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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 22 Mar 1956

Vol. 155 No. 8

Council of Europe. - Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Bill, 1956—Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time. The object of the Bill is to extend the duration of the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Act, 1946, as amended by the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Act, 1953, for a further period of three years commencing on the 1st April, 1956.

The 1953 Act provided for the making by county councils of the following allowances by way of abatement of rates to occupiers of agricultural holdings in rural areas:—

(a) a primary allowance of three-fifths of the general rate in the £ on the land valuation up to £20;

(b) an employment allowance of £17 for each adult workman at work on the holding during the whole of the preceding calendar year, subject to the limitation that the total of the employment allowance shall not exceed the general rate in the £ on the valuation over £20.

The effect of this Bill will be to continue these allowances for the next three years. Legislation dealing with the relief of rates on agricultural land dates back for almost 60 years. The agricultural grant was first given under the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898. The grant has been given each year ever since, but the basis of its distribution and the amount of the grant were altered on a number of occasions. Prior to 1946 the amount of the grant was always a sum fixed by each successive Act. Under the 1946 Act it was provided that the grant would be the sum needed to give relief on the following basis:—

(1) A primary allowance at the rate of three-fifths of the general rate in the £ on the land valuation up to £20.

(2) A supplementary allowance of one-fifth of the general rate in the £ on the land valuation over £20.

(3) An employment allowance calculated at the rate of 10/- in the £ on the land valuation over £20, subject to the limitation that the allowance should not exceed £6 10s. Od. for each adult workman at work on the holding during the whole of the preceding calendar year.

The agricultural grant was continued on this basis until the passing of the 1953 Act, which applied to the years 1953-54, 1954-55 and 1955-56. That Act increased the employment allowance, abolished the supplementary allowance and established the method of distribution which is being continued by this Bill.

The amount of the agricultural grant increased from £4,938,555 in the year 1953-54 to £5,178,454 in the year 1954-55 and to £5,265,430 in the year 1955-56. The amount of the grant for the coming year is estimated at £5,600,000. The total payable in 1955-56 was divided as follows:—

Primary allowance

£3,880,378

Employment allowance

£1,369,920

Amount paid to certain county borough corporations and urban district councils

£15,132

The employment allowance may be claimed only in respect of a man at work during the whole of the calendar year preceding the relevant financial year. The 1953 Act which applied to the financial years 1953-54, 1954-55 and 1955-56 did not become law until 23rd December, 1953. Hence the Act could not have affected the number of employees until, at the earliest, the calendar year 1954 and claims in respect of those employees did not arise until 1955-56. The numbers in respect of whom employment allowances were claimed in the period covered by the 1953 Act were:—

1953-54

92,504

1954-55

92,969

1955-56

90,826

It cannot be claimed, therefore, that the allowances under the 1953 Act have had the effect of increasing continuous wholetime employment. Generally, however, available statistics in regard to employment seem to indicate that the decline in agricultural employment has been arrested. It is too soon yet to form any definite conclusions as to the long-term effect of the 1953 Act on agricultural employment.

The combined allowances afford a substantial relief of the gross rates assessed on agricultural land. In the year 1955-56 the gross levy on agricultural land in county health districts was £11,404,000. The amount of the agricultural grant applicable to this levy was £5,250,000. The grant therefore afforded farmers relief to the extent of 46 per cent. of the rate levy on agricultural land.

As I have said already the object of the Bill is to continue to 31st March, 1959, the system embodied in the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Act, 1953. No new principle is involved.

I am amazed at the Minister introducing this Bill. The Minister now proposes to continue for the next three years, which would be his full lifetime as Minister for Local Government and the full lifetime of his Party if they remain in office for that period, a Bill which he condemned root and branch when it was introduced. I expected from the Minister something better. I expected that he would take some steps to remedy the defects which he pointed out to his predecessor in office, Deputy Smith. Instead, the Minister appears to be getting lazy. I cannot describe his action in any other words having regard to the fact that he comes in here on the last day of the session with a Bill like this. Speaking in this House on the 15th December, 1953, at column 2282, Volume 143 of the Official Report, the Minister pointed out:—

"This Bill will not benefit in any way the small farmer who goes in for mixed farming. The Minister knows as well as I do that the small farmer of £20 or £30 poor law valuation who crops, say, ten or 15 acres of his land, must employ five or six hands during the spring and again during the harvest. I submit that the aggregate number of days, if they were totted up, of all his employees during these periods of spring and harvest would total more than 365 days of one labourer's employment on the farm. No provision is made in this Bill for the mixed farmer: he will derive no benefit under sub-section (1) (a) of Section 1 of this Bill. I recommend to the Minister, in calculating the qualifying period under the 1946 Act, to consider seriously the matter of taking into account the aggregate number of days worked by the employees of a particular farmer. If the Minister does that, he will give considerable benefit to small farmers in West Donegal and South Donegal who will derive no benefit whatsoever from the Bill as it is at present framed."

That is the Minister's own statement in this House on the Bill which he is now asking us to pass — not for one but for three years. He went further and made an appeal for the ladies, for in column 2280 of the same Volume he said:—

"I am reliably informed that, during the recent war, 50 per cent. of the land workers of Britain were of the female sex. Unfortunately, a considerable number of those lady workers on the lands of Britain were Irish citizens. While in Britain they became adapted to employment as farm labourers. Some of them have returned to this country. Some of them have acquired farms here and some of them are employed as farm labourers here—driving tractors, driving threshing machines and, as Deputy Dillon said, in charge of piggeries. I think that the farmer who employs such female workers is entitled to some relief. In all the legislation introduced in this country, there has never been discrimination, so far as I know, between male and female citizens. Here, however, we are definitely discriminating in favour of the male."

