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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 28 Jun 1961

Vol. 190 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Vote 44—Industry and Commerce (Resumed)

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £1,841,000 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1962, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, including certain Services administered by that Office, and for payments of sundry Grants-in-Aid.

When this debate was adjourned nearly two weeks ago, I had been referring to the question of the import duty on man-made fibre contained in clothing exported from this country to Great Britain and I was joined with other Deputies, Deputy Norton in particular, who asked the Minister when replying to this debate to give some indication of the progress that had been made in the talks which had been going on between representatives of his Department and the British Board of Trade for almost three years. That duty bears very heavily on the clothing manufacturers in this country who are endeavouring to build up an export trade in Great Britain. I am particularly interested because Limerick City is a very large centre for the manufacture of clothing. We have three large clothing factories in Limerick which between them give employment to about 800 or 900 workers. Any easement in this imposition on man-made fibres would certainly lead to a great expansion in the manufacture of clothing and exports to Great Britain.

I should like also to urge the Minister, if progress has not been made to date, to do everything in his power to try to get this evil levy removed from man-made fibre. It is a fact that even if the content of man-made fibre, which is nylon or artificial silk, amounts to a mere five per cent., duty is charged on the complete value of the garment. I do not know how this duty originated but I imagine it was probably to keep out the importation of Japanese man-made fibre into Britain. If that was the original reason for imposing this levy, I suggest to the Minister that that reason has long passed and with the great necessity of developing the trade between this country and Great Britain, to our mutual advantage, the Minister should have a very strong case with the British authorities for the removal of this levy.

The Minister made reference to the expansion of Irish Steel Holdings, Ltd. He mentioned that some £3 million would eventually be expended in bringing the steel mills there up to the most modern standards. I should like to ask the Minister if, having regard to the developments which are pending in regard to the introduction of a wider free trade area in Europe, in which I feel we must take our place, these plans would require to be altered or amended in any way. While it does seem a substantial sum of money, in the light of the huge capital expenditure which the British steel mills and Continental steel mills are making, £3 million is a comparatively small sum. I wonder if the Minister is satisfied that with the expenditure of £2 million or £3 million we will be in a position to compete with the huge steel mills in England and the Continent under conditions of free trade?

If it were to the advantage of Irish Steel Holdings, I would not hesitate to look for some form of association with one of the large British steel mills or even one of the Continental groups. It is obvious that, in this new wider free trade area, heavy industry such as the manufacture of steel cannot hope to survive unless it is on a very substantial scale and has the requisite capital to support its activities.

I should like to think that the Minister is keeping an open mind on the question of a possible association with a larger group either in Great Britain or on the Continent. I have no doubt that Irish Steel Holdings run their business very efficiently but I do suggest that the conditions which may face them in, possibly, a year or two, may be such that their present set-up may not be able to contend with these developments. I would have no hesitation in suggesting to the Minister that if an offer or suggestion was made to him by any established and large group in the steel industry he should give very careful consideration to it.

I know we all like to believe that our own native steel industry would be able to retain its identity in competition with the whole world but we must have regard to the factors which may face us in these free-trade developments which are very much on the horizon. We are living in an era of amalgamations and take-overs and we must have regard to the realities of the situation, as I am sure the Minister will, if the necessity does arise.

The Minister also made reference to the grass meal project at Bangor Erris. It would appear that, to date anyway, the progress has been very modest indeed. When the Bill to set up the new company was introduced two years ago, I was one of those who opposed this development. I am still of the same mind. We have enough grass-drying projects in the country to cater for the limited home demand and also to cater for a very uncertain export market and the intrusion of a State-sponsored company into a field that has been catered for adequately and efficiently by private enterprise up to now was a wrong step. In saying that, I should like it to be understood that I would be completely in favour of any developments to grow grass on the boglands in the West of Ireland and would certainly support any suggestions of the Minister for funds to continue this experiment. I think it is a very worthwhile one and I am quite sure would give reasonable employment in the course of being carried out.

The Minister also mentioned the steps which he had taken in connection with a Buy Irish Campaign. I would suggest to the Minister that we have passed the stage now for a Buy Irish Campaign, that with the wider free trade area in the offing the Minister might turn his energies to a Sell Irish Campaign. It is now more than ever necessary that this country should expand rapidly its exports of both industrial and agricultural goods.

The Minister has referred to the economic expansion we have witnessed over the past two or three years. Certainly that has been very encouraging and I think everyone in the Dáil, irrespective of political affiliations, will wish the Minister and the Government well in their efforts to expand the gross national product.

In giving these figures, encouraging as they are, over the past few years, I thing it only right that we should compare them with the figures of the other countries comprising the O.E.E.C. group. If we do that, we find a more realistic assessment of the progress we have made. We have made good progress—there is no question about that—but compared with other small European countries, we still have a long way to go, even having regard to the fact that we are starting behind the point they have already reached. I think that would illustrate the necessity of stepping up our own production and our rate of economic expansion to an even greater degree. I suggest, as I did during the Budget debate, that the target of two per cent. per annum visualised in the Government White Paper Economic Expansion is now out of date. We would want to aim at a figure certainly not less than five per cent. and possibly even higher.

I am glad that in his speech, while paying tribute to the part played by outside industrialists in the recent industrial expansion, the Minister also paid tribute to our Irish industrialists for the part they are playing. We sometimes tend to forget that the whole basis of our prosperity—and when I say "prosperity," I mean lasting prosperity—must in the final analysis depend on what we ourselves do with our own resources, both human and financial. That is why I think the Minister should do everything he can to ensure that there is no differentiation in the encouragements, both financial and fiscal, given to outside interests and those which our own people can enjoy.

I know it has been suggested time and again that native industrialists can get the same benefits as outside industrialists coming in to set up a factory here. That is true to a limited extent only. As I mentioned in the course of the Budget debate, any lowering of costs by Irish manufacturers or industrialists, even if they cater for the home market only, is a contribution to bringing down the overall costs of manufacture in this country. I think it should be regarded from that point of view. After all, if a manufacturer of, say, feeding stuffs can bring down the cost of pig feeding, for the sake of argument, by £1 or £2 per ton, he is contributing to sending out Irish bacon at a more economic figure than that at which it could be sent out if he could not bring down the cost by that amount. It would be well if the Minister regarded the overall picture from that point of view.

The Minister spoke at some length about the development which followed from the grants given under the Undeveloped Areas Acts and the Industrial Grant Acts and he compared the results in the two areas. Unfortunately, he did not advert to the fact that the proportion of money given by the State in the case of the undeveloped areas is very substantially greater than that which is given under the Industrial Grants Acts. I am glad to see that the Minister feels that the time has come when a review must be undertaken of the original concept of the undeveloped areas and of the industrial grants scheme. I must plead guilty to being one of those who have pressed upon the Minister over the past three or four years the need to have another look at those two Acts and how they are working out.

The time has passed when we can segregate this country into two areas: undeveloped and presumably partly developed. I personally am of the opinion that, outside Dublin city and to a lesser extent Cork city, this country can be described as underdeveloped. In the question of giving grants or State subventions of any kind, we should have regard to the benefit that will accrue to the country as a whole rather than to any particular locality. The Minister should take his courage in his hands and do away with the line of demarcation between the undeveloped areas and the rest of the country.

In saying that, I do not mean to suggest that the Minister should indiscriminately apply the benefits at present available under the Undeveloped Areas Acts to the whole country. I personally would rather see the grants given to selected regions, to areas or zones— whatever you like to call them—with a sufficiently large population to be viable centres of industralisation. I do not believe in the theory that every small village can carry an industry. It may carry a small cottage-type industry but for an industry to employ 200, 300 or 500 people, it must of necessity be located near a large centre of population, if it is to be a successful and viable industry. It is only the fairly large centres of population that can supply the amenities which the workers quite rightly require.

I should like to ask the Minister to elaborate, when he is replying, on his statement to the effect that it will be his general policy to continue to schedule areas outside the undeveloped areas only where they are "fringe areas contiguous to the undeveloped areas proper." My constituency, for example, is not in the undeveloped areas as at present set out in the Act. I should like to ask if it is the Minister's intention to extend the undeveloped areas to include the county and city of Limerick. It has been suggested, rightly or wrongly, that Limerick is a signpost, as it were, for the undeveloped areas or the Shannon Free Airport development zone. Whatever the reason is, the Minister is only too well aware that there has been a singular absence of industrial development in Limerick over the past four or five years, since these Acts came into operation.

I do not think that can be put down completely to lack of enterprise on the part of the Limerick people. By and large, they are as enterprising as people in any other part of the country. It is very difficult to persuade industrialists who get grants of 100 per cent. for buildings and two-thirds per cent. for machinery, if they go five or six miles from Limerick, to stay in or near the city when they suffer the loss of these substantial benefits. That is another reason the Minister might consider at the earliest possible date a general levelling out of the whole grants system to ensure that populous areas and centres like Limerick city will play their part in our industrial expansion.

I do not know whether I am entitled to refer to Shannon on this Estimate. Strictly speaking, I think the industrial zone there comes under the aegis of the Minister for Transport and Power. I would wish that it came under the jurisdiction of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. It seems to me to be the most logical set-up that administration of one of the centres, where very substantial industrial progress has been made, should be a part of the functions of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. The fact that we cannot discuss this development on the Minister's Estimate is an anachronism. I hope some change will be made to bring this area within the jurisdiction of the Department of Industry and Commerce.

I have always been of the view that a number of the industries set up in the Shannon industrial zone could equally well have been located in or near Limerick city. I think I am correct in saying that several of them bring their raw materials into their factories by sea and not by air and that they export their products by sea and not by air. It seems to me that the logical place to site factories of that type is near a port. In Limerick city you have an ocean-going port with plenty of sites for factories that would cater for the export market. Such a development would have taken place in Limerick over the past three or four years if the benefits applicable to industries set up in Shannon could have been obtained in Limerick.

The Minister also referred to a matter which is of considerable interest to myself, that is, mining development. I should like to congratulate him and his predecessors on the steps taken to encourage the greater exploration and development of mining here. I should like to make a suggestion to the Minister. Some years ago Mianraí Teoranta had the necessary equipment and personnel to carry out exploration programmes themselves. As far as I am aware, they have no funds to do anything of that type now. I would suggest to the Minister that if he reconstituted Mianraí Teoranta as an active exploration concern, it would not be necessary to wait for outsiders to come in, explore our State resources and find out generally, at substantial benefit to themselves, what lies under the surface of our country.

It is a pity Mianraí Teoranta could not have continued the work they carried out so efficiently at Avoca. It would be very valuable information to the Minister's Department to know that in certain areas of the country there were deposits of various minerals proved, or even substantially proved. If we could have been in that happy position, we ourselves would have been able to enjoy the rewards which, of necessity, must go to outsiders because we do not know enough about the mineral wealth of our country.

