I shall not dwell upon it. It must be possible for the municipal hospitals and the voluntary hospitals, side by side, to give the same standard of treatment to the sick.
The subvention of £20,000 for the Voluntary Health Insurance Scheme is an item of importance in this Estimate. I wonder if the Minister would reconsider this question of the Voluntary Health Insurance Board and the decision to go ahead with this scheme. I feel sure the Minister who proposed this idea was bona fide in his anxiety to try to provide a suitable health service for a particular group—the middle income group, I think he had in mind— and that this Voluntary Health Insurance Scheme was proposed to aid that group.
To me, it seems that if we go ahead, we are just introducing another complication into an already very complex and complicated situation in the country in relation to health services. A voluntary health insurance scheme seems to be damned from the start by the fact that it is impossible to operate satisfactorily, that it must envisage the setting up and the development of administrative machinery which is already there, either in the voluntary side of the health services or in the local authority health services.
There are a number of anomalies and disabilities which must arise and which will render the scheme devoid of any real value in meeting the needs of the middle income group. These will mean, too, that proper health services will not be readily available to the people in this group, when they fall ill. I have discussed this with experts on insurance and I cannot see how one can devise an overall comprehensive scheme, actuarially sound, on an insurance basis, without the assistance of a vast expenditure from central funds.
The only alternative to that is to provide for a very limited scheme. If the scheme is to run on insurance contributions exclusively, it must necessarily be a very limited one. On the other hand, if we decide that there must be a subsidy in order to provide the best possible scheme, giving full cover in respect of all forms of sickness, medical preparations, medical appliances, equipment and so forth, then we shall have to provide a vast subsidy in order to keep the contributions at a reasonable level. If we so decide, I have no great quarrel with that proposition, though I would prefer a scheme such as that laid down in the 1947 Act.
If, on the other hand, the decision is to provide a limited scheme with limited cover for a limited group, as is envisaged under the Voluntary Health Insurance Scheme, it seems unfair that any taxation should be asked from those who may not be permitted to benefit under the scheme. Chronic sick persons will not be covered by this scheme; the old will not be covered because they are regarded as a bad risk. I do not see why they should be asked to pay taxation in order to subsidise a service of which they cannot avail. Unless the scheme is available to all sections in the middle income group, irrespective of age, medical history or any of the other disabilities I have mentioned, it is unfair to ask these people to pay taxation to subsidise a scheme of which they will not be permitted to avail.
There is then a point in relation to contributions. If a person has to pay a certain number of contributions—16, 17 or 18 contributions— and he has not paid them and falls ill, what kind of service will you give him? Will you give him any kind of service? You obviously cannot let such people into the scheme because, if you do, they will not pay their contributions any more. If they can get the scheme without paying contributions, then they will not pay contributions. What scheme then will you give such people? What kind of service will you provide for them? Will you provide a less satisfactory service, because they have not paid their contributions? Will you provide a less efficient service? Assume you have an improvident man with a family who does not keep up his contributions and takes no interest in the scheme at all, will you victimise his children by subjecting them to a lower standard of health service when they fall ill because of their parent's disinterest? Surely that is in principle unsound ethically.
I have gone into this question of a comprehensive insurance scheme. I have here a commercial insurance scheme which is presumably run as efficiently as private enterprise can run such schemes. Presumably, it offers both the optimum and the maximum benefits it is possible to offer under this type of scheme. There is a note saying that this insurance scheme does not render assistance in respect of (a) maternity treatment; (b) congenital mental deficiency, senility or illnesses in respect of which claims have been paid; (c) dental diagnosis, treatment and dentures; (d) examination of the eyes by an ophthalmic surgeon; (e) any injury or illness caused by or arising out of an accident; (f) any illness, disability or injury self-inflicted or arising out of war, invasion, etc.; (g) cost of medicines and drugs separately charged in private wards, or ordered for private out-patients, or surgical appliances and spectacles; (h) medical cases normally treated by the patient's own doctor, including vaccination, inoculation, and other treatment undertaken as a preventive measure. It would have been easier if they had put in a list of the things they do cover.
It is quite clear that there is a vast sphere of medical treatment and care which cannot and will not be covered by any insurance this Voluntary Health Insurance Board can provide. There are all the other disadvantages to which I have referred—the bad risks, the person in the bad health category, the aged. They cannot cover those people and it would be unfair to ask them to provide cover if the scheme is to be run on an actuarial basis and not as a scheme catering for the overall needs of the individual. But has not the person with the bad medical record a perfect right to any treatment or care he or she may need when he or she falls ill? Who needs such a scheme more? Who needs protection more? The aged will be excluded. Surely the old person is in greatest need of medical care and attention.