I am amazed at the Minister. He goes on:—

"I think the Minister should seriously consider amending this situation. Very little amendment of this Bill would be required in the Committee Stage to place female employees on a par with male employees, in so far as farming is concerned."

The Minister then called attention to certain defects in this Act which I expected that he, as a good Deputy, anxious to serve his constituents, would remedy the moment he got the opportunity himself but, having got this heaven-sent opportunity, he comes along with Deputy Smith's Bill and slaps it down saying it is all right. That is my first complaint in connection with the Minister himself on this Bill but there is worse than that.

The Minister for Finance, when speaking on this Bill in this House, said in column 1937, Volume 143 of the Official Debates of the 10th December, 1953:—

"I am going to show, in relation to this Bill, that it is not the Bill which the Minister alleged it was when he was bringing it in. The primary purpose of his Bill is to save the Exchequer at the expense of the local rates that are going to be paid on agricultural land. In that purpose, the Minister is merely following on the line that has already been set by his colleague, the Minister for Finance. It has, unfortunately, been the purpose in many things lately to shift the burden from central taxation to the local rates. This Bill is going to continue that shift because, regardless of whether the figures for the present year which I have given are correct or not — I have said they have been obtained from the secretaries to the county councils—or whether the figures which the Minister has refused to disclose are correct, the fact is that every increase in rates in any county will mean, under this Bill, that there will be a reduction in the agricultural grant which would have been given if the legislation up to the 31st March last had been renewed."

That is the statement from the present Minister for Finance, Deputy Sweetman, speaking in this House. He continues:—

"Unfortunately, the rates have been increasing. It is unfortunate that that tendency is there. All of us agree that the trend in regard to rates seems to be towards an increase. The effect of this Bill will mean that, every time there is an increase in the rates, what the farmer-ratepayers will get by way of relief under this Bill will be less than what they would have got under the legislation that was in force prior to the 1st April, last. That is, of course, because the supplemental allowance was worked on a sliding scale in relation to rates, whereas now the employment allowance will be on a fixed basis and not on a sliding scale, having regard to the amount of the rates. If the rates were to go down, it would mean that the local authorities would gain, but I am afraid few of us see much prospect of a reduction in the rates. The likelihood is that the rates will tend to increase as they have been doing."

That is the statement made by the present Minister for Finance, Deputy Sweetman, on the 10th December, 1953, during the debate on the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Bill, 1953. That represents his reading of the position obtaining from 1953 up to the present. One would expect some improvement when we would come to a matter of that description.

I shall quote now from what the present Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon, had to say on the 15th December, 1953, on that same Bill. He had a lot of nice things to say about it. At column 2274 of the Official Report, Volume 143, he is reported as follows:—

"The set-up prior to this brilliant brainwave of the present Minister was your first £20 of valuation was, in substance, relieved of rates in so far as agricultural land was concerned. In respect of the next £5 I think it was, you were relieved of the agricultural rate so far as agricultural land is concerned to the extent of two-thirds."

"I do not know how the supplementary grant was distributed, but in addition to the derating of the first £20 of valuation, over and above the supplementary grant which gave you a further relief after the first £20, you were entitled to a relief of £6 10s. 0d. in respect of every agricultural worker whom you employed for the full 12 months of the rateable year. Everybody got the benefit of the supplementary grant but the employer of labour got the employment allowance.

"It is now proposed to remove the supplementary grant altogether and to substitute therefor £17 in respect of each agricultural worker, and the case made is that this Bill will encourage farmers to employ more men. In the present state of the rural labour market for agricultural labourers, every farmer who employs a man must pay him £5 a week if he wants to get £17 per annum, which means approximately 7/- per week. What farmer is going to employ a man for 52 weeks of the year for £5 a week in order to earn 7/- per week for himself? Will this device induce any farmer to employ another man? Unless Dáil Éireann solemnly comes to the conclusion that the farmers are all daft, we are not going to legislate to induce a farmer to employ a man he does not want at £5 a week by offering him 7/- a week."

That statement was made by the present Minister for Agriculture on the 1953 Act which is now to be extended for a further three years. Deputy Dillon, as he was then, continued:—

"If we want to subsidise family labour, will anyone tell me, if a farmer has five daughters instead of five sons, why is he fined 35/- a week because Providence did not send him five sons? Here is Deputy Mrs. Rice now and let her take the field. Surely she has something to say for the farmer who has five daughters and whose daughters are helping about the farm.

"Mr. Beegan: Would you like to have the daughters working on the land?

"Mr. Dillon: Let us not get sentimental about the daughters. I do not want to see any daughter working on the land, driving a plough or sitting on a tractor, although some of them might not be averse to that."

The present Minister for Agriculture— Deputy Dillon as he was then—continued and is reported at column 2277 as follows:—

"The only amendment in this Bill which differentiates it from any previous Bill is that the supplementary agricultural grant is withdrawn and in lieu there is £17 provided for each agricultural worker. The net result of this Bill is to collect about £100,000 from the land of Ireland more than was collected heretofore, for the benefit of the Exchequer."

I have read for the House the opinions held in 1953 by the present Minister for Finance, by the present Minister for Local Government and by the present Minister for Agriculture in connection with the Bill which is now to be extended for a further three years. Is there any shame at all in the Ministers of this House? Surely the Minister for Local Government is blushing?

The Deputy is mistaking the colour.

The Minister for Local Government pointed out reliefs. I wonder what the unfortunate smallholders of County Donegal, whom he is so proud to represent here, will think of him now. Surely he also is interested in the daughters. Surely the Minister for Agriculture, who is so anxious about all those lovely young ladies who were ploughing with tractors, and so forth, in the fields and working on the farms, would be sufficiently interested not to put them in the position in which he says they are now — that a man would be fined 35/- a week because Providence sent him five daughters instead of five sons. I thought I would see some reference to these things. That is why I put down a question a month ago to remind the Minister that this Bill was due. I did so, thinking he would then read up some of the things he said about it when it was being introduced into this House and that he would bring in the remedies.