I am sorry the Minister has thought fit to reduce the already small sums he was contributing to a joint advertising campaign in the United States for Irish whiskey. From my information any hope of selling Irish whiskey in the United States would cost a vast amount of money in advertising. It is as well to be realistic about the position. We must decide now, or very soon, whether in fact it is worth the effort. Even a sum of £80,000 or £100,000 means nothing in the vast American market. If we are seriously to tackle the question of exporting or marketing Irish whiskey in the United States, I am afraid we must be thinking in terms of ten times that amount at least. Whether it would justify an outlay like that is a matter on which I should not like to make any pronouncement, because I do not know sufficient about the trade. But, from my own very limited experience, I know it is certain that to hope to gain a substantial slice of the market by spending £50,000, £70,000 or even £100,000 on advertising is mere wishful thinking. The fact that the Minister has cut down his contribution to this joint advertising by £10,000 or £20,000 seems to me to indicate a desire to slide out of what has been a rather unsatisfactory investment.

I recall the Minister in his speech added to the exhortations which most of the Ministers have been making to industrialists to make their industries and businesses generally more efficient in the light of the free trade area on the way. I may be wrong but I have the feeling that exhortations made at Chamber of Commerce dinners and other such social gatherings are not likely to have the desired effect. Something more imaginative and stronger is required at Government level to make the Irish people realise the dire straits in which they will find themselves unless a very wide reorganisation of industry takes place.

It is an unfortunate fact, but a true one, that if you create a protective mentality as there has been—whether for better or worse, I should not like to argue—over the past 30 years by an out-and-out protective system, you cannot change that outlook overnight. Not alone would you want an industrial revolution, but you would want a psychological revolution to wake the country to the serious considerations which would face it if we are not in a position to compete with Great Britain and the continental countries. In doing that, we must have regard to the fact that the business people to a large extent have been lulled into a sense of false security by the protective market with which they have been provided over the past 30 years. It is only two or three years ago since I heard the Taoiseach, when Minister for Industry and Commerce, stating here that it was his intention to ensure that the home market would be retained for the Irish manufacturer. He stated that when he was bringing in a Bill two or three years ago to amend to some extent the Control of Manufactures Act.

That feeling, I think, still appertains throughout the country. The Minister, the Taoiseach and other members of the Government would want to be far more active than they have been in bringing home to business people and manufacturers the necessity of reorganising their whole lay-out to face this very competitive period which undoubtedly lies ahead. In order that they will face up to the possible danger, I think the Dáil and the country generally should be given more information as to the effects of membership of the Common Market.

In spite of what the Taoiseach said recently here, the only information Deputies on this side of the House have been able to get is that obtained by the unsatisfactory method of question and answer. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is more vitally concerned in this development than any other Minister and he should suggest to the Taoiseach that we should have a general debate on the whole matter so that there will be the greatest possible publicity rather than continue the present unsatisfactory method of eliciting information on a question and answer basis.

I do not know if the Minister has yet initiated consultations with the various groups of industrialists to ascertain from them how they will stand in this new free trade development. The Federation of Irish Industries has undertaken certain surveys but I think the Minister should take the initiative in bringing the Federation and other groups of industrialists into consultation with the experts in his Department so that they will appreciate fully what the position will be if certain steps are not taken to amalgamate, reorganise, or specialise in their various spheres. The position is much more serious than people realise and only very strong and speedy action by the Minister will bring home the seriousness of the position to industrialists generally.

We all join with the Minister in paying tribute to Bord Fáilte for the success of their tourist drive. It is unfortunate that we have to rely to such a considerable extent on invisible items in order to balance our annual accounts. Something like one-third of our balance of payments is made up of invisible items like tourism and emigrants' remittances. That leaves us in a very vulnerable position and brings home to us how vitally important it is that we should do everything we can to increase the tourist industry. Tourism is the type of industry we can handle efficiently and well. We have a reputation for friendliness. We have a reputation for getting on well with people. As regards English-speaking tourists, there are no difficulties from the point of view of language. There are many reasons why the tourist industry should be expanded. It is a most useful form of export trading. It is far better to bring people in here to eat Irish butter at 4/6d. per lb. than to have them going to Northern Ireland or remaining in Great Britain to eat our butter there at probably half the price.

I should like to see more encouragement given to the ordinary working-class in Britain to come to Ireland for their holidays. A big number do but a good proportion of those are probably our own people coming home for their annual holiday. There is an enormous tourist market potential where Britain is concerned. There is a population of 50,000,000 there and it is only 60 to 80 miles distant from us. I think we lean too heavily in favour of the luxury type of tourist who comes over in the most expensive jet planes and stays in the most luxurious hotels. These people spend very little apart from what they spend in the hotels. The ordinary working-class people would be a better investment from our point of view. The luxury tourist's spending is strictly limited to the hotel in which he stays.

The time is opportune for the Minister to have another look at the Control of Manufactures Act. Four years ago the Taoiseach as Minister for Industry and Commerce introduced an Act to encourage external investment. That was hedged round by many restrictions of one kind or another. I believe we should give free entry to any worth-while industrialist who is prepared to come in here and establish an industry able to compete with industries in other countries. That might have a temporary adverse effect on some of our home industries but, taking the long view, it would be far better to allow these industrialists in, to build modern factories, rather than rely on industries which may not be able to stand up against competition from outside in a few years' time.

The Minister mentioned the apprenticeship scheme. There is a bottleneck appearing at the moment because of the shortage of skilled personnel requisite to keep up the tempo of industrial development. Within the next year or two, we may find ourselves very short of skilled technicians. Already the shortage is becoming acute. It is being dealt with in what I regard as a very unsatisfactory way. Trained personnel are being taken out of existing factories. They are offered better conditions and they are quite right to accept them, but it would be much better if we had a proper pool of skilled personnel competent to take advantage of the industrial expansion, an expansion we hope will continue. Without a permanent skilled working population we cannot continue industrial development. All the grants and concessions the Minister may offer will come to naught if we have not got the trained personnel.

Countries like England and Germany can expand because they have the personnel to handle and operate new industries. I think there is a lack of liaison between the technical and technological schools in this country and the industrial expansion which is taking place. There is a haphazard air. Up to now we have concentrated on providing employment. We have not worried very much about the type of employment. If a factory is erected capable of employing 200, 300 or 400 people, that is a matter for congratulation. We do not examine the position home to find out if we have the type of labour to ensure that this new factory will be a success. I am sorry the Minister did not deal in greater detail with that point. It is a matter of some concern. I have some local experience of it. I am sure the Minister is well aware of the position. There is great need for an expansion in technical and technological education. I trust the Minister will take the initiative to ensure that the gap which exists will be bridged as quickly as possible.

I want to direct the attention of the House to a matter which I believe is fundamental to our survival and on which everybody is now being exhorted politely to turn his back. The cost of living in this country has gone up by 15 points since 1957. That means that £1 of money earned today is approximately the equivalent of 17/9d. or 17/6d. in 1957. If you examine the records you will find that industrial wages, as recorded on page 27 of the Economic Statistics, have substantially kept pace with that increase in the cost of living but the vast population of the country depending for their livelihood on the income of the agricultural industry were actually earning fewer pounds in 1960 than they were in 1957. I refer to page 21 of the Economic Statistics issued prior to the Budget of 1961.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce is not responsible for the volume or value of agricultural output but he is responsible for the cost of living and we are faced today with the fantastic situation that, where every other section of the community has taken prompt measures to recover from their employer, whether that employer be the State, industry or transport, an expansion of their monetary reward to keep at least in step with the increase in the cost of living, 300,000 families in this country have no recourse open to them and they were in fact receiving in 1960 fewer pounds of less value than they were getting in 1957. I am not going to pursue the agricultural aspects of that with the present Minister except in so far as it relates to the cost of living. It means that a farmer who is getting £16 for a pig today is in fact getting the equivalent of £14 in 1957. What he gets for his pig today, although it is expressed as £16, would in fact buy for him only what £14 would buy four short years ago.

If I came into this House and announced that the price of young cattle had fallen by £5 a head on yesterday's market in Dublin there would be an uproar but, in the last four years, a man who brings a beast to the market and sells it for £40 is in fact today getting for that beast £35 in terms of 1957 money. A man who sells a barrel of barley today for £2 has in fact had the price of his barley reduced to 35/-. No Government would have dared to propose that in Dáil Éireann but they have done it by this operation of raising the cost of living against that section of the community that have no remedy in their hands wherewith to meet it.

People may ask what is the result of that. I am beginning to despair of the atmosphere I find in Dublin which seems to be separated today by some queer wall of ignorance from the situation obtaining in rural Ireland and it is urgently necessary that we wake up to what the facts are. This process has been attempted in Denmark and in France and the results in Denmark and France have been that the farmers have embarked on revolution. The farmers in Denmark simply said: "We will not stand it any longer. We will not let our standard of living be smashed down by this operation of raising the cost of living against us without any corresponding compensation". The Government in Denmark have now provided £24½ million of additional subsidies to meet for the agricultural community the increase in the cost of living.

Surely that would be a matter for another Minister?

I want to suggest that it is insane to imagine that this system of smashing down one section of the community by the operation of raising the cost of living can continue. I want to compare what is happening here as a result of this with what is happening abroad. The same thing was done in France and the result is that the whole of France is thrown into a state of wild confusion with the farmers blocking the roads and in fact precipitating a sort of revolution. That is not happening here. Mind you, there was a day when it would happen here. One of the things that rather frighten me about rural Ireland today is that they do not seem to be prepared to fight in their own country for their rights. What they are doing here is they are moving out. I recall the struggle we made to prevent any power on earth driving our people out of their own country but I never thought I would live to see the day when our own Government would do it. I have the horrible feeling that Fianna Fáil have made up their mind that in respect of the small farmers the only thing is to drive them out.

Again, I would point out that responsibility for the small farmers or agricultural policy lies with the Minister for Agriculture.

I am not talking of agricultural policy. I am talking of the cost of living which has nothing to do with agricultural policy. I am not blaming the Minister for the cost of agricultural produce. I am not asking him to intervene at all in that sphere. All I am saying to him is it is quite illusory to imagine that you can force up the cost of living and resolve all the problems you create by doing that by raising industrial wages, civil servants' salaries and the salaries of public employees. What is happening here is that a whole section of the community is proceeding to move out of the country. Two hundred thousand young people have emigrated from this country in the last four years and I attribute the responsibility for that very largely to the Minister for Industry and Commerce and his Department.

We have become accustomed in this country to closing our eyes to disagreeable facts and I do not like publicising facts which are calculated to cause us all deep concern and even horror; yet I must read to the House today a paragraph that appeared in an English paper only last Sunday:

They call it home. There are few windows. There is no gas, no water, no electricity and no furniture. But to three teenage girls, the decaying Victorian house in Latimer-road, Notting Hill, London, is the only place they have to lay their heads.