I would ask the Minister, when considering the desirability of going ahead with this type of scheme, to bear in mind the fact that he must either ask us to provide such subsidy as to make it an overall scheme in return for contributions within the capacity of the individual to pay or, alternatively, let the board run the scheme without the help of any subvention from the central authority at all. I think that would be the fairest solution of the problem, but I cannot for the life of me see why it is necessary to confuse the already fairly confused health service situation by introducing this voluntary health insurance.
It is not as if we were pioneers in health legislation; we have plenty of examples of how to do this properly at home and abroad, to justify our carrying on with a scheme which we know does work well such as our T.B. or Fever Hospital Scheme or the Maternity Scheme on the free, no means test principle, in a simple uncomplicated way without all the frustrating anomalies to which the blue ticket is subject, and to which the Voluntary Health Scheme will also be subject, if put into operation.
Could I also ask the Minister to consider again the problem of those people admired by him, I think, and by Deputy O'Higgins—the thrifty type of individual, the conscientious parent or father in the middle income group who, through the years, has paid contributions to a group scheme for himself and his family and who, I understand, will no longer be able to contribute to such a scheme. I do not know whether the new idea or proposals will have retrospective effect in the coming year. Will anybody insured at present be forced to give up any insurance scheme in which he is engaged, or will it merely concern those who intend to insure in the years ahead? If the Minister would clarify the position in regard to that point, I should be glad of it. My own feeling is that if there are people who have been far-sighted and enterprising enough to engage in such schemes, their enterprise should be rewarded by allowing them to carry on in a scheme which is as good as, or possibly better than, anything proposed by the new board.
May I recommend one small point to the Minister in relation to a matter raised by Deputy O'Higgins in regard to medical education? Of course it would be a terribly serious thing if what Deputy O'Higgins referred to—and it is possible; I suppose he would know more about it than I do because of his position in recent years—were so, that our medical practitioners were to be excluded in the years ahead from the British hospitals and health services. I understand that there are serious suggestions on those lines. I hope it will be possible for the medical schools to make the necessary alterations in order to comply with the provisions which the British Medical Association has apparently laid down and I hope the Minister will find it possible to help them to do this.
While it is true that we produce far too many doctors in this country, it is, at the same time, very important from the point of view of the young men themselves and also from the point of view of the standard of our medicine generally, that there should be free interchange of medical practitioners as between here and Great Britain and that there should be no curtailment in any way. I wonder would the Minister consider a proposal I once put forward and which did not materialise or mature, in relation to St. Kevin's Hospital. Is there any likelihood that there could be any direct association established between St. Kevin's and the city medical schools? Is there any possibility that a university college hospital could be established, in association between the professors of the universities and St. Kevin's?
St. Kevin's has now become, as I said, a magnificent municipal hospital and a vast amount of clinical knowledge is available there. I think both sides would gain from any amalgamation of interests, if that could be devised. I found it too difficult to do; I found the difficulties insuperable. But the Minister may be able to overcome the difficulties. I think it would be of advantage to St. Kevin's and of great advantage to the medical schools themselves. It would enhance the status of the hospital and provide increased opportunities for students to see more and more of the medical conditions which are to be found in St. Kevin's and would be of great benefit to them as part of their training. I wonder would the Minister consider that idea? He may consider it too thorny a problem, but I think it is something very desirable.
I want to make only one further point in conclusion. The Minister is not responsible for these Estimates, but he will be forming his policy in the years ahead, and I should like him to consider an argument of Deputy O'Higgins which I thought was a good one in regard to the attempt to give a free choice of doctor to all sick people. Deputy O'Higgins is quite right—that is a very important element in creating an equitable and efficient health service from the patients' point of view.
There seems to be some confusion in people's minds on this question of the persistence of people like myself in asking for uniformity of treatment in relation to health services generally. I assume that the Minister for Health was perfectly honest in his contention recently when he said, on the Health and Mental Treatment Bill, 1957, that he did not think a statement of mine was true to the effect that people who do not pay in dispensaries or hospitals are not treated as well as they would be, if they were in a position to pay. It is quite possible for somebody to hold that view, but it is a very undesirable view for a Health Minister to hold, in the light of the tremendous influence which he has in shaping the pattern of our health services.
He must bear with those of us who still hold that there is only one way to achieve equal opportunity and an equal standard of health service all round and that is to organise them as they are organised in our own T.B. services and fever hospital services and as they are organised in Great Britain under the National Health Service so that a person who falls sick has the right to go to a doctor of his own choice and get treatment, with whatever medicine is required until he is well again and that he pays—it is worth emphasising that he pays—in-directly through taxation. I emphasise the point that he pays, that everybody pays, because it is suggested that one of the undesirable aspects of this so-called free health service is that people do not like others to get something for nothing.
I have never understood why this has related only to health services. It does not appear to relate to children's allowances, to housing grants, fertiliser or lime grants, land rehabilitation grants or to free primary schooling. They are all permissible, but why is there a ban on carrying out exactly the same principle in relation to our health services?
Of course, everybody pays for these things to the extent of which he is capable in the form of taxation. Everybody contributes to the Central Fund and that is disbursed by the Minister to pay for health services provided in different ways. I do not think it is a valid contention that people get something for nothing and that their attitude in this respect is undesirable. If it is undesirable in health why is it not undesirable in all the other aspects of our life in which we observe exactly the same principle?
Equally, I have never heard any medical argument put forward against the free no means test principle in the provision of health services. If there are any such arguments, I should like to hear them. Indeed all the arguments are on the other side. All the arguments were made last night by the Minister when he read out the statistics in relation to the tuberculosis scheme in which it has been fairly demonstrated that it is possible to use this free no means test principle and provide a highly efficient health service. There are no medical arguments against it. We have seen the British health service in operation. The patients are satisfied with it. The doctors, while they have occasional financial objections—and I think it would be agreed that it is the right of any professional union to question the amount of money its members are paid —have no other objections to the principle of running a scheme on this basis.
The principle is accepted in the case of our mother and infant scheme, our tuberculosis and fever schemes. It seems to me there can be no other valid arguments. Many obscure and curious arguments have been put forward in the last five, six, seven or eight years, but it seems to me they are blown sky high by the very fact that this principle exists already throughout our legislation in the provision by the State for the community in relation to all aspects of our life and, in particular, to our health services.
There are no medical arguments against it. There are no professional or medical ethical arguments against it. There are no statistical arguments against it. There are no what you might call behind-closed-doors arguments that could stand any examination, as far as I can see, against it. Why then is it that where it is a question of saving lives, preventing preventable pain and avoiding the hardship that illness brings to any family, we do not use the method readiest to our hand as shown to us in the different schemes which we have operating already?
It has been suggested that there is no difference between the two types of scheme, the scheme where the person pays and the scheme where the person does not pay. If that is a true argument then there can be no justification for my persistent attitude over the years. There can be little justification, possibly, for the tremendous expense of introducing the British National Health Service. But I contend it is not a valid argument and it is not in accordance with the facts. To support that point of view, I should like to give a couple of quotations which show that there is an important and significant difference between the standard of care and treatment given to different people, a higher standard to those who pay, and a less high standard of service to those who do not pay.
There is an article here by Fr. Coyne in the March, 1953, issue of Studies, the Irish Quarterly Review, in which he deals in great detail with the 1952 Health Bill. I hope I am not in any way misinterpreting what he says. I would not wish to do that in the slightest. This is merely a statement which he conscientiously holds and seems to believe. He is perfectly welcome to hold that point of view and I am not quarrelling with it at all in that regard. I am merely quoting the attitude of one intelligent, highly-educated individual who has considered this matter in very great detail and who says this at page 7 of this publication:—
"Will the type of hospital or nursing home service for mothers be uniform all through where the service is free? There is a type of service that women of this middle income group and still more those in higher income groups, desire and have been accustomed to."
He talks about private rooms, special nurses, a different type of cooking and general amenities:—
"Presumably these will not be supplied free to mothers in the middle income group."
I think he is quite right. I believe there is a quite different standard of service available to those who pay. I am not attempting to controvert that in any way but I do say that it helps to show that at least one person who has given a lot of thought to this matter does share my point of view that there are different standards for those who pay and those who do not.
Again, it is only one aspect of the problem, but I would refer the Minister to his own statement about the means test in relation to the middle income group person. I do not know what word he used—"inquisition", or some such word. However, the general impression given by the Minister was that he recognised that means test medicine had an undesirable content, that it did bring some degree of humiliation or degradation on the person who availed of it. It seems to me that that is a reasonable interpretation of his suggestion that a means test is something which an ordinary person who could avoid it would not undergo.
There is another witness in this regard, a particularly valuable witness and a particularly competent witness, a man of very great and wide experience in this question of health services, particularly in relation to the city, that is, the former Senator Professor Dr. Cunningham who, in the debate in the Seanad on the Health Bill, 1952, as reported at column 1074, Volume 42 of the Official Report, said:—
"The whole theme in this Bill has been a levelling down of services. What is being offered to everybody is the out-patient department of the hospitals and the public wards of the hospitals; in other words, the type of service which is given to poor people..."
Again, he is quite right—the service that is given to poor people—and he was objecting to what he called the levelling down of the service for the middle income group to the level which he saw all round him. He is a man of considerable experience and wide knowledge. I know him to be right. I agree with him. He knew well the service that was being provided in the out-patients' departments, in the dispensaries and in the public wards of our hospitals.
Dr. Cunningham was in no way anxious, I have no doubt, to help my case. At the same time, that was a frank admission of the fact which seems to me to leave little doubt, if there is any real doubt in view of the evidence of our own eyes, that there is a considerable disparity between the standard of care given to the poor and to those who can afford to pay.
The simplest test is this: if you really believe that there is no difference between the non-paying and the paying patient, will those who hold that view tell me that when they next fall ill—I hope that will be very long delayed— they will go to a dispensary and queue in the dispensary or the out-patients' department, or will they find their way into the public ward of a public hospital in the ordinary way, or will they go to a nursing home or get a private bed in a private ward or semi-private ward, or go to the doctor's consulting rooms? Which do they intend to do and why do they intend to do it?
It is about time that we ended this double thinking in this country in relation to our people. I cannot see any difference at all between one man and another when he gets sick. If he is sick, he should get the best possible care that medical science can provide. There should be no discrimination between the wealthy and the not so wealthy and the poor. The community has a responsibility to provide from its resources to ensure that this equally high standard of care shall be made available to all. We know that this standard is not being made available to all at present. I have shown that it is not made available to all and it cannot be made available equally to all of our people until we get to the stage of accepting the principles of the 1947 Health Act, which have not been bettered since and I think you would have to go a long way to better those principles, that is, the free, no means test principle of treatment and care in our general practitioner service, in our hospital services and in the whole gamut of services for sick people in the community as a whole.
I would be happier if Deputies were honest about this question, if we could get rid of the many red herrings that have been introduced over the years by the profession, by the politicians and by other sections of our society, in order to deprive our people of what is their just right. I believe also that the medical profession would gain from proper rationalisation of our health services. I believe, indeed, that the majority of general practitioners would be delighted to be in a comparable position with their fellow practitioners in Great Britain, where they would have some sort of assured income, where they would be in a position to engage in group practice, if they wanted to, which would give them an opportunity to take holidays, to go on study leave, to fall sick without feeling that their practice was disappearing.
There is no trade union which would tolerate the conditions of work which an unfortunate general practitioner has to endure, the 24 hours a day, seven days a week, 365 days in the year, which the majority have to put in because of the absurd medical system which is in operation in this country at the moment. There are tired overworked doctors, with no security of tenure, who have to face difficulties when they fall ill and lack peace of mind, if they go on holidays. The patient loses and the doctor loses by our present health scheme.
Any objections to that proposition, of course, come from a very limited, small, extremely wealthy group of specialists who, in the ordinary way of democratic centralisation which they operate, control what is a so-called democratic organisation. I would prefer that Deputies who oppose equal opportunity in our health services should say that they oppose it for the simple reason that they will not pay, that they do not want to pay, that if they can prevent illness, disease, pain and sickness, they will not do it, if it costs them too much or if they have to pay for it. Let them be open and honest. Let us have an end to the humbug of these digressional arguments that are introduced in order to try to pretend that we are not like the rest of men, that we are more Christian than our neighbours who have provided what I believe is the ideal in Christian medical services. I would prefer if the plain blunt argument were put to me: "We think we can reduce the death rate; we think we can reduce the disease rate; but we will not do it because we will not ask the people to pay the taxes or the rates which we feel it would mean."
I would say this for the people that if one were to go to them now and say: "We can take away the free services— and they are costing you a lot—and we can give you back the money that you are paying in taxes and rates for those services," I do not think that they would thank you for that. I hope I do not misjudge our people; I should be sorry to think I was doing so. I think they are proud of the fact that they have provided these excellent health services; I think they are proud of the fact they made it possible for the Minister—and it is their money made it possible for the Minister—to come in here and claim the magnificent figures which he claimed last night. This is a tribute to the generosity of the people. I feel they are just as generous as the people of the Six Counties and of Great Britain, and if asked to make sacrifices in the name of the sick people, the people in pain and suffering, the people who may die from preventable disease, I feel they would do it gladly, and I would be very surprised indeed if they would not.
I hope the Minister will bear in mind some of the points I have made or will try to recall the great ideals which it was clear he and those of his colleagues in Fianna Fáil must have had in 1947 when they introduced the magnificent health charter of 1947, the Health Act. It was greatly needed and it has done wonderful work, but its major work has been due to the fact that it has made it possible for the medical profession generally and the nursing profession generally to seek out, to find and to treat without any difficulty the diseases which had affected our people, particularly tuberculosis and the fevers of one kind or another.