Were you not satisfied with your own Minister's Bill?

I think I have Deputy Deering here too. I am glad he reminded me.

I think you will have a job.

I hope the Deputy does not intend to read out all the speeches.

I intend to read out the speech of any Deputy over there who interrupts me. I will remind him of what he said about Deputy Smith's Bill, when he was Minister for Local Government. Deputy Deering is reported at column 2280 of the Official Report of the 15th December, 1953. He said he only wanted to make one point. Here are his words:

"It concerns the position when two or more brothers jointly own a farm. I think the Minister should consider bringing in an amendment that would ease such a situation. Cases of that nature, both in Kildare and Wicklow, have been brought to my notice. I could have tabled a question about this matter but I hope that the Minister will take notice of it now."

I hope he will.

I hope he will, too. However, the Minister himself was one of the biggest offenders in this matter. The present Minister for Local Government has the responsibility of bringing this Bill to this House. We all know that rates have gone up since 1953. We all know rates have flown up since then. In Cork, we are faced with an increase of something like 7/- in the £ this year. If, as stated in 1953 by the present Minister for Local Government, Deputy O'Donnell, by the present Minister for Finance, Deputy Sweetman, and by the present Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon, these were the effects that that Bill would have, where is their sympathy now for the farmers? They are doing either of two things. They are deliberately continuing the burden on the farmers and robbing them to the extent not of £100,000 a year — Deputy Dillon said they were being robbed by that amount in 1953 — but by close on £1,000,000 a year, or else they did not know what they were talking about when they were speaking in 1953. Was Deputy Sweetman correct in his statement on this Bill previously or was he not? Deputy Sweetman is the financial genius of the Party and his statement was that the effect of the Bill would be that every time there was an increase in the rates what the farmer-ratepayers would get by way of relief under this Bill would be less than they would have got under the legislation which was in force previously.

I would suggest to the Minister that, in view of that statement by the Minister for Finance, it would be far more in his line to go back to the Bill that was there previously. If this guardian of agriculture — the Lord between us and harm — the Minister for Agriculture, was correct in his statement, will he now agree to this Bill being passed, having suggested that Deputy Smith should resign before he would pass such a Bill? Speaking at column 2279, Volume 143, of the Official Debates of 15th December, 1953, the present Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon, said:—

"But I do say this. The public life of Ireland is degraded, and those of us who are proud to participate in it are humiliated... to see such conduct. I like to think that, hereafter, public men who attain to the high honour of membership of an Irish Government will have that sense of personal dignity which would require them to resign rather than to be made... a doormat for their colleagues to wipe their boots on."

In view of the opinions that have been expressed here by the present Minister for Finance and the present Minister for Agriculture, is the Minister for Local Government now being used as a doormat for his colleagues to wipe their boots on, in the words of Deputy Dillon, the Minister for Agriculture?

I would expect from Ministers who are elected to the honourable position of a Ministry in an Irish Government that, before they would introduce any measures into this House, they would at least go to the trouble of studying the measures they introduce and not come in here asking for a Bill to be continued for three further years on which those opinions were expressed, not by back benchers but by the present Minister for Finance, the present Minister for Agriculture and by the Minister for Local Government himself.

So much for the Bill as it stands at the moment. I hope to give the Minister an opportunity of trotting around that lobby and voting on amendments to every single section in that Bill if he does not bring them in himself. I would like to point out some of the defects we have found in this measure. One of them is that the Act as at present framed provides that a man must be employed for the full 12 months. We were told that that would receive a generous interpretation from the county managers throughout the country.

Who told you that?

The late Minister for Local Government when he was introducing it.

I know. I wanted to have that made clear.

I make everything as clear as I can.

I did not think you were as easily codded as that.

I am giving facts as I find them. We have 280 threats of prosecutions in Cork County under the present legislation. There is not one of the 46 of us in the county council who has not gone on pilgrimages to the county manager and the legal adviser on this, and the legal adviser said: "There is the law." What we find is that a man is hired for 12 months, but for one reason or another in the middle of the year that man happens to leave. You do not replace a good agricultural labourer now in a day or even a week. It takes a little time. But under the Act as it stands if you replace that agricultural labourer even after a week you lose the £17 immediately. I would expect that the Minister, in view of the fact that he had full knowledge of this, judging by his own statements, would remedy that condition of affairs. There is not a rural Deputy listening to me who does not know that that defect is in the Bill.

There is a very simple remedy for it.

A very simple remedy. The Minister for Local Government himself pointed it out in 1953. He knew the remedy but he forgot all about it in 1956.

Can we hear the remedy?

Deputy Deering did not bring in the brothers yet whose case he was looking after.

Will the Deputy tell us the remedy?

We will leave it at that. I have a kind of sympathy for the Deputy there in the corner. I want that defect to be remedied. If this Bill has all those defects that were set out by the Minister for Finance, the Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for Local Government, the Minister should remedy them. God knows the old farmer has suffered enough and has got enough persecution in the past 12 months, with prices going down and rates going up, and in view of the fact that the present genius in charge of our finances has solemnly pointed to us here that we get no benefit, that every time the rates go up we lose and the Exchequer gains on this kind of dodge, as he said, that was brought in by Deputy Smith when Minister for Local Government.

Can we have it cured now? I do not want to labour this matter. There are other rural Deputies who are just as interested in this matter as I am and I shall not sit here coolly and see this condition of affairs prevail. When you meet a farmer and he tells you that you are a Deputy and asks you what you were doing while they were doing this, he expects an answer. He expects that you will not sit dumb and idle, as the Minister for Local Government has sat, while this Bill was being considered and brought before the House. The Minister walks in flagrantly and throws the Bill on the Table, a Bill that he criticised tooth and nail, a Bill that his Minister for Finance and Minister for Agriculture criticised. He walks in and throws it on the Table and says, "That is for three years more. Swallow it." The Minister has treated this House with very grave disrespect, in view of the opinions expressed here by the Cabinet of the present day, by the manner in which this Bill has been brought in to-day.

Deputy Corry has given us a unique speech this morning, unique for Deputy Corry. Everything which he approved of, voted for and spoke strongly in favour of in this Bill which was introduced in 1953 he now has spoken more strongly against. Deputy Corry wants to pretend now that it was because the poor innocent man did not understand — just imagine Deputy Corry in the guise of innocence, particularly when it comes to a question of getting relief of rates — when the Bill was introduced in 1953 by his own Minister for Local Government that he voted in favour of it. He did not understand. Poor Deputy Corry did not understand that a man had to work the full 12 months before the farmer became entitled to the relief! In case the Deputy was not able to read the Bill and understand it — which, of course, he is fully competent to do— it was pointed out to him by some of the eloquent speakers whom he has quoted that that was the position, but still Deputy Corry went on to inflict what he calls a great burden on the farmers of this country and through his vote, to use his own words, robbed them to that extent for the last three years. The Deputy is playing one of his old tricks, trying to cover up his own responsibility and his own misdeeds in this respect by attacking others. I really got on my feet to deal with one point.

On a point of explanation——

If Deputy Morrissey gives way.

I should like to point out to the Deputy that there was no division either on the Second Reading or the Committee Stage of that Bill. Despite all the nice things that were said about it by the people over there, there was no division at all and nobody voted either way.

So, I will not say the Deputy's ignorance, because I know him too well to attribute ignorance to him, but the Deputy's innocence of what is contained in the Bill misled him so that he did not even threaten to do what he is now threatening to do, to put down an amendment. The Deputy did not realise during the whole of the debate, during all the speeches that were made, that a man would have to be employed continuously for 12 months before the farmer could qualify for the relief. I do not know about anyone else on that side of the House or on this side of the House, but when it comes to a piece of astute, shrewd, political work or propaganda, I do not underestimate Deputy Corry's capacity.

I thought you had some interest in the farmer.

Why do not you do it?

I am not going to let you away with it and have it both ways.

Do not talk about having it both ways.

If Deputy Cunningham wants to speak he can speak after me and is quite well able to do it. Deputy Corry and I have been sparring at each other across this House before ever we heard the Deputy's glorious Donegal accent. I have some respect for him. The Deputy said we have to face our responsibility because, when we go back, we meet the farmer and the farmer is entitled to an answer. He is entitled to a straight answer and a truthful answer. The Deputy says that we cannot say that we sat silent and mute. Just imagine Deputy Corry being mute, particularly if there is a chance to say anything that will be reproduced in the Cork Examiner for farmers. However, that is not the point.

I should like to be enlightened on this because, frankly, I do not understand it. Unlike other people here, I am not a financial genius but I am told by Deputy Corry that this Bill is imposing a burden on the farmers of this country, that it will rob them of something which, by implication, he alleges they were receiving under the Fianna Fáil Government, in so far as I have followed it.

I want to point out——

Deputy Morrissey is in possession, unless he gives way.

I want to point out to Deputy Morrissey that I am being misquoted. The statements I read in this House are the statements made by Deputy Sweetman, the present Minister for Finance; Deputy Dillon, the present Minister for Agriculture and the present Minister for Local Government himself, Deputy O'Donnell. It is their statements that I read in this House. It was they who made those statements and I am asking why they are backing the Bill now.

The trouble would not arise if the Deputy had confined himself to the quotations which were, at least, intelligent and intelligible and had refrained from making comments. The Deputy did say — this was not a quotation — the Deputy did say from himself that the farmer was being deprived of something, that this was imposing a burden on him, that the farmers would again be robbed. The Deputy did say that and it will be in the Official Report. That is not a quotation. I do not mind whether the Deputy's quotations from the people whom he quoted are right or wrong. I am not concerned about that. What I am concerned about is this, Sir: This gross sum — and I am not against it but I want the thing put clearly and intelligently — this gross sum of over £5,500,000 is being put up by every taxpayer in this country, including every farmer and farm labourer and working man, and the fact of the matter is that, unless I misunderstood the figures read out here this morning by the Minister, from now on there is being provided between £500,000 and £600,000 more for the agricultural grant than was provided and paid two or three years ago.

So the Minister for Finance did not know what he was talking about when he made the statement.

The trouble with Fianna Fáil — the older they are the worse they are — is that they are the best in the world while handing it out and pouring it out and pouring out misrepresentation, but when somebody gets up to reply they cannot take it, whether he is on the front bench, the second bench or the back bench. The Deputy is not going to put me off the point, and I say — and I hope if I am wrong the Minister will correct me on this — that we have the statement, made here by the Minister this morning in introducing the Second Reading of this Bill, that this year there will be between £500,000 and £600,000 more for the relief of rates for the farmers than there was under Fianna Fáil in their last Government after the 1953 Bill. How you can impose a burden, much less how you can rob people by giving them £500,000 more——

Where is it coming from?

It is coming from every taxpayer in the country including the farmers.

I thought it was coming from the farmers.

The Deputy ought not to try to be slick. Either the Deputy was not listening or he did not understand—I believe he did understand. I said it twice already and I repeat it for the benefit of the Deputy. That is one of the reasons why I want to get this clear, that the £500,000 or £600,000 has to be found by every taxpayer in the country including the farmers, farm workers and every other worker.

You do not mean every ratepayer?

If the Deputy wants to split hairs — does the Deputy suggest that nobody but the farmer pays rates?

That is the point I was trying to make.

If the Deputy would confine himself to things he understands, or if the Deputy would listen, he might some day see the light. That sort of cheap little interjection is not going to do me any harm and it certainly will not do the Deputy any good.

It was not meant to do you any harm.

Order! Deputy Morrissey on the Bill.

The Deputy knows quite well that I am on a sore point from the point of view of the people on the opposite benches but he is not going to get me away from the point that there will be £600,000 more by way of relief than was given by the Deputy's Party when they were on this side of the House. I am not claiming any particular credit for the Government or the Parties on this side of the House for that; I am just stating the fact and that is the fact. But what I want somebody over there to tell me is how you can rob somebody by giving them £600,000 more this year——

So that the statements made by the Minister for Finance, the Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for Local Government were just so much talking through their hat——

Deputy Corry has already spoken on this Bill.

That was exactly the description the Deputy applied to those speeches in 1953.

I told the truth.

Exactly; and now you say they were right.

I want to know——

And you are challenging this Bill because we do not do in the Bill what you said before should not be done.

I am asking which of the two of them was right.

Deputy Morrissey on the Bill.

They always interrupt when you are getting under their skin. You always know when you are getting home.

I think I do whenever you——

These interruptions might cease. Deputy Corry has already spoken at length on this Bill.

Could the Deputy tell us if he agreed in 1953, as he now agrees, with what the Minister for Local Government, the present Minister for Finance and the present Minister for Agriculture said, and if so, why he did not support them in 1953? The Deputy opposed these suggestions in 1953 and he wants now done the things he opposed strongly in 1953. He says if they are not done he is going to put down amendments himself to carry into effect the opinions to which they gave expression in 1953. That is the Deputy's case. The Deputy has made a complete somersault and not for the first time.

He is in good company.

He is pretty near you all right; he is not very far away from you.

He has three Ministers to back him up.

Deputy Corry would be a much more useful citizen if he was more consistently and constantly in the company of these three Ministers. There is nobody more conscious of that than Deputy Corry himself, because I can say, and I know him for a very long time, he is no fool when it comes to getting the best out of any and every situation that may arise.

I think you would be better than he.

We are discussing the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief)) Bill.

I want to hear this wisdom. What did the Deputy say?

You did not do too badly yourself in trying to be on the winning side at all times. You did the best you could.

That has nothing to do with this Bill.

What is wrong with that?

What is wrong with what?

We cannot have these discussions across the House; Deputy Morrissey on the Bill.

I do not mind talking to Deputy Corry because I know that whether he admits it or not he understands me. Sometimes he agrees with me but he does not always admit it. At least he understands it. The Deputy is now, as I say, going to put down amendments to do what he denounced when it was suggested as being proper to do in 1933.

I know that Deputy Morrissey is also a pretty old hand at this sort of thing——

Is this a point of order? The Deputy may not stand up on every and any occasion to make another speech.

I am standing up to point out that I did not say what Deputy Morrissey says I did. I said I was going to give the Minister for Local Government an opportunity of accepting amendments from me if he did not put them in himself to remedy the situation which I pointed out previously in connection with the full year's working. Now does Deputy Morrissey understand?

Very well; carry on from that.

I was both listening and seeing. There is a certain gentleman over there and, if he has anything to say, I hope he will have the courage to say it himself instead of prompting somebody else.

If Deputy Morrissey is alluding to me, I do not need anyone to give a hint to me and if I have anything to say I will say it. I said it in North Tipperary and it did not suit Deputy Morrissey too well.

This has nothing to do with the Bill.

The people of North Tipperary have given me my answer for 34 years.

They found you out the last time. They stripped you from the top to third place in the last election.

A Deputy

You were a long way from the top.

The Deputy's only fear is that in the next election when there will be only one Fianna Fáil T.D. and it will not be himself but his colleague.

Of course you will not stand the next time?

Deputy Morrissey on the Bill. The Tipperary election cannot be discussed on this Bill; it will arise on some other occasion.

It is surprising that the less some people know about a matter under discussion the more anxious they are to talk about it.

Hear, hear!

A sarcastic "hear, hear".

I could not help it.

The Deputy says he will not put down the amendment because he thinks it should be put down on its merits. He will not put down the amendment because he wants to rectify a fault in the Bill introduced by his colleague, but he wants to put down an amendment merely for the sake, as he says, of putting three Ministers of the present Government in the cart. The amendment is not being put down on its merits. He will not put it down to improve the Bill. He just wants to embarrass three Ministers.

It serves two purposes.

If the Deputy reads the amendment when it comes out he will understand——

I am not talking about the merits of the amendment but of the Deputy's merits in putting it down. He has now told us he is not putting it down on the merits or to rectify the Bill but because he wants to try to put three Ministers in an embarrassing position.

The Deputy can be making his little speech and attributing certain things, but he will not change the written words of this document I have here in front of me. He cannot, unfortunately for himself.

I know Deputy Corry's system on innumerable occasions and on innumerable Bills, and very often much to the disgust of his colleagues, particularly to his immediate colleagues in Cork. Very often he has spent a day or two making speeches denouncing Bills introduced by Fianna Fáil, then getting them reported in the Cork papers and coming back here and going into the Lobby to vote for the Bills he has denounced.

We seem to be discussing Deputy Corry.

I remember the Deputy doing that here on the flogging Bill. Do not draw thunder now.

This Deputy here spoke in favour of the measure and voted in favour of the measure and was expelled——

What has this got to do with the Bill?

Ask Deputy Corry what his question has to do with it.

There is no occasion to answer the question.

I do not know how interruptions are measured in this House.

The Deputy has been inviting interruptions during the past 20 minutes, and the Chair has done its utmost to keep interruptions out.

The Chair has the right to comment on the relevancy of what I am saying but the Chair has no right to comment on the merits of what I am saying. The Chair is no judge and is not expected to be a judge of the merits of what I am saying. It is a statement——

A lecture for the Chair.

I have far too much respect for the man in the Chair to lecture him or to reflect on him but I do say that if Deputy Corry or any other Deputy interrupts me I am entitled to reply to him. Deputy Smith is the one man himself who would insist on it. I now come back to the simple question from which Deputy Corry and everybody else seem to be driving me away. How are we increasing the burden of a section of the community or robbing them if you give them £600,000 more? I cannot see it, although there may be a perfectly simple answer or explanation to it. I do not know. I am looking for enlightenment because unlike people on the other side of the House, I do not pretend to know everything about everything. That is the simple question. I shall be interested of course to see Deputy Corry's amendment. It will be interesting to hear the speech he will make in support of the amendment which he has put down only for the purpose of discomfiting three Ministers.

I have only a couple of comments to make on what has been said so far. One is that I would be much more moved by Deputy Corry's speech if I did not know perfectly well, as everybody else does, that if the two sides of the House were reversed we would get the very same Bill. Deputy Morrissey asked for some comment on how it could be that an imposition is being made on people when they are getting an extra £600,000. It is quite simple. If I understand Deputy Corry's argument, if the former method of calculation had been continued, the relief would have been a great deal more, but as far as the extra £600,000 in itself is concerned it is undoubtedly welcome.

It must, however, be remembered that it arises because of the increase in the rates and the agricultural grant pays part of the rates, so that the £600,000, welcome as it is as a relief, is really a measure of a very much bigger sum now imposed over last year by way of rates. However, my first concern on this measure is that it is going to last for another three years and there are one or two points I should like to put to the Minister. I understand the Bill is required to go through fairly quickly for the convenience of local authorities and there may not be time to amend the Bill. But an amending Bill can always be brought in later.

The Minister has referred to the improved allowance and to its effect on employment. It was designed to increase whole-time employment of male workers. The Minister has given the figures of employment in two or three years and they show that it did not encourage an increase in employment. To say that it held a decline is just wishful thinking. The figures are not very encouraging. I think it is a fair argument to say that £17 is not an encouragement to keep an extra man for a whole year. My view on that, instead of a fixed sum of £17 per male employee, a sliding scale would, at the same expense to the State, have provided much better encouragement. I do not think it is possible from a practical viewpoint to believe that a farm which employs one male worker will be encouraged by any sum given by the State, which would be reasonable at all from the State viewpoint, to increase from one to two employees, but it might be possible to encourage the larger farmers who employ three or four men to increase to five. But the £17 will not do it. If a sliding scale were adopted instead of a flat £17 it might have better results. The former figure was £13 per male worker.

£6 10s., in fact.

And there was a proposal to double that £6 10s. If, instead of moving this £13 to £17, a sliding scale had been adopted by which the first worker would mean a relief of £13 the next £15, the next £17, the next £19, and the next £21 and so on, there would have been, I think, real encouragement given to employ a fourth, a fifth or a sixth worker. That would seem to me to hold out a reasonable hope of extra employment being given. I do not see that any encouragement is really being given sufficient to induce a man to keep two workers where he has been keeping one.

Whether what I suggest can be done now, I am not sure. It certainly cannot be done by an amendment put down by a private Deputy because the calculation as to the changing of the scale of employment allowances without affecting the total sum granted by the State would be too difficult. It would inevitably mean that the amount for the first worker would have to be reduced and I do not think that would be very popular. Such an amendment would have to be brought in by the Minister and I suggest that he should consider the matter to see if, later on, he cannot do something in the direction I have indicated, something which will give a real impetus to the employment of extra workers.

With regard to the point made by Deputy Corry that some very small interval interferes with the possibility of getting the £17, there is a very simple remedy. If a week has elapsed it is quite a simple matter to pay the new worker that extra week and date his employment as from the date the other worker left. It means admittedly paying a week's wages, but there is no element of compulsion in it. If I care to pay a man who sits in the City of Dublin and let him sit there he is still legally my employee.

If he were in receipt of some form of benefit during that time how would you fare?

I take it that could be refunded.

But would it not make the man liable to prosecution?

I should not think so.

Despite the fact that he drew wages at the same time as he was drawing benefit of one kind or another?

Deputy Smith, of course, brought in a Bill similar to this and he has studied the subject much more closely than I have. It is a pity he did not think of that difficulty then.

Maybe I did.

That is another aspect. At any rate, I think one can take it it is the accepted practice. Whether someone is by reason of that practice technically breaking the law I do not really know. But it is a very simple solution. Admittedly there is the difficulty that the gap between one employee leaving and the finding of another employee can extend to the point where it is not worth while claiming £17; in other words, it goes beyond three or four weeks. A hardship can occur, but I do not think one can legislate by arguing from the particular to the general. Because of the small number of cases involved, I do not think one could do that.

On the question of providing for broken employment, there is the obvious difficulty that that defeats the purpose of the employment allowance. The purpose of the allowance, as I understand it, is to secure wholetime employment and, though I admit the difficulty and admit the hardship and admit that it would be very nice as an employer of farm workers to get some allowance for those who have to be employed on broken time, that is a different consideration altogether. While I am not saying I would not like to see it, it has nothing to do with the employment allowance provided, the purpose of which admittedly is to increase continuous employment.

Another point I would like to make —I will admit it is not a very easy one to argue — is in relation to male relatives where the age limits are the same as for male employees, namely, 17 to 70. The case has been made to me that considerable hardship can be caused where a farmer has a couple of sons who have left school but who have not yet reached the age of 17. He is in a disadvantageous position as compared with a neighbour whose sons happen to be over 17. I can see the difficulty that the State does not want to encourage people to take their sons from school before they absolutely must. But there is a difficulty there, and it has been demonstrated to me in several cases, where boys who might have stayed at home have gone to England to other employment to earn money because the farm was not a rich one. The allowance of £17 would have made all the difference in providing them with some pocket money but, because they had not reached the age of 17, that allowance could not be got. That is one of those things in which at first sight the remedy would appear to be obvious, but I can see that there are all sorts of contingent dangers which might easily arise. It might be argued that such a provision was tantamount to offering people £17 a year to take their sons away from school. I think that might be got over. It is a very complicated question, however, and it would need a good deal of consideration.

The only other point I want to raise at the moment is in regard to the grouping of holdings. How far does that grouping take place in all cases? If a farmer happens to have two or three farms, all the separate holdings are brought together for the purposes of the Act, and quite properly so. I understand the same applies to State bodies and semi-State bodies which own land in a rating district. But I am not so sure that it applies to the Land Commission. Where the Land Commission acquires land inside a local authority's rating area I am not quite sure whether, in fact, all the land owned by the Land Commission in that rating area is lumped together or whether they get relief under several primary allowances. I think the Minister should look into that because I do not see any reason at all why the State should give the Land Commission the benefit of several primary allowances within the one county. There may be administrative difficulty. I may not even be correct in saying that that is the case, but I have reason to believe that that is so and I think it should be looked into. I do not see any reason at all why several primary allowances should be given to the Land Commission in respect of land they happen to have in their possession within the one county.

This relief of rates has been established now for some considerable time and I think, in general, the main trouble about it is that the allowance is always behind the present value of money and the present level of expenditure. Generous as it may seem when one looks at it as a sum of £5,500,000, its relationship to the burden of rates on agricultural land becomes successively less each year. I think that is about the only reason I have for objecting to a measure making provision for three years. I do not think the Minister can give us an assurance that rates will not increase during those three years so that, whatever relationship the relief may have this year to the rates in the present year, I am afraid we must be quite satisfied that by the end of the three years farmers will be getting less relief on a percentage basis.

I am not interested in what the Minister for Local Government, or any other Minister, said so many years ago. I am interested in the operational defects which have shown up in this Bill. I think one of the major defects has arisen on this operative clause "whole year". In my end of the constituency, and in the greater part of the constituency of North Cork, there is no such thing as a 12-months' working period. You will not get any man to work on a contract for 12 months. It is something which employers are up against in that area. Every year the employees leave the farmers' employment on the 20th or 24th December and do not return until the 16th or 20th January. I do not say that all the farmers in that area have deprived themselves of the abatement on account of that system because after a while they got wise and when the application forms were sent out one had to put in the dates of employment, from and to, and if anyone did so he failed to qualify. The farmers discovered that if they put in those dates they would deprive themselves of the abatement and they did not put them in.

That anomaly does exist; any farmer in the area who puts down the working dates deprives himself of the abatement. I think that that in itself makes a case for some few weeks, say a period of four weeks, respite in the operative period to qualify. The period to qualify for the abatement should be 48 weeks and should be regarded as employment in continuity in view of the peculiar system which exists in part of Cork County.

There is also another defect which has shown up in the operation of this Bill in certain areas where valuations are high. In some parts of Cork County, you have a valuation of 30/- an acre and the Bill disqualifies the employer who employs a man who is the owner of land with a rateable valuation which exceeds £5. In parts of Cork County, four acres would have a valuation of £6 and nobody could argue that the holder of such a holding is a farmer in the strict sense. He is no better than a cottier but, should he be employed the whole year round, the farmer who employs him might not know what the valuation of that man's holding is. Then when it is discovered that the man has a holding with a rateable valuation in excess of the £5, the employer gets no abatement.

I think these are defects which should be examined and I think the Minister should, before introducing this Bill in a permanent way, try to get over the operational defects which have shown up since the Bill was first introduced.

First of all let us examine the pattern of these reliefs on agricultural land. Under the 1946 Act there were three types of relief granted to farmers. There was a relief granted to those with a valuation up to £20, there was the employment relief and the relief of one-third. That was the pattern, the political pattern, of relief on agricultural lands as introduced by the Fianna Fáil Government in 1946. When the first inter-Party Government came into power in 1948, they extended the period of the Act and it was extended again in 1949, 1950 and 1951. When Fianna Fáil returned to power, they changed the law and introduced the Bill of 1953 which later became an Act. I stand by everything I said against that Bill when it was originally introduced in the House but I have respect for the legislation of this House and I have great respect for my predecessor in office and I think that the Bill which he introduced and, which became an Act, should at least get a fair trial. That applies particularly to the effect of the Bill and the claims in respect of employees which have now arisen in 1955-56, the first year in which the effect will be felt by the employers.

I think the Bill has not been long enough in operation to enable us to amend it. We must give it a fair trial first and that is what I am asking the House to do. That was exactly what Deputy Smith, as Minister for Local Government, had asked the House to do. We should give the Bill a fair chance and then if it does not work we can see how we can amend it.

Reduce the period to one year.

I think that is one of the things the Deputy asked me to refrain from doing. We should leave the Bill in operation for a period of three years and then if it is necessary we can amend it. That is the pattern of legislation as I see it.

A number of points were made by various Deputies all of which in my opinion deserve careful consideration before permanent legislation is introduced and I hope that whatever Minister is in office at the time will give careful consideration to all the matters which have been raised when the time comes for the introduction of permanent legislation. Some points were mentioned by Deputy Corry which deserve replies. For instance, the Deputy said that if the rates go up the farmer gets no extra relief in valuation. The Deputy knows that is not so. On the first £20 of his land valuation the farmer gets relief to the extent of three-fifths of the rate in the £. That means relief as related to the amount of the rates. We must remember a very important fact—that there are 399,431 of the total of the 492,490 holdings in the country which are less than £20 valuation.

They pay no rates.

That is a matter for the Deputy and the House to draw their conclusions.

Is it a fact?

It is not a fact.

It is time Dublin got some relief like that.

I would point out to the Minister that the statement was not my own. I was merely giving a quotation from what Mr. Sweetman, Minister for Finance, said in this House in column 1938. It was not my statement but the statement of the Minister for Finance.

I am merely pointing out that of the total of 492,490 holdings in the country, 399,431 have a valuation of less than £20.

The Minister for Finance did not say that.

I am referring to the position to-day.

That particular figure applies to individual holdings. They are not in the ownership of that number of people.

I would agree with the Deputy on that. That would be correct. I should say that in regard to employment, the object of the Bill is not to get farmers to employ more workers but to ensure that the farmers keep their employees in full-time employment.

Does it work?

It will stabilise the position, if I might put it that way. This is the first year in which we will really be able to procure any statistics on the subject. We only hope that it will work. The main purpose of this is to encourage farmers to keep their employees in whole-time employment. Deputy Moher pointed out that in Cork they only kept them for 11 months.

They will not stay.

But the farmers claimed in respect of employment for 12 months. It is a very simple matter of economics. If you have a man employed for 11 months, and he does not stay for the 12th month he is not entitled to unemployment insurance or unemployment benefit. There is a month in which he has nothing whatever. Surely it is bad economics that any savings he may have effected during the 11 months must all be spent by him in the 12th month.

It is the Christmas period, and there is a practice growing up there.

It is time that this matter were investigated in Cork. Every one of those farmers who is claiming this unemployment relief is doing so against the law and ought to be prosecuted. I do not think they should be treated in any more beneficial manner than the rest of the country.

Hear, hear!

They cannot receive relief to which they are not entitled, and I am glad that Deputy Moher did bring this matter to the notice of the public and of the State, that the farmers of Cork are committing these breaches of the Act. I sincerely hope that what he has said will be noted by the authorities.

What I have said about the encouragement of whole-time employment also applies to the point made by Deputy Sheldon. It is not so much to encourage farmers to take on more employment than it is to encourage them to keep in permanent employment the employees they have got. Some Deputy referred also to the question of joint ownership. I think it was Deputy Deering, by way of interjection, who referred to the fact that, where you have joint ownership, each should be entitled to the employment benefit. The position is this. It is not the registered owner who is entitled to the benefit; it is the beneficial owner. If you have a dormant partner, in my opinion, you are entitled to claim the benefit on his behalf, if he works on the farm and providing he has not got a beneficial interest in the place.

In connection with the points made by Deputy Moher and Deputy Sheldon concerning the owners of combines, who lend or hire them out to their neighbours, I think that anybody who hires out his machinery to his neighbour is a public benefactor. In this case, it was the bad harvest of one-and a-half years ago that was in question. The date of the abatement was given as between the middle of September and the end of September. With the very bad weather of that year, there could be only half that number of days. In respect of a boy employed by him, an owner was deprived of the grant for helping his neighbours.

Was he in the employment of the owner?

His father was deprived of the grant.

Was the boy being paid when working for the neighbours?

A tied up sack went through the combine and caused £90 damage.

I have no intention of going into the merits of the Bill. All I ask you to do is to give Deputy Smith's Act a try out and, when we come to introduce permanent legislation, let us amend any difficulties we may find between now and then.

Can the Minister tell us — I understand he read it out — if the cost to the State would be £600,000 more this year than last year?

I will give the Deputy the figures.

I have a further question to ask. If the supplementary allowance had not been dropped, as it was in the Act to which the Minister has referred, how would the present State contribution compare with the past?

I am afraid I would have to look into that. At any rate, the figures for which the Deputy asked me concerning the amount of the agricultural grant are as follows. The amount of the Agricultural Grant increased from £4,938,555 in the year 1953-54 to £5,178,454 in the year 1954-55, and to £5,265,430 in the year 1955-56. The amount of the grant for the coming year is estimated at £5,600,000.

Perhaps the Minister, between now and the next stage, would get that figure, because it is only by getting that figure we will see whether or not the farmer is getting an increase as against what he would have got if he had the Supplementary Grant.

I am informed that in the one year for which we have figures, there is a difference of £100,000.

In favour of the State?

Therefore, as a result of the Act which we are now proposing to have re-enacted the State is being saved £100,000?

In the one year for which we have figures.

Question put and agreed to.

Acting-Chairman

When is it proposed to take the Committee Stage?

I would ask for the Committee Stage now.

We do not agree.

The Bill expires on the 1st April. I do not think it would affect the situation very much.

I do not think so. There is one amendment that I would like to see here, and that is a reduction in the qualifying age for farmers' sons, say, from 17 to 16.

We are following the pattern of unemployment assistance in that.

I should like to hear that matter discussed. I have not referred to the previous discussion on this, but I think that, since the cards of a boy of 16 have to be stamped, 16 should be the qualifying age and not 17.

Seventeen is the qualifying age.

I know 17 is the qualifying age but I think it should be 16.

I think it is 17 under the Unemployment Assistance Act. I took it that was the pattern being set.

We shall have an amendment on that matter.

Committee Stage fixed for 10th April.

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