I shuddered as I walked round it last week. The ground floors were littered with rubble. The upper floor was a scene of desolation.

One room contained a jumble of filthy mattresses alive with vermin. Old coats were scattered haphazardly over them as bedclothes.

Another room, I gathered, served as a lavatory. The stench was overpowering and swarms of flies arose as I walked in.

There was only one sign of civilisation. Glinting in the sun that shone through a glassless window was a tin of talcum powder. There was nothing else.

Not far from the house I found one of its occupants lounging against a wall enjoying the sun. She did not appear to be ashamed of the depths to which she had sunk.

"Sure, we're all from Ireland in that place," she told me. "We've got to sleep somewhere. What's it to do with anyone else what we do with ourselves."

Would the Deputy give the reference please?

That is all true.

The People of Sunday, 25th June, 1961. I do not say that this is a very reputable paper.

It is all true.

I would not recite the contents of that paper if I had not reason for believing that there is foundation for what it says; and we are all turning our backs on that situation. It makes me physically sick to think that we are allowing a situation to develop in this country in which thousands of young people are being driven out of rural Ireland into a kind of life for which they are not prepared, with which they do not know how to grapple and which is fraught with every conceivable peril the mind of man can conceive to destroy them when they are forced into it. I do the Government the charity of believing that they have stumbled into this without realising the iniquity of what they were doing, but I think they are perpetrating one of the greatest crimes that has ever been perpetrated against this country.

The cost of living that I have described for the House is to be found in the Statistical Abstract, 1960, page 310, table 324. The mid-February figure is 135, and the most recent figure published in that series is 150.3. One finds oneself in the dilemma when dealing with this problem that there is dual responsibility. There are two courses open to remedy this appalling situation into which a large number of our young people are drifting. One is to bring down the cost of living. That was our policy. We burned the midnight oil, sweated blood and provided countless millions in our annual Budgets to bring down the cost of living, because we believed that was the only equitable way of protecting our young people from the inevitable consequences of allowing it to go berserk as the present Government decided to do. That policy was abandoned.

The Government came into office in 1957, determined to let the cost of living go haywire, and seek to adjust wages and salaries accordingly, in the hope that some day they will arrive at stability or at the highest plane of depreciated money. If that is to be the policy, then there must be another solution for the problem and, if there is not, then the inevitable consequence is that thousands of boys and girls will be driven out of the country into the conditions which I have here described, because they come very largely from rural parts of Ireland where they do not know the perils that await them and where they are likely to slip into the conditions described in this newspaper.

I mentioned in this House once before—because it shocked me profoundly, and at this time we should face it—that in a recent play broadcast by the Independent Television Authority of Great Britain, the Chairman of which is an Irishman and a Catholic, portrayal was given to the proceedings in a police court and the actress playing the part of an unfortunate woman of the streets was required to answer a question in the course of the proceedings of that court in terms which made it abundantly manifest that she was not only Irish but a Catholic. She invoked the name of our Blessed Lady in order to indicate that she was a Catholic and she indicated in an assumed Irish accent that she was a young Irish girl.

The people responsible for driving our people into the slums of Notting Hill to which I have referred and into similar circumstances in Birmingham, Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester through ignorance or ineptitude have a frightful responsibility to answer for. It is certain that it cannot be allowed to go on. I do not believe we can reverse the skyrocketing of the cost of living that has taken place in the past four years because there have been so many drastic economic adjustments made to meet it. It is very easy to make these adjustments but it is very hard to reverse them. Therefore, we are faced with this new plateau of the high cost of living. Those consequences must be stopped.

You, Sir, may point out that that is not the responsibility of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Well, if it is not the responsibility of the Minister personally, it is the responsibility of the Government of which he is a member.

There is no use in trying to check my figures from the Statistical Abstract because they are correct. Deputy O'Malley could save his shoe leather running up and down to the Library to check them. I have forgotten more about Statistical Abstracts than Deputy O'Malley will ever know. That, Sir, is a reference to the fact that Deputy O'Malley has been dashing in and out of the House like a fiddler's elbow checking on these figures in an attempt to console the Minister who has plenty of professional assistance beside him if he needs it.

There are many other figures in the Statistical Abstract to which I might have to refer.

There is no doubt about that but the Minister has ample staff to sustain him, without wearing out Deputy O'Malley's shoes up and down the stairs.

I did not commission Deputy O'Malley to do anything for me.

He is a co-operative colleague, then. I am concerned that we cannot remedy the situation created by the Government in raising the cost of living, as they have ruthlessly done. With 300,000 families living upon the land who should be spared the anguish of seeing their children jettisoned into the slums of Notting Hill, measures must be taken to make it possible for them to live on their own holdings in the very modest standard of comfort that they did enjoy, prior to the incursion of Fianna Fáil into office in 1957.

I should like to address the attention of the House to another facet of our economic situation. In the first five months of this year—now I suppose poor Deputy O'Malley will start on the trot again—the adverse trade balance has been running at an average of about £8.5 millions. It has increased in the month of May to £10.06 millions. This is £3.7 millions higher than it was last May. If the adverse trade balance should continue at the rate established in the month of May, then, allowing for £70,000,000 as the invisible exports to which Deputy Russell referred, we would have an adverse trade balance at the end of this year of £50,000,000, which would be the highest this country has ever known since the years of Korea when we laid in stocks against any possibility of a collapse of world supplies.

I do not know what the trading picture will be for the rest of the year; but for the first five months it is running at the rate of £8.5 millions and, if the figures for May are repeated for the next 12 months—I think it is £10,000,000—we shall have an adverse balance of payments of £50,000,000 at the end of 12 months. That is the figure and it is one of the inevitable sequelae of coming to depend more and more on exports of Japanese sewing machines and the like, where we have brought in the parts, put them together and sent out the finished articles, as opposed to the produce of industries based on the production of our own soil, such as beer, spirits, butter, bacon and other things which are manufactured substantially from raw materials produced in this country.

There is nothing inherently bad in bringing in raw materials for manufacture here, but it is a disaster if we suffer the fundamental industry of the country to wither away while we are staking our existence on industries of this kind, secondary industries which might vanish from us overnight, leaving us with all the economic problems which would ensue upon their disappearance. Mark you, it is a matter we ought to consider very carefully as to what these industries, some of them, are going to do if Great Britain joins the Common Market.

I know at least of two cases, one a German case, the other a Japanese case, in which projects of substantial dimensions were under contemplation here; but when Mr. Macmillan made his speech four or five weeks ago in the British House of Commons indicating that Britain is now moving towards the Common Market, they paid their solicitor's costs, closed up the proceedings and withdrew from all further activity on the grounds that their only interest in getting established here was access to the British market under trade agreements whereby our industrial output can enter the British market free of customs duty. I do not know how far some of these other factories were established here to have the same amenity.

They wanted the labour pool in Ireland.

If factories were established for the labour pool, they were good factories. If what brought them here was to have access to the labour available here, they are the kind of factories likely to stay here. But I am apprehensive of factories coming here, not primarily to have access to labour, but to get into the British market under our trade agreements. I am afraid if the Common Market develops and our trade agreements vanish, these factories might flit away in the morning. Bear in mind the princely State assistance with which they have been provided for coming here at all. When I think of a factory coming here and starting off with a grant of £400,000, I sometimes begin to wonder what happens if it should some day take it into its head to move away.

And over £100,000 of their own money.

If the Deputy was asked to put down a shilling on condition that I put down four shillings, would he watch me or I watch him?

In certain instances they put down just as much as the grant.

For a good industry that might not be too much. I put this to the Deputy. If he puts down a shilling on the table and I put down four shillings, which of us would be watching the table more closely?

The Labour Party.

No, the man with the four shillings. I should like to raise in that connection another aspect of the situation. I understood where there is an industry operating in this country these princely grants would not be made available to set up a rival for the purpose of driving the established industry out of business. Is that not so? I know a firm in this country that was making chewing gum for the last seven or eight years. As far as I know, that firm had supplied the domestic market and had made a little market for itself abroad in various quarters. Then a number of enterprising citizens arrived here from Chicago and formed a company. They applied to An Foras Tionscal for consideration. I find in the report published by An Foras Tionscal for the year ending 31st March, 1961, they have been approved for a grant of £55,000 to help them to make bubble gum.

For the export market.

That is what I want to know about. Remember that the firm operating in Ireland was already exporting gum to Canada, America, Portugal, Cyprus, British Guiana, Iraq, British West Indies and Belgium on a modest scale. This new company arrives. They are approved, mark you, for a grant of £55,000. In addition to that, so far as I know, they got a loan from the Industrial Credit Company of £38,500 in 1959. I do not know how much money they have themselves invested in it, though the nominal capital of the company in question is £44,500. I do not know what the subscription amounts to, but the Minister could easily find out, for one of his colleagues in the Fianna Fáil Party is a director of the company in question.

I find it hard to understand what the poor man is to do who built up his gum factory without any Government help at all and who broke into these foreign markets without any inducements, when he finds that his rival is getting a loan of £38,500 from the Industrial Credit Company, is approved for a grant of £55,000 from Foras Tionscal and is assured that any profits he makes, with his grant and his loan, on exports will be free of income tax and corporation profits tax. So far as I know, the poor fellow who has been manufacturing heretofore and who has been selling in Canada, America, Ceylon, British Guiana, Iraq, Cyprus, the British West Indies and Belgium, will not get any corresponding concession, unless he increases his exports to these countries.

That is unpardonable. I do not want to blow hot and cold. I am in favour of bringing in foreign capital to provide employment for our people at fair rates of wages. I am in favour of providing inducements to such companies by giving them help in regard to taxation on profits on exports. I think that is a good way of providing inducements, but I do not think one ought to carry that to the point of wiping out the fellow who has been established in business for years.

Was he prohibited from selling on the home market?

This new man.

That is the whole problem. I am told some such undertaking was mentioned in the initial stages but that he is now selling freely on the Irish market. Perhaps the Minister will correct me.

Was the Deputy's man not exporting chewing gum?

There is a difference between chewing gum and bubble gum.

That is a finesse which the vast majority of people——

It is the whole kernel of the argument.

(Interruptions.)

The defence apparently of this whole business is the radical difference between chewing gum and bubble gum.

A terrible difference.

The only difference I ever could see was that, when children bought chewing gum, you might find it under the chair, whereas the bubble gum was blown out in front of their faces all day. If you got the residue of either operation on your shoe and walked in on the carpet, the result was virtually identical. The only interest I had in either gum was the ultimate effect it had on the carpet. When it got on the heel of my shoe, I could not distinguish one from the other, if it got involved in the pile of the carpet, and I never met anybody else who could either. Both are chewing gum. One you can blow bubbles with, and the other you cannot. If that is the defence of the gentleman who got the £55,000 grant——

Do not draw such a long bow as that. I did not say that.

Deputy O'Malley said it. He has been briefing the Minister, and I presume the Minister was giving him some reciprocal service.

(Interruptions.)

I do not know that justice and equity are here being done. I remember a parallel case long years ago. I remember in 1937—I can fix it fairly accurately, because it was just before the War—under the Control of Manufactures Act, you could give a manufacturer coming in here an exclusive licence to manufacture. I remember a very decent man called Blake, who was in the spice-grinding business, finding himself confronted with an order, giving a firm called Goodalls from England an exclusive licence to manufacture spices in this country. I remember him coming to me and saying: "Mr. Dillon, I voted all my life for Fianna Fáil, but this is the third time they have put me out of business, and I can stand it no longer."

They have awfully hard necks. They would want to do it a fourth time before they would make any impression.

(Interruptions.)

Here was poor Mr. Blake. Deputy Lemass was ill and Deputy Derrig was acting as Minister for Industry and Commerce. I remember saeva indignatio moving me in this House when I raised this matter by question and, subsequently, on the Adjournment. To cut a long story short, Blake got back his right to manufacture spices. It was conceded by the Department of Industry and Commerce that it would be a gross abuse if an Irish national manufacturing in his own country were to be excluded from his trade in favour of an incoming company engaged in the same business.

I want to submit that it makes very little difference whether you make a statutory order prohibiting a man from doing his trade as a chewing gum manufacturer and providing his Chicago rivals with £55,000 by way of grant and £30,000 odd by way of loan in order to put him out of business. I suggest to the Minister that this kind of transaction ought to be re-examined with a view to ensuring that substantial justice is done. I think the Minister will agree with me that if this enterprise, which has received this grant and this loan, is to trade on the home market, some steps must be taken to put the established Irish firm on a fair basis of competitive equality with the new entrant into the trade.

We are bewildered with talk about the Common Market. I suggested to the Government six weeks ago that the time was long overdue when they should put in the hands of Deputies a White Paper dealing with the whole matter. I was told by the Taoiseach then that it was impossible, and inexpedient, and what not. Now the Government have changed their minds. They will provide a White Paper. I have an uncomfortable feeling that, until the heat was brought to bear upon them, they were just sticking their heads in the sand and doing nothing, because they thought it was safer to do nothing.

I think they were wrong. I think they should have gone to the British Government months ago, if not earlier, and said: "We value the British market and we want our preferential position. At the same time, we have to live. There are certain commodities in respect of which we think it would be only reasonable for you to give us some measure of reassurance. If you can do that, there need be no hard feelings between us. If you do not, we will have to go and follow the Greeks into a discussion with the Common Market to see what is the best bargain we can make there."

As far as I understand the position, our Government have made no effort along those lines at all. Neither have they made any effort to find out, were the Government prepared to establish a relationship with the Common Market analogous to that secured by the Greeks, what terms we could get. I believe that such a negotiation will take a long time and it should have been embarked upon long, long ago, but it is now extremely urgent not only that our Government should be awake to the situation that is so close ahead of us but also that they should place in the hands of Deputies the fullest possible information. We here and the Labour Party have engaged in some research in the matter and have informed ourselves so far as published material makes it possible for us to do so, but there must be additional information in the hands of the Government which is not accessible to outside independent inquirers and I think that material ought to be put in the hands of Deputies at the earliest possible moment.

One of the things that Deputies in this House and indeed Deputies of the world ought to wake up to is that the Common Market has no prospect of long survival economically or politically until it is extended into an Atlantic community which will comprise not only all the nations of Europe but the United States of America and the British Commonwealth as well. Unless and until an economic bloc emerges, with access to the joint resources of the United States of America, the Commonwealth and the European democracies who are already associated, we will live in the years that lie ahead in a series of economic crises precipitated by the gyrations of the hot money merchants, many of whom I believe are at present actuated not only in the perennial chase for profits but under instructions to play their part in the cold war which the Cominform is waging on the free world at the present time.

There is no more potent weapon in the hands of the international imperialist communist conspiracy than repeated raids on the economy of free countries by the operation of the free money merchants who pour their funds in today and drag them out at the most awkward possible moment, as is happening in Great Britain at present. Until a set-up can be fixed in the world in which it will be possible for an economic combination of free men to say to the hot money merchants: "Listen, you can choose our currency or you can choose the rouble, whichever you like, but that is all you are going to get and you can draw your money to blazes but the only place you will get to put it is into roubles and when you get it there, maybe you will not be able to get it out so often." In short, until we can see a day when the operations of the hot money merchants can make no more difference to the individual economy of any one of us than it can make to the economies of Ohio and South Carolina, we can look forward to no real worthwhile economic advantage either from the Common Market or any other corresponding economic association in the world.

The trouble about these concepts is that everybody who hears that today will say that this is dreaming. Ten years hence, everybody will say: "Why did we not think of that long ago." I remember 20 year ago advocating in this House the establishment of a market to which there would be free passage of men, money and goods as the only hope of the survival of a free democracy in the world and people used to say then that I was chasing rainbows. Now everybody believes that that is an absolute sine qua non. I want to remind this House that the only basis upon which that concept can survive in the cold war world is that it shall be so powerful and so vast that it can say to the employee of Communist Imperialism in the world: “Do your worst. You cannot shake us because we have so established ourselves now that we are in a position to say to you `draw all you have from our resources and we do not give a fiddle-de-dee and the only place you can put it is into roubles and you know blooming well that once you put it there, you may never get it out.' ”

I could elaborate on that, Sir, but if I have planted the seed for some of my less dynamic acquaintances in this House to hatch on, I will have done sufficient for today.

I want to come to some details in regard to this Vote which can be quickly disposed of. What provision is made for compensation for persons on to whose land people went under a mining prospecting licence issued by the Minister for Industry and Commerce? I have had recently a case, of which Deputy Crotty has knowledge, and which I discussed with Deputy Crotty at the instance of my old beloved friend, now gone to his reward in Heaven, the Lord have mercy upon him, Martin Ring of Castlecomer, where a prospecting company got a licence from the Minister for Industry and Commerce to go into some of his land and the land of neighbours as well. They made remonstrances and said: "Who is going to see us indemnified for whatever damage this man does", and they were told it would be all right. So far as I know now the prospecting company has vanished and these men have no remedy against anybody.

I raised this matter before in connection with a case in Cavan but fortunately in that case provision was ultimately made by the prospecting company and the people got their compensation, but at that time I was told that the Minister for Industry and Commerce had not made provision for his contingency and was in some doubt of mind as to how it should be dealt with. I want to suggest to him that if a man comes to him for a prospecting licence under which he shall have a right to enter on my land or any other man's land, there ought to be annexed to that licence some form of guarantee by way of bond or otherwise, acceptable to the Minister, to ensure that if any damages are awarded to the person on to whose land he has entered, either by an arbitrator or a court of competent jurisdiction, there will be available, under the bond or otherwise, funds to meet whatever award may fall due.

I trust, Sir, that in view of the value of the tourist industry to this country and to the undoubted truth of what Deputy Russell said, that there is a vast reservoir of tourists to be tapped amongst the artisan and middle-class English people, the Minister will ensure that the Tourist Board will continue their enlightened assistance to the Inland Fisheries trust, not only for the development and protection of trout fishing but for the development and expansion of the coarse fishing facilities which have been such a boon to a county like Monaghan to which very substantial numbers of tourists have been attracted by the coarse fishing in the past four or five years. I have already on another occasion paid tribute to the wise and far-sighted action of the Tourist Board in helping the Trust during the past four or five years. I did see some suggestion in a recent publication by the Trust that the contribution from the Tourist Board was about to come under review. I hope the Minister will take a personal interest in that matter and encourage the Irish Tourist Board to continue its assistance to the Inland Fisheries Trust.

I want now to deal with the apprenticeship board and the question of hotels. The apprenticeship board is a quasi-autonomous body which lays down the general policy for industry. Let us take the furniture industry. There cannot be more apprentices than so many per tradesman or journeyman. There is a case in my own constituency of a factory which is situate seven or eight miles from the nearest town. It is in the middle of the green fields because there happens to be an enterprising chap there who built up a business. He cannot get tradesmen to stay with him because they will not live in the country. It is the very odd man he can get who likes living in the country and 90 per cent. of the men he employs stay with him only until they can get a job in Dublin, Cork or Limerick. Jobs are plentiful for men skilled in upholstery manufacture or painting of furniture. What is happening? He has piles of orders but he cannot fill them because he will not be allowed to train local boys. There is then the ridiculous situation that there may be seven or eight young lads of 16, 17 or 18 years of age eager and willing to learn the furniture business in this man's factory.

Was an agreement not entered into by the employers and the trade unions? It is a mutual agreement.

I know there is a dilemma. I do not think anyone wants to enforce it but I know that that man has, at my instance, put advertisements in the papers. He has also approached the trade unions and said: "Get me tradesmen," and the trade unions have been obliged to say that they cannot. He gets no answers from his advertisements and he cannot fill his orders.

There was a recession in that trade and they could not stay in the country.

He has a list of orders that he cannot fill.

They do not feel there is security of employment in that industry.

I do not know what the trouble is.

I am sorry for interrupting the Deputy.

The situation at present is that the rules of the apprenticeship board operate in such a way that five or six boys have gone out of the district and emigrated to England in search of unskilled labour because the rules of the apprenticeship board would not permit them to be given employment in that factory. I do not want to suggest to the House that the apprenticeship board approached this problem in any obscurantist way. They did not. They went to the limits of the law. They point out that when it comes down to tin tacks, there is the law and once certain regulations are made, they must enforce them. I want to say to the Minister that he should review this whole problem with the trade unions and with the employers, bearing in mind the special circumstances of a rural factory. It may be that there is not an easy solution but the problem requires attention.

Including the rules that prevent boys from becoming apprentices when they come from national schools only.

That raises a wider question.

It affects the employment of the young people in the area.

I am in favour of the improvement of hotels and I think a good deal of improvements have been made, but are we wise in going to town altogether and building "Ritzses" and "Claridges" up and down the country? The present rules provide that if we want to build a new hotel to-morrow, so far as I know there is no limit on the size and we are entitled to a free grant of 20 per cent. of the cost per bedroom, with a ceiling of £300 per bedroom. We are also entitled to get 50 per cent. of the total capital outlay by way of guaranteed loan free of interest for five years and 4½ per cent. on the balance. If you get a loan through the intervention of the Minister for Commerce—a loan guaranteed by the Minister—or if you do not get a loan guaranteed by the Minister and if you can go and raise a loan yourself, then, if you are a big powerful wealthy corporation and can raise the entire capital by way of loan yourself, the Minister will pay all the interest on the loan for five years. Having built your hotel, if it costs £1,000,000, you are entitled to write off your profits £100,000 per annum before you pay any income tax.

Those are handsome terms but I wonder had we that in mind when we prepared that scheme for helping hotels? I think what we had in mind was to improve hotels in Kilkee or Bundoran or possibly in some other seaside resort which would be nice and clean, and a comfortable hotel to stay in. When we were providing 20 per cent. or £300 per bedroom, did it ever occur to us that that might become applicable to a hotel with 250 rooms or 200 rooms, and that we might be asked for a grant of £600,000 to begin with, plus the interest on the total capital employed in building the hotel for five years, plus the assurance that the proprietors could write off a total capital of £1,000,000 or more in ten years before paying taxation in respect of the write-off? I doubt it. I want to suggest to the Minister that he should go into that matter in greater detail and tell us if that kind of proposition is widespread in the submissions made to him.

I am not satisfied that the building of large luxury hotels on those terms is a good proposition. I would be quite prepared to see provision made even on that scale, if we had in contemplation suitable hotels for our country resorts running to 20, 30 or 40 rooms with the kind of accommodation to which the ordinary people of this country are accustomed. I admit there may be room for the Hilton type of hotels, but I am not at all clear in my mind that such hotels should be built at public expense. I do not believe we are going to draw into this country a golden flood of immensely wealthy tourists by providing hotels on that scale. We should be prepared to foot the bill to establish a hotel in every town which no one would be ashamed to bring anyone into, with no pretence to luxury but the certainty of cleanliness, reasonable amenities and eatable plain food. Grants on the scale I have described would be cheerfully provided by this Oireachtas for that objective; but if proposals on a more princely scale should multiply themselves, I think the Minister would find that the vast body of legislators here would think a scale of assistance such as I have referred to would be inappropriate for such a purpose.

Let me end as I began. The rise in the cost of living is creating an intolerable situation of injustice in this country. It is the situation which drove the Danish and French farmers into the streets in quasi-revolution. The tragedy is that it is driving so many of our people into the environs of Notting Hill to which reference was made in the paper from which I quoted. I would not sleep easy in my bed if I felt I had not the responsibility on my head for the 200,000 young people who have gone to England in the last four years, many of whom no doubt have prospered but not an inconsiderable percentage of whom have found themselves in the circumstances reasonably faithfully portrayed by the extract I have read for the House today.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce, through the cost of living, is responsible for the problem. It may be the direct responsibility of some of his colleagues to provide the appropriate remedy, but certainly it is the responsibility of the Government. If this Government are not prepared to meet it, then please God the people will give us another Government who will be unequivocably pledged to put that gross injustice right.

With the possibility of our joining the Common Market in one form or another becoming more and more likely, a new era is opening up for Irish industry. A challenge of great magnitude is about to face our industries and the future of our economy depends to a very considerable extent on the manner in which we face up to this challenge. Some time ago on such a debate as this, we could consider the advisability or otherwise of our joining the Common Market. That time has now passed, if we accept that entry by Britain into the Common Market means we must inevitably follow.

Personally, I cannot see any alternative, even if such an alternative were desirable. Industry cannot content itself by simply pointing to the dangers, but, having recognised the dangers and pitfalls, it must girth itself to meet and overcome them. Generally speaking, Irish industry is facing up to the problem. Our vastly increased exports of industrial goods over the past couple of years is a clear pointer to this. The industry exporting a certain proportion of its products is giving a practical example of its efficiency. However, we must recognise that because of the small home market for industrial goods, we must persist in our efforts to increase our exports. In fact, only the industries which are at present exporting the bulk of their products can hope to survive in the Common Market.

While as members of the Common Market we would have a vast market available to us, at the same time we would have to meet very strong compeition in our main market, Britain, which is not in the Common Market at present. The question of what type of industry would be likely to survive requires serious consideration. In my own constituency where there are so many industries and where so many people are employed in industry, the whole question of the Common Market is, naturally, a disturbing one. We are glad the Minister and the Government are approaching this serious matter in a practical and sensible way and are not allowing themselves to be stampeded into making a decision simply because of publicity seeking questions by certain Deputies. I might add that these Deputies obviously know very little about the Common Market and are at cross purposes in regard to the matter. Some time ago, through questions and supplementary questions, they indicated we should rush into the Common Market and that we should not hesitate to join simply because of the fact Britain was not in it. Later, they went on the opposite line and suggested that the French farmers were being seriously affected by the fact of France being a member of the Common Market and they said we should not join it at all.

The employment of a very large number of people in my constituency depends upon the right decision being made. When I refer to a decision, I am not referring to the advisability or otherwise of joining the Common Market but to the agreements on quotas, tariffs and so on which we may be able to procure from the Common Market countries when we decide to join. We recognise that some industries will prosper to an unheard of extent under the Common Market, but that other industries will collapse. The question arises: which will happen quickest? Will the sound industries expand rapidly enough to absorb those who lose their employment in the less sound ones? We must consider the economic and social effects of this.

Many references have been made to the fact that Greece has had long term negotiations with EEC and that a draft convention of the Association of Greece with EEC is drawn up. The inference was that we should have done the same. Obviously, there is no comparison between our position and the position of Greece. Our principal market, Britain, is on our doorstep: and, as I have said, Britain is not associated with the Common Market and this must obviously be taken into account. Greece is not in a similar position. If we were to take the same line as they have taken without any further consideration, we would find ourselves facing difficulties which Greece does not have to face. I have no doubt that were we to take that line and find ourselves involved in these difficulties, the people advocating that policy would be the first to condemn us for it.

No doubt the Minister and the Government are closely examining the draft agreement associating Greece with the Common Market to see how far it would suit our needs and how far it would be practicable to apply different facets of it to our economy, and that they are deciding whether that approach or some other approach would be the best for us. There are, in fact, many points in this draft agreement which appeal to me. Broadly speaking, the dismantling of tariffs is to be completed by both sides within a 12-year period but there are numerous provisions which qualify this general rule. For example, the period may be extended by Greece up to 22 years in respect of imports from Common Market countries which will compete with certain young industries in Greece, industries which are important to the development of Greek economy.

Again, although Greece will adopt the common external tariff wall of the Community, it will be allowed to make tariff adjustments at a slower rate than adjustments will be made by the Six. There are certain concessions with regard to agricultural products. From what I have read, despite the fact that special arrangements have been made for her, it is recognised that the obligations which must be accepted by Greece will place a very heavy burden on her economy. In fact, she has had to apply for a very, very substantial loan from the Common Market countries to tide her over the difficult period.

Now, with regard to the Common Market, we are in the position that we may apply for either full membership or for associate membership. Naturally it would be desirable for us to have a voice in common policy but, in order to have that voice, we would have to be full members. Whether that would be feasible, whether the disadvantages would be greater than the advantages, is a matter that must be considered.

May I point out to the Deputy that the Minister has made no provision in the Estimates for this particular item, and, in my view, it would be undesirable to have a full dress debate on the Common Market on this Estimate. The Deputy is entitled to refer to it.

Am I entitled to refer to the fact that industry here would need to be at peak efficiency if we are entering the Common Market?

If we enter the Common Market it is essential that industry here should be at peak efficiency. There is no other hope of salvation. Industries that are satisfied with a come-day-go-day policy are likely to fade off the scene. One of the most important considerations with regard to efficiency in industry is the existence of harmonious relations between management and labour, not just because of the strikes which occur when relations are strained but because work is more efficient and production is better when there is team working. That is one of the reasons I was very pleased to note that the Minister proposes to review the position with regard to labour relations. The Labour Court, which was set up by the Taoiseach when he was Minister for Industry and Commerce, is an excellent body. It has done a wonderful job in the sphere of industrial relations. So excellent has its work been that it has been copied in other countries.

We are now at the point at which the whole matter can be reviewed and we can take another step forward. I have one suggestion to make. We have a considerable number of industries in which relations between employer and employees are exceptionally good and in which the various difficulties that arise can be examined and considered in a good atmosphere. As against that, we have industries in which relations are, to put it mildly, anything but good. There is constant strife and a complete lack of trust. If feasible, I think the Minister should set up a small body to examine, firstly, the position in industries in which relations are harmonious. He should then have a similar examination made into industries where relations are strained and the situation is not so good. The committee could then come to certain conclusions and, having done so, give the benefit of their views to both the management and the unions concerned in the latter industries with a request that they should endeavour to eradicate the faults upon which the trouble is based.

I think that would be a better method rather than allow unrest to simmer for a long period until finally it comes to what might be described as "boiling point" and a strike is imminent. From my experience, at that stage the whole matter becomes complex and bitterness becomes so acute that the main issues are clouded and it is difficult to reach a settlement. Very often what appears to the public to be the main issues are not in fact the main issues at all. Bad relations and a lack of trust are very often the root of the trouble. If a body such as I suggest were set up it would help to eliminate bad industrial relations.

References were made to industrial grants. I spoke on these on a previous occasion. With regard to the undeveloped areas it must be agreed that the Government faced a very great social problem. Desperate problems need desperate remedies. I think however that we could now re-assess the position. I wonder are we wise to concentrate the bulk of our grants in areas where transport costs and other factors are bound to have repercussions on the price of the finished article and make it more difficult to sell on the foreign markets? Another question is whether these industries will be able to stand up to the fierce competition with which they will be faced in the not too distant future? Would we be wiser if we gave these grants to industries in proportion to their value to the nation and to their employment content and if the grants should be the same, no matter where the industries were established? I do not wish to be unfair. I know the Government are faced with a very serious problem, but I am glad that the Minister is now about to have the whole question of industrial grants re-examined.

I am happy to note the increase in moneys allocated to our tourist industry. We need more and more development in that direction. One of the most urgent needs is more hotel accommodation. I have often wondered if, in connection with the tourist industry, it would be feasible to stagger holidays. Because of the fact that our hotel accommodation is limited, we are in a particular difficult situation when the holiday periods both here and in Great Britain coincide, thereby packing out hotels for one period only and leaving large numbers of people unable to get holiday accommodation at all. If it were found possible to stagger holidays, we could greatly extend the accommodation we have at the present time and could utilise it for a longer period.

We hear a considerable amount of talk about building super hotels. I agree that to an extent they are necessary but, with other Deputies, I believe we should endeavour to the best of our ability to provide for the British working man. He has proved himself over the years to be the best kind of tourist. He saves up a certain amount of money for his holiday and spends that money freely. As has already been stated in the House, he spends more money than do many wealthier people who come on holidays. He is not concerned with super hotels but with getting reasonably comfortable accommodation and we should go to any limit to provide it for him.

From an examination of our exports over the past year, it is clear that Córas Tráchtála is doing very fine work. I am also glad to note that there is an increase in the Estimate for this work. Marketing surveys and development are of primary importance for the expansion of industries. We must endeavour to extend our foothold in the markets we have at present and also to get more markets. With the advent of the Common Market, we will naturally face a very new type of problem. I have no doubt that Córas Tráchtála are already examining the position with regard to this problem with a view to overcoming it to the best of their ability when the need arises.

I should also like, with other Deputies, to refer to the excellent work being done by the I.D.A. I have had contact with them on a considerable number of occasions in connection with the possibilities of getting industries to my constituency and I found them most helpful indeed.

It is with reluctance that I must say about a Fianna Fáil Minister that I know the Minister facing me is an honest man. Being an honest man, he never mentioned anything about the cost of living in his introductory statement. It was a significant omission because his Party got in on a wild tide of propaganda and enthusiasm for 100,000 jobs and the nailing down of the cost of living. The cost of living has gone up by 15 points—2/6d. in the £; 3/9d. in 30/-. That 3/9d. wipes out any addition the old age pensioner may have got from another Department. The cost of living was a matter to which the Government should have bent themselves. Instead, they mocked and jeered at what the previous Government did when they put themselves to the pin of their collar to raise millions to keep down the cost of living. There is no more worthy object for which money could be raised than the keeping down of the cost of living.

The people were carried away by the Fianna Fáil propaganda machine. They allowed themselves to be carried away by it. Not only has the country been dealt a death blow by the frightful cost of living but the Government have reduced the number unemployed because they have shipped away the youth of Ireland. The Fianna Fáil claque laughed when questions were put about the number of people leaving the country. The Taoiseach tried to put a fair face on it. They are all supposed to be tourists; they are all supposed to be going to the Continent or going on holidays to England. In trains from Waterford to Rosslare, one sees the majority of the boys and girls in tears. That would not indicate that they were going on holidays. There were 4,000 single tickets sold at the railway station in Waterford in the past 12 months. People going on holidays do not buy single tickets.

I am not carried away by Ministerial propaganda or the figures that are given to show that everything is all right. At column 953 of the Official Report, I asked a supplementary question as to what industry was opened in Waterford. The Minister said that 99 industries were established, with one each in the counties of Waterford, Kilkenny and Meath. I could not find out what industry was established in Waterford. I did not know and I am a Deputy for Waterford. On another date, I put down a question for the Minister to name them again and the reply indicated that Waterford city and county got one. In a supplementary question, I asked the Minister what was the one. The question was — column 1269, volume 184 of the Official Report:

To ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce how many new industries have been established during the past two years in (1) Dublin City and County, (2) Cork City and County, (3) Limerick City and County including Shannon, (4) Waterford City and County and (5) Galway City and County.

The reply was:—

The number of new industrial undertakings and extensions to existing undertakings which came to my notice as having commenced production during the two years ended 30th September, 1960 is:—

Dublin City and County

81

Cork City and County

13

Limerick City and County and Shannon Free Airport Area

7

Waterford City and County

1

Galway City and County

3

The one in the case of Waterford city and county was an expansion of a small industry in Tramore.

We have no reason to wave our hats about the policy that is pouring out taxpayers' money and bringing in people from the ends of the earth to open factories to assemble Japanese sewing machines and send them to the British market. Whether they are bringing in parts to make sewing machines or transistor sets in Japanese factories, they are of no benefit to us or to the people in rural Ireland. If old and well-established firms were in difficulty, they would not get `tuppence' from the Government to help them out. There was an instance given by Deputy Dillon this evening of an old-established chewing gum factory which was put to the pin of its collar by a factory that was brought in from Chicago and given £50,000 as a Government grant to make bubble gum. That is nothing to brag about.

What we have to chalk up for Fianna Fáil in Waterford is that whenever it is possible for them to take a factory out of Waterford, they will take it.

It is not nonsense.

The Deputy never talks anything else.

Deputy Loughman is starting again with his tripe and onions. He ought to go down and look after the new bit of a constituency he caused them to annex in County Waterford. It will be well for the Deputy when he has Deputy Davern and Deputy Breen beaten there. I know what will happen to him. He will be canvassing for the Seanad.

There was an old established margarine factory in Waterford, established by McDonnell's before I, Deputy Calleary or Deputy Loughman was heard of. It was prospering in Waterford. For the benefit of those industrial experts on the other side of the House, margarine is made mainly from refined oleo oil. When Fianna Fáil got the idea that they were going to industrialise the country, they established an oilcake factory in Drogheda, and the oilcake factory was extended into an oil refinery and of course McDonnell's were stuck to the pin of their collar for oil. They had to go to Drogheda or nowhere else, and in the finish they did not go to Drogheda for oil. They went with the factory. There is no nonsense about that.

I was not in this House in 1935 but I was interested in its doings. Three Acts were passed in 1935, 1937 and 1938 which did away with the two bacon factories in Waterford and the export of live pigs from Waterford. Industry and commerce were gone out of Waterford by Act of Parliament passed by Dáil Éireann. Will Deputy Loughman or Deputy Calleary tell me that is nonsense?

I do say it is nonsense.

It is the administration of the past 12 months only which falls for discussion on this Estimate.

I heard Fianna Fáil Deputies talking here and they went back on all the wonders Fianna Fáil had done. I want to mention the fact that those industries were taken out of Waterford, and that was the cause of so much unemployment in Waterford and the cause of 4,000 people buying single tickets out in the past year. That is all we got from the number of factories that are being established. Waterford men promoted the cement industry—I shall mention the name— the Nolans of Waterford promoted it and were cheated out of it.

I have listened to Fianna Fáil Deputies talking about the Common Market, about what they would do about getting markets and saying that we should not ask the Government to rush into the Common Market. No one from this side is asking the Government to do that because the Government do not know anything about the Common Market. The sensible approach would be to call a conference of some prominent industrialists and ask them how their products would sell in some of these markets. We have some great industrialists and they should be consulted by the Minister.

Why does the Deputy assume they are not?

I assume they are not, because we asked questions about the Common Market and we did not get the courtesy from the Taoiseach of being told who has been consulted. He tells us nothing; therefore, we have to take it that the Government are doing nothing. Eighteen questions were asked the other day and they were brushed off as one, and eventually the Taoiseach had to say he was going to issue a White Paper. I always get hot under the collar when I talk about my native city and the vile treatment it has had from successive Fianna Fáil Governments.

The Tourist Board is to be congratulated. The work they are doing is worthwhile. They are bringing tourists to the country and they are doing good promotion work. They get a lot of criticism, some constructive and some not, but they have done well. One of the things they have done is that they have encouraged Irish hoteliers to improve their hotels. I travelled the length and breadth of this country for years, and I have seen the improvements that have been made in Irish hotels. I have a few complaints to make.

I want to complain about some of the cavalier treatment some of our snooty Irish hotels are handing out. I am speaking on the Vote for Industry and Commerce, and one of our greatest industries is brewing, which is based on the land. A great asset for any farmer is to have a barley contract with a brewer or a distiller. Therefore —I shall not say it goes without saying—it should go without saying that everyone should defer to the brewing and distilling industry. What do we find? In the "Hotel Snooty" we find the type of waiter who addresses all females as "Madame". He could be the subject of one of the Bateman cartoons which used to appear in the English magazines. Bateman was a famous cartoonist who portrayed a guardsman when he dropped his rifle, a man wearing a black pants at Lords or a girl calling for a glass of milk in the Café Royale. In the "Hotel Snooty", they nearly have a stroke if one asks for a bottle of stout in the lounge.

We have tourists coming to Ireland, but for the sake of the country and not for the sake of the tourists, I should not like them to get the idea that the products of our breweries or distilleries will not be served in some of the snooty places which would not be open if it were not for the grants available from the Tourist Board. Dublin is famous for Guinness' stout and they should remember that and mend their ways.

Another complaint I have is the offhand cavalier treatment meted out to members of the public in another Dublin hotel—let us call it the "Hotel of the Disappearing Manager." In that hotel, they change people from one room to another or from one floor to another without consulting them.

That is hardly the responsibility of the Minister. He may even have been changed himself.

I do not think they would do that. We are putting big money into these hotels and we should see that people are treated in them the way they should be treated. My complaint is that the manager disappears, and even his employers try to duck his head for him.

Deputy Faulkner said we should bring in the British tourists. I was glad to hear that from the Fianna Fáil benches and not have all the "ochóning" and "yeowning" the very minute anyone talks about the British in this House. You would swear they had the manage. We are not promoting our country by some of the miserable, small things we do. There are various organisations and public bodies here who do not allow the Royal National Lifeboat Institution to make a collection, but they want the British tourist to come to their places just the same.

The most important part of tourism is to cater for the British tourist. They are good spenders and they are nice people. They are not looking for Hilton hotels or luxury sky-scrapers. They are satisfied with the reasonably good hotels we are able to give them. I should like to draw the Minister's attention to a compliment in which the Tourist Board, our hotels and, indeed, the entire country, may share. It is from a man who is sometimes sour and bitter and who has often written in disparagement of this country. John Gordon writing in the Daily Express about this country last week, said it was a country of incomparable beauty and that the food and drink were the best in Europe.

The Tourist Board are to be complimented on what they have done towards the improvement of hotels and the improvement in the cooking and presentation of food. They must also be congratulated on the manner in which they have encouraged the training of Irish boys and girls for hotel posts. These boys and girls have natural Irish courtesy and good humour and are able to make people feel they are welcome. I am glad to see the Minister for Education has taken the place of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I should like to compliment him on the part he and his Department have played in training boys and girls to serve in hotels and take part in the administration and management of them. Many of these boys and girls are now earning good money in an honourable calling in that business.

Under sub-head I.2 there is a sum for Córas Tráchtála for the promotion of whiskey exports. It is a grant-in-aid of £40,000 which has been reduced from £80,000. I do not like that. It is a retrograde step. I have already mentioned the brewing industry, and now we come to whiskey. It is an industry based on the land and it could become more important still if we could increase our whiskey exports. That would mean an increase in barley contracts for farmers, thus giving the farmer a very worth-while outlet for his produce. I said in the House last year, and I shall say it again, that in the selling of whiskey or anything else there can be no substitute for the travelling salesman.

Some years ago, along with two other Deputies, I went into a very big pub in London. We called for "an Irish", but we were told that they had no Irish whiskey in that enormous pub. I asked to see the manager and I said to him: "Will you answer me a fair question? Why have you not got Irish whiskey?" He turned out to be a County Clare man and he said: "I will give you a fair answer. Nobody comes in here to sell it to me." I can assure you, Sir, it was not a pub crawl but we did try some other pubs. We eventually found a man who served Irish whiskey, but that is all was on the bottle: "Irish Whiskey". No reputable distiller would have allowed his name to go on this bottle. There was a time when this whiskey would have found its way into the western plains and would have been called firewater by the Indians.

I would draw the Minister's attention to this £40,000. When we are able to spend millions on airports and millions here, there and everywhere, we should not cut down on a Vote like this. We should try to sell our whiskey. The Minister in his speech told us that so many gallons of whiskey were sold in the United States. I shall not go into that. It is a very small item. We have been told that advertising would cost a lot of money. I have no doubt about that. But perhaps there should be a little more consultation with the distillers of Irish whiskey and those who market it in America in regard to improving the blend and thus improving the sale.

Our sale of whiskey in America is just over £1,000,000. The Scottish whiskey distillers are able to sell £40,000,000's worth. I do not know what they spend on advertising, but they have to start somewhere. Instead of starting, we are going back on our Vote. The Minister should increase that amount for Córas Tráchtála. I would ask Córas Tráchtála to employ real agents and not to employ an agent simply because he is somebody's son or because he belongs to a political organisation. I am not saying that a member of a political organisation may not be a good salesman, but such membership should not be his primary qualification. Neither should it be his qualification that he knows two languages instead of one; his qualification should be that he is a good salesman. I have seen industries grow around one or two good salesman. The Minister should give Córas Tráchtála more money to have a "go" at this £40,000,000 market in America. If we could get a fraction, even one-eighth of it, it would be a great thing for our people.

Once more, I exhort the Minister to send for leading Irish industrialists, in groups of two or three, give them notice as to what he wants and ask them to send him their report. Not only that, but he should bring them into his Department and discuss these reports with them. It is vital that they should understand clearly what the position is likely to be if we enter the Common Market. The Minister is responsible where industry is concerned. We will have to examine very carefully the position of the Irish farmer vis-à-vis the Common Market. Irish industry has been hanging around the necks of the Irish farmers for a long time. If there is to be enormous industrial advantage in joining the Common Market, we do not want to see that advantage leading to the destruction of rural Ireland.

I was amused to hear Deputy Lynch talking about industrialists who came in with their own money and started their own industries. More power to them! I did not see any of those industrialists coming in here between the years 1948 to 1952. I wonder what happened during that period? Neither did I see many of them coming in between 1954 and 1957. I wonder why? Any man who wishes to invest money in this country must have confidence in the Government running the country and confidence in the future of the venture in which he is interested. Unfortunately, there was no such confidence during the periods in which the Coalition were in office. There was no trust. No one could have confidence in a Government in the position in which that Government were.

I am fairly happy about the industries in my constituency. They are giving decent employment. There is not one idle man in Youghal today. The rural people are trooping in to employment there. The same position obtains in Midleton. The same position obtains in Cobh, and will continue if C.I.E. can keep their paws off it.

My main anxiety in connection with this Estimate is the position with regard to our sugar exports. This matter has been dragging on now for nearly two years. It should not take two years for the Minister and his Department to get the reasons why the British broke the Trade Agreement of 1948. There has been plenty of time to get the reason from them. The breach of that Agreement cost the country last year £550,000 in levy on sugar exported to Britain. In my last discussion with the general manager of the Sugar Company he told me that the market could be expanded by anything from £50,000 to £100,000 a year for sugar exports.

Generally, when one enters into a pool, the first question asked is what one can give. If we enter the Common Market tomorrow, our exports over a three-year period will be taken into consideration. We will find ourselves completely hamstrung because of the breach of the agreement by the British in regard to sugar. I will say nothing about the Minister and his advisers who went over there and blindly allowed that to be done in 1956. Neither shall I say anything about the then Minister for Agriculture who said in this House that he knew nothing about it, that it was not discussed at a Cabinet meeting. There was no discussion on a matter which has compelled us to bring in over £1,000,000 worth of foreign sugar each year. Deputy Lynch said they were not consulted on this matter.

There is a potential market where sugar is concerned. Our farmers are compelled to cut down on their acreage of beet. They will not be allowed to expand, and that in a country screaming for more agricultural production. I raised this matter here some 18 months ago. Those concerned knew nothing about it and they tried to justify the action of the Minister who went over and did the "eejit." Since then, they have learned. Despite all the discussions between our Ministers here and their opposite numbers across the water, nothing has been done in this very important matter. It is about time something was done.

Twelve months ago I suggested the Department of Industry and Commerce had until the following October to rectify this matter, October being the month in which the farmers' representatives, the Beet Growers' Association, meet the Sugar Company on acreage and price for the following year. But nothing was done. In October, I had an interview in the Department of Industry and Commerce. Nothing had been done and we had to walk down the following morning and meet Major General Costello and make an agreement blindfold; 12,000 extra acres of beet and that 12,000 over and above the domestic needs of the country. Is a levy to be paid on the 20,000 tons or 30,000 tons of sugar produced on that? Who is going to pay? I will take good care that the farmer will not. The Department sat idly by while the British put a £16 a ton levy on Irish sugar and with that money subsidised imports of Commonwealth sugar into their country. A sum of £550,000 was paid last year as a levy on sugar. We paid £550,000 of the subsidy to the British Commonwealth on sugar coming into Britain. It is time that that unhappy system should stop. If the Minister has nobody in his Department competent to go over and end it, I suggest that he should bring in General Costello and let him go over and end it.

Within the past month the Taoiseach opened a new deep freeze plant in Mallow. That has been described by various agricultural organisations as the biggest thing in this country yet. I agree. If we go into the Common Market tomorrow, will our exports during the past three years to these markets be considered or will we get room to expand in that direction? In vegetables alone there is an opportunity for the small farmer to grow a crop that will give him a decent return and enable him to remain on the land.

I have seen returns from some of those people both here and in Great Britain and they are amazing. That opportunity is there but if we are to be taken into the Common Market on the basis of our exports over the past three years and not on the basis of future potential we will be in a very awkward position indeed. Farmers are prepared to produce more. The ordinary tillage farmer has been driven completely out of the grain market in this country. There are opportunities for expansion. Has any agreement been reached in connection with the deep freeze industry in Mallow whereby portion of the Irish market at present held by foreign controlled companies here will be available to this Irish company? Those are the matters that are concerning us.

I had not intended to go deeply into the Estimate. I have, and in honesty can have, nothing but praise for the Department of Industry and Commerce in the matter of industrial work during the past three or four years. Undoubtedly, there is a different spirit in this country today than that of four years ago, and a different outlook. When I investigated complaints that I received of people being unable to get to work due to the idiotic action of C.I.E. I was amazed at the number of rural people who were getting employment in those industries. For example, there are from fifteen to twenty persons from Glanmire travelling every morning to Rushbrooke to work, between 40 and 50 men travelling from Little Island to work in Haulbowline and Rushbrooke and over 50 from Cobh Junction. Those are people who in 1956 and 1957 would have had no prospect except emigration. I took a toll of the amount of money coming up my hill every Saturday night. Among seven labourers' cottages there was £270 odd. That is a big change from the condition of affairs that existed four or five years ago.

People from areas not so well off as ours in the matter of industry gather in. A considerable number of West Cork people are coming down now and finding employment in Cobh. A number of people from the City are finding employment there. That is a change for the better and gives a completely new outlook to the people. The wage earned there is far more than they would earn in Britain. I have seen trainees going into the Verolme dockyard starting off at £9 4s. a week and, practically every second week, walking home with £16 between overtime and everything else. That is a big change.

In so far as that is concerned, the Minister deserves every congratulation and help that this House can give him. It is desirable that that situation should obtain not alone in the three towns that I am mainly concerned with in my constituency but in other places as well. The town of Fermoy is crying out for an industry and employment. I went to the Northern portion of my new constituency recently and had a look at what was happening there. In the past ten years there were three new houses built in the town of Kanturk. There is no industry there, no employment. I admit that it is a new field for me to work in but it is high time that industries were provided for those areas. It is high time the present happy position which exists in the southern end of my constituency was extended further. In Mallow, in my opinion, some 200 houses need to be erected for the employees in the two new industries which have been started. That is a further step in the right direction but I am worried about the agricultural end of it and about industries based on agriculture.

Those are the few points to which I want the Minister to pay particular heed and on which I should like him to act. We want a definite decision and we do not want to drift along for another 12 months. I do not wish to hold up the House but these matters are of deep concern to us and of deep concern to agriculturists. I am particularly interested in the farming end of industry and I want to see employment kept on the land, if possible. The only way that can be done is by feeding the new industries that have started and expanding them. We will not get extra people on the land by cutting the acreage of beet or by cutting down on the vegetable industry which has been opened.

There is extensive employment there for the people I am interested in, the ordinary small farmers of the country. The employment is there for them and they should be allowed to get on with it. These industries must get a fair crack and must get their rightful share of the home market. They are entitled to that and they should not be squeezed out of it and forced completely into the export market. When that happens, the price cannot be good. I see no justification whatever for holding over the home market for foreign-based industries, industries controlled and run by foreigners here. They came here merely as branch lines.

I cannot help throwing my mind back to some years ago when I listened to the Deputy who has just spoken. He now seems to be worried about the plight of the small farmers. I remember when he referred to them as "hen-roosters" in a tone which conveyed to me, and I am sure to other Deputies, that the sooner the small farmer took himself off the better. It seems that when an election is pending, the small farmer is the kind of chap one looks after, but immediately after the election and there is a reasonable prospect of a few years in the Dáil, they can afford to forget about him and let him stew in his own juice.

I believe it is high time we had a new look at the Undeveloped Areas Act. It has done a certain amount of good but it has not worked out in the way the introducer of the Bill or this House expected. The Government will have to take more initiative in supplying industries. I am thinking now of quite a few towns in my county which were fairly thriving towns, the area around which is now rapidly becoming depopulated because there is no employment in them, resulting in the population having to go. It is well known that on the smaller holdings, never before has there been such locking of doors and whole families, both fathers and mothers, clearing off.

The Minister and the Government should scrap one of the provisions of the Undeveloped Areas Act under which the initiative must come from the particular location, in the first instance. I know of one town, Ballinrobe, where a number of go-ahead business men have racked their brains and searched every possible place to get an industry of some kind to set up a factory. They made several attempts and they went so far as to provide a site and the other necessaries as well, but they have failed completely. Since the railway from Ballinrobe to Claremorris was closed down the possibility of an industry coming to Ballinrobe is very remote indeed and Ballinrobe is becoming a dying town. It is surrounded by an area of very good land on three sides at least and nearby is Lough Mask which is one of our finest fishing lakes. Nothing has been done to promote the fishing industry there and Ballinrobe is suffering as a result. The same can be said for Swinford. Castlebar and Westport are fortunate in that they have some factories. Foxford has one of the best woollen mills in Western Europe and there is a factory in Ballina. I am speaking of such towns as Ballinrobe, Claremorris, Swinford and Charlestown. They got no assistance under the Undeveloped Areas Act. A factory was established in Kiltimagh some years ago. I am not able to say what is the position in relation to that factory at present but I think it is not flourishing, if it has not closed down. The Parliamentary Secretary shakes his head. I hope he is right and I am wrong.

They are doing very well.

I have not heard whether they are thriving or not.

If they were in trouble, the Deputy would hear about it, I suppose.

That is the usual lot of a Deputy. The point I want to make is that in a case where the local people have done their utmost to establish an industry and have failed through no fault of their own, even after providing sites and capital, the Government should take a stand and do something about it. I know that would give rise to some problems, in that they might not want to establish an industry which would be in competition with an existing industry, but surely it is not beyond the competence of the Department—I know there are excellent officials in the Department— to come to the rescue in a case like that?

I do not intend to go over the whole field of emigration and the shocking flow from the land. There was a question on the Order Paper today asking the Taoiseach about certain figures published in Britain some time ago. Fifty-eight thousand, 64,000, 72,000—a rising tide. These figures may not be exactly accurate but any of us living in the country do not have to wait for the English statistics to know what is happening. The owners of small holdings all over the country have had to clear out. The Government, through the Minister for Industry and Commerce, should do something to stop that. What the small farmer produces and sells is as much commerce as anything made in a factory and the small farmer must be assisted if we are to save him. We must either do that or adopt the attitude of sticking our hands in our pockets, hanging our heads and say: "They are going; let them go; we cannot stop them." That is a shocking attitude to adopt, but it seems to be the attitude the Government are adopting.

It is not many years since I heard a Minister opposite say that every holding and every farm was a potential factory. That is what it is. The goods they are producing—whether it be meat, cereals, poultry, eggs, butter or anything else—comes well within the scope of the Minister as commerce. If a number of factories were closed down, the time of this House would be occupied day after day with nothing else. I can never understand how we are prepared to stand idly by and see hundreds of small factories in the shape of small farms closed down and left derelict by their owners who have been squeezed out by the rise in the cost of living and the drop in their incomes.

If I raised this matter on the Estimate for Agriculture, the Minister for Agriculture would tell me he has nothing to do with it, that the finding of markets and the giving of fair prices for produce were matters belonging properly to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. It seems to me the two Ministers are pitching the ball from one to the other and between them, the small farmer is being let down.

One other matter which comes within the scope of this debate is prospecting for minerals. On the geological map, there is an area in my county near the town of Balla that is definitely identified as a potential coalfield. It is within the memory of people alive to-day that the local blacksmiths actually quarried their own coal there. Yet from inquiries I made at the Department, I have been told it is only black shale; in other words, rock bearing the appearance of coal. I do not think that is so. We have the local tradition that coal was quarried there. It would be well worth while prospecting to decide the matter one way or the other, once and for all. Personally, I believe there is coal there. It is a semi-mountainous area and it is definitely identified on the geological map as a coal-bearing area. I would press the Minister to carry out some exploration, even in a small way, to see if the coal is there.

In the mountainous areas of Mayo, there must be minerals of some kind, if we would search for them. The fact they have never been sought does not mean they are not there. At the time the geological survey was made—the survey we are dependent upon—even our best geologists and engineers had neither the means nor the technique to prospect as well as it can be done to-day. I believe the mountains of West Mayo and Galway, the whole belt of country from Belmullet through South Mayo by Croagh Patrick up to Galway Bay is worth investigating, but nothing has been done there. There are disused leadmines somewhere in Connemara. But that is all that has been found up to date. Some prospecting should be done to determine if there are any minerals there or not.

I remember that during the term of the first inter-Party Government the deposits in Avoca were supposed to be run out. We took a bold step and spent something like £60,000 or £80,000 on exploration and found immense quantities of copper, pyrites and zinc there. The same might be true along the west coast. It would be one way of adding to our national wealth and giving some employment in the west with a view to stopping emigration.

The Minister in his general survey has cited for us certain definite facts which certainly give grounds for hope and encouragement for the future. He has also given us certain statistics which we must be fair and assess as reasonably accurate. They also give grounds for hope in the future. He has stated that our gross national product has gone up by four per cent. over the 1959 figure. That is encouraging because in the White Paper Economic Expansion the target set was two per cent. But more important still is the fact that the volume of industrial production has gone up by 20 per cent. since 1953, taking 100 as base for that year.

It is to industrial production in great measure the people look for the means to secure our economy, expand and stabilise it, and above all, to provide employment if we want to make any impact on emigration, which has been such a canker in our national life down the years. Nevertheless, in spite of all the progress shown, there is no room for complacency. In the figures published last month and in the month of May, we were told that our exports for the four months ended 30th April were up by £10,000,000 compared with the first four months of 1959. That was surely encouraging, but, side by side with that, there is the fact that our imports also rose by £30,000,000 over our exports, thereby creating a disparity in our balance of payments.

That may be only temporary. It is quite possible some of these exports were raw materials for industries we have established here and perhaps some extra wheat had to be imported because of the bad harvest we had. The facts are disquieting when we realise what has been done in other departments. We were all encouraged by the Minister's statement that 45 new projects had been set in train by the end of 1960. This involved a capital outlay of some £8,000,000 with a consequential employment potential of from 5,000 to 7,000 people. Of these 45 projects, 30 were associated with outside participation involving a capital — I think the Minister mentioned it in his speech—of something like £6,700,000 and an employment potential of 4,600 to 6,000. That leaves the remaining 15 projects, which are purely Irish and associated with Irish investment, with a capital content of only £1,300,000 but with an employment potential, according to the Minister's statement, of from 4,000 to 5,000 people. In other words, the 15 projects financed entirely from Irish investment and projected by Irish industrialists give a possibility of greater employment than do the entire 30 with foreign participation.

We are glad to learn that 30 further factories were in course of construction in the year ending 31st December, 1960, representing a capital of about £13,000,000. With all these projects and with all this progress, I cannot understand why we have today 52,000 fewer people in insurable employment. The figures were quoted here and I have no doubt there are records to prove their authenticity. Consider for a moment what 52,000 more people working in industry would mean. Assuming an average wage of £10 per week, that would mean £500,000 per week in wages. Consider how much that would add to the wealth of the country. It would provide a better standard of living for workers and their families. It would increase consumption.

In the face of all the progress it is disconcerting to find fewer employees absorbed. The people are leaving the land at the rate of 8,000 to 10,000 every year. How long that will continue nobody can predict. The trend is common in all Western European countries. It is particularly noticeable here; so acute is it in parts of the country that there is no hope of getting a labouring man no matter how pressing the need. The last place a man will work to-day is on the land unfortunately. The nobility associated with labour on the land seems to be dying. Whether it is the influence of the Press, the radio and the minimisation of distance I do not know.

Our emigrants are coming back painting roseate pictures of conditions in other countries. That is having an unfortunate effect. I know many farmers —Deputy MacCarthy knows them too —who cannot get a man for love or money in the haymaking and harvest season. All our industrial grants have done so far is to absorb the men forced to leave the land. From now until September there will be many boys and girls just out of school ready and willing to take employment. Where will they find it? The lack of employment is a grave evil. I do not know what the cause is. Despite all the progress, old established firms are closing down week after week. What the cause is I do not know. Whether it is that their methods are antiquated or their profits too low I cannot say. The trend is there. I know there is over-competition in many lines of business. Too many are engaged in the same type of business and no one can make sufficient profit. These are the sad repercussions.

I support the Minister wholeheartedly in his "Buy Irish" campaign. There was a time when people would be ashamed to buy anything that was made outside the country. That spirit has gone. Charity begins at home; we should support our own people if we want to maintain a population here. Our industries should be redolent of the soil. We should have sufficient civic spirit and civic pride to support Irish industries.

I see danger in too much centralisation of industry. I know that centralisation minimises costs and risks and eliminates costs of transport. Centralisation does not suit our way of life. A few years ago an old-established milling industry located in Midleton was transferred to Cork. Now it is being transferred to Limerick. That sort of dislocation is not good. If it continues it will have deplorable results. The more decentralisation of industry there is the better. Long before we got our freedom we had many little valuable industries. We had the woollen industry in different parts of the country. The workers lived in comfortable little homes. Those homes may have been small and they may have lacked modern amenities, but the people were happy. In my parish on a little tributary of the Lee, the Glashaboy, there were 12 factories working a generation ago. The last that disappeared was the Glanmire starch factory. Around it were many little homes and a contented people. The wages were small but the needs of the people were few. I think a return to that way of living would give more satisfactory results.

The Minister mentioned tourism. There is an extra £70,000 voted for the provision of hotel accommodation. Between that and the development of certain resorts we will spend altogether £700,000 in the current year. I am with Deputy Dillon in what he said here this afternoon. We have gone far enough in the building of luxury hotels. It is not fair to put the taxpayers' money into schemes of that kind. We do not know definitely whether there is need for them. We have sufficient hotels, if our hoteliers were encouraged to do the necessary renovation and provide the necessary extensions and amenities.

If we build a chain of luxury hotels they will be idle for the greater part of the year and the people running them will have to make exorbitant charges in order to carry the hotels idle for nine months of the year. That is a paradoxical sort of business and unwise in the long run. We have reached saturation point in that respect. While we cannot hope to emulate or even ape American standards, we should be content with the simple requirements, as Deputy Dillon said, of cleanliness, ordinary essential amenities and good wholesome food. Those are the essential things and let us abandon highfalutin luxury notions.

The Minister referred to mineral development. It is very proper that there should be development of that kind. In generations gone by, there existed the Castlecomer coalfield, the Allihies copper mines, the Avoca mines. In accordance with our aims to advance the country industrially and otherwise every effort should be made to explore mineral deposits. The Minister mentioned exploration for oil. If we strike oil, we are away with it. The effort is worthwhile and any money spent on it cannot be criticised.

Deputy Corry spoke about industries in East Cork. He spoke about Gallup polls. I cannot help remarking that he is becoming completely Americanised.

The Department should survey the needs of towns with regard to industry. Heretofore, the Industrial Development Authority has refused to direct industry to any particular place. If, in the national interest, it is important that towns should survive, the needs of towns and the labour force available in them should be surveyed and the statistics made available to industrialists. Many towns are hungering for industry. They have the labour and other facilities in the way of storage capacity and buildings. I do not want to put one area in competition with another, which would be a wrong thing to do in this Assembly, but the general policy should be to have this information available in the Department so that it could be passed on to industrialists.

Deputy Corry referred to the fact that farmers were handicapped in the acreage they were getting for the growing of beet. The Agricultural Marketing Board would be the body to take up that matter. If there is a possibility of securing markets abroad for sugar, it would be all to the good if we were able to send sugar in fair quantities to them.

The Minister spoke about the request by the British Board of Trade for a review of our import duties on some goods coming in from Great Britain. I wonder is that a remote preparation for our inclusion or the inclusion of Great Britain in the Common Market? It is indