how and technical experience of well-developed countries, these undeloped countries have insisted that whatever foreign concern was allowed the right to develop the resources would plough back 50 per cent. of their profits in other undertakings in those undeveloped countries. The various sultans in these backward areas have ensured that foreign concerns will not in any circumstances be allowed to take out more than 50 per cent. of the proved profits accruing from development work. That is as far as oil is concerned.

Here we have mineral deposits. Copper as it exists in County Wicklow is the subject under discussion at the moment. I am subject to correction, but, as far as I can gather, we have now decided that a Canadian company will be allowed to operate here; they will put up all the capital; they will give a certain amount of employment in Ireland; they will be allowed to dig, mine and extract all the copper they need; they will send the copper to their smelting organisations in Canada and that raw material will be processed and utilised for the benefit of Canada. The only benefit to this country will be the employment given to the ordinary Irish worker and, perhaps, to a limited number of technicians. Irish people will again be hewers of wood and drawers of water for foreign industrialists.

I am completely against inviting outside capitalists to this country, if they are to be given complete control of whatever industry they establish here. One might as well sell the country field by field to foreign nations and allow our people to get work in Ireland as do what is being done under this Bill. The only argument that can be put forward and that will be used as the big stick—it will be used, probably, to criticise me for the remarks I am making—is that it creates employment in Ireland. The trouble now is that everybody in this House is so anxious —rightly so—to give employment and to end emigration, that he is prepared to take the most desperate steps to do so, but there is such a thing as taking steps that will make the position, or could make the position, far worse in ten or 15 years' time.

If the type of development takes place that outside capital and outside directors have complete control of industry, there is nothing in the world to prevent their packing up any time they like. If that happens, they will leave behind them a situation in which unemployment will be far worse than it was before they came.

There are people on both sides of the House who have discovered by experience that in the development of mineral resources, coal mines and so forth, State enterprise and State controlled bodies are not the most suitable and do not get the best results. The idea is that the initial exploration should be carried out with State funds, but that the actual mining operations and practical working should be handed over to private enterprise. If that is the view, I suggest that it is not being carried out in this particular operation. In this case, the part taken by private enterprise has been handed over completely to a foreign company. I am not criticising that company as such or as to its financial soundness or technical knowledge. Deputy Lemass has pointed out that this Canadian company has offered shares to the extent of 5,000,000 dollars on the Canadian stock market to the ordinary residents of Canada. Canadians are being asked to invest their dollars in Ireland so that they will reap profit out of the extraction of copper in Avoca. If that statement of Deputy Lemass's is correct, it means that this development company in Canada is not utilising its own financial resources, but is appealing to the Canadian public to come in on a good thing. The Canadians, evidently, are no fools, for, it is suggested, the issue was oversubscribed before opening.

I will go this far with the Minister— if it is possible at this stage for him to make a further arrangement with this company, if they are prepared, as they seem to be, to seek capital outside their own resources, at least 50 per cent. of the capital required in the form of shares should be offered to the Irish people first and every Irish citizen should have the chance to invest his few pounds in a development in his own country.

For the past 30 years, we have seen our financial resources being invested in Britain in various securities, and so forth. Here we have the peculiar arrangement of Canadians tripping over each other to try to invest money in Ireland. If it is not too late, the suggestion I have made should be adopted by the Government, and they should ensure that at least 50 per cent. of the shares that have been offered on the Canadian stock market should be made available in Ireland to enable the ordinary Irish citizen to invest in this enterprise. If the Canadian man-in-the-street who is many thousands of miles from here considers that it is a fair proposition to invest his money, about which he thinks as much as any Irishman, in County Wicklow, surely there are thousands of Irish people who have just as much sense and who would do the same thing if given the opportunity.

Why did not you do it?

I am afraid the Deputy does not know anything about it. I want to make it quite clear that as far as the Labour Deputies are concerned they cannot deny that their Minister has sold out Avoca and its wealth to foreign interests and the only thing that is left is the offer of limited employment which will keep a couple of Deputies in Wicklow in their seats for the next four or five years. It is all right for Fine Gael. They are always believers in private enterprise; they make no bones about it that the State should not interfere in any such development.

I am surprised——

Mr. Lemass

And no wonder.

——at Deputy Lemass. He was Minister for 20 years and he allowed the Avoca mines to become derelict. I should like to know if he is against this project now. Is he opposing this effort to give employment? Fianna Fáil passed here the Undeveloped Areas Act, under which a foreigner could come in, go to the Gaeltacht to establish industries and be given better concessions than any of the local people. Deputy McQuillan now says that the Wicklow mines are being used as a means to keep some Deputies in their seats. By passing the Undeveloped Areas Act, Fianna Fáil were making an effort to gain back the seats they had lost. In Enniscorthy, from which I come, £50,000 of local capital was subscribed for the establishment of an industry but they got no concessions. Under the Act passed by Fianna Fáil, foreign industrialists got numerous concessions. That is the real position; that is what is being done in Galway, Sligo and Castlebar. We read in the papers every day where industries are being started.

Biscuit factories.

But in my own area, where the local people subscribed £50,000 for the establishment of an industry, we were told that because of the passing of the Undeveloped Areas Act we have to wait for some time. My county adjoins Wicklow and I can say we were all very glad to see that something was done to develop the Avoca mines.

Mr. Lemass

Is that why you shut them down in 1948?

Shut up, now.

Mr. Lemass

You voted for shutting them down in 1948.

When was the vote to shut them down?

Mr. Lemass

In the Budget of that year.

I have read that Budget; I have all the quotations here.

Deputy O'Leary on the Bill, I hope.

We want to see these mines opened and put into production. I do not care who comes in so long as that is done and so long as the people I represent are employed. That is what is wanted. We hear the cry from the other side about emigration and unemployment. Are Deputy Lemass and Deputy McQuillan helping to solve these problems by opposing this Bill? What these people do is to talk about emigration one day and oppose a measure to fight it the next. I wonder if the ex-Taoiseach agrees with Deputy Lemass; I wonder if they were in power now would they take the same opportunity to get the Canadians to develop these mines? For 20 years Deputy Lemass sat on this side of the House as Minister and he did not look for the Canadians or the Americans to come over here and undertake this type of development.

There is no doubt that one must have experienced men to start work of this kind. Every factory set up in this country had foreigners at the beginning—the leather factories and the sugar factories. I am surprised at the ex-Minister talking like that, after all his years of experience in this House. When something is done for the betterment of County Wicklow or any other county, shouts of abuse are hurled by Deputies on the opposite side to try to prevent people from coming in here to help develop the country and its resources. They are trying to kill this thing in the same way as they tried to kill the sugar factory. I remember the time when Deputy Lemass, as Minister, allowed a foreign combine to come into the City of Limerick. He gave that combine a licence to open up a flour mill and he shut down an Irish mill in order to do it.

Mr. Lemass

Do not hamper Deputy McGilligan.

Many people in the flour-milling industry were unemployed at that time and Deputy Lemass allowed the British combine to control those mills at Limerick.

Mr. Lemass

What about Deputy McGilligan?

Rank was always a better pal of yours in every way than of mine.

I went on a deputation to Lord Edward Street in those days on behalf of the ordinary flour-milling workers. I was one of them myself. We went to Deputy Lemass, then Minister, to ask him to withdraw that licence. The only thing he did was to give us an opportunity in the City of Waterford to work two shifts while he gave the licence to Ranks to close down the inland mills.

Mr. Lemass

We opened the inland mills. There is the man who shut them down.

You shut them down and the few men in Limerick City who were unemployed at the time got a small pension to satisfy them.

The Deputy is far from the subject matter of the debate.

Deputy Lemass went a long way round, too, and I think I am entitled to do exactly the same as he did.

The Deputy should not follow bad examples that were set.

The ex-Minister for Industry and Commerce should not have set it. With his experience, he should know better than to do so. I am glad that something is being done for County Wicklow. I am sure Deputy Brennan would not oppose a measure that would be beneficial to the workers and the business people there by having a full development of their mines. I am sure Deputy Brennan will not vote against this Bill, if a vote is taken on it.

I am surprised at the attitude of the Opposition towards this Bill. When the Opposition were in power their policy was to encourage industry, to bring in foreign capital to finance it and, on many occasions, foreign firms to run these concerns—sometimes, perhaps, not with the happiest results. Nevertheless, it was a policy carried out by successive Irish Governments and, in the main, it has contributed largely to the industrial and commercial development of this country.

When we come to the question of developing mines in County Wicklow the position is that the present Government has permitted a Canadian company to come here and engage in this undertaking. I think it is very wrong of the Opposition to question the possible profits, and so forth, which may be made by that company. We all hope that that concern will be worked profitably because, if it is worked profitably, it will be to the benefit of this country as well as of the concessionaire company.

We cannot have our cake and eat it. We cannot have mineral development in this country without putting down the capital ourselves or else inviting somebody to come in and do so. We must do one of two things. We must spend the money ourselves or permit somebody else to come in and run the risk as well as take the profit, because, no matter what anybody may say about mining, there is always an element of risk connected with it. We in this country have not got any firm capable of carrying out large-scale mining development. If there is such a firm I should be very glad to hear of it: I am not aware of any such firm. As a Government, we would have to get some of our civil servants or call in outside experts to set up a company and run it, without having either the technical or mining know-how to do it. Therefore, I think all sensible people in this country will welcome this development. This is on the lines of bringing in outside capital to help this country to develop its natural resources. At the same time, we must allow those people to have the profits to which their skill and their energy and their knowledge entitle them.

I am surprised that in this building —above all, in Ireland—there should be people who would stand up and speak against a project which is endeavouring to carry out what is the life-long dream of many people, namely, the development of the natural mineral resources of this country.

I must say I think it is a scandalous statement by Deputy Dockrell that anybody on this side of the House has spoken against the development of minerals in Avoca or elsewhere.

Mr. Dockrell

It is against this project, is it not?

——against the project of developing minerals. The Deputy and his pal, Deputy O'Leary from Wexford, were on the same note. We are not to be allowed to discuss here a proposition which has business, financial and social consequences for this country because Deputy Dockrell says that if we question it or ask questions we are against mineral development. Deputy O'Leary says that if we question it we are against the employment of 500 men. If there is a proposal to employ 500 men in the development of the deposits at Avoca we are entitled to ask if the means by which it is proposed to develop them are the best for the country and for the people who may be employed in them.

Let us take this thing calmly. The situation is that the labourers whom the Minister for Finance proposes to hire—as Deputy Dockrell calls them— stand to gain about £1,750,000 a year, at the present rate of profits from copper, even if the price does not go up with the increase in the electrical industry, the atomic industry, and so on, in the next few years. Five hundred persons will be employed and the company stand to gain £1,250,000 per annum. Five hundred persons at £5 per week comes to one-eighth of a million pounds. If they receive £10 per week they would cost £250,000. Therefore, for every £5 that the company get in profit they will give a few shillings to the workers down in Wicklow and a few pence to the Minister for Finance. Surely we are entitled to examine a proposition of that kind?

Foreigners are not always as good at developing Irish industries of a risky nature as Irish controlled organisations, State or private. The Shannon Scheme would have been left undeveloped for a long time if it had depended on the Americans who explored the Shannon basin and took all the levels as far back as 1912. They were there for years in Shannon taking levels in the whole basin and the Shannon flow area—and nothing happened.

The first World War intervened.

The Dáil Committee of 1919 recommended that work should go ahead. I think that the Report of the Dáil Commission of Inquiry into our water and other resources at that time would have gone unheeded as far as foreign capital was concerned. It took State enterprise to do the work. Again, take sugar. Fine Gael had the same idea about sugar as they have to-day about the development of copper in Wicklow.

White elephants?

They employed a Czech firm and gave them all the profits on machinery. The result was that in 1931-1932 the acreage under sugar beet in this country was down to 2,500. It was not only a white elephant; it was a rotten elephant which we had to buy out, re-establish and develop. It was down and out. It had 2,500 acres of sugar beet per year going into it. They tried to keep control in the hands of foreigners and to get their profits out of the machinery. They had no idea of development, and Fianna Fáil had to come in and buy out the private interests which Fine Gael had installed down at Carlow and then develop the sugar industry in a real fashion.

Debate adjourned.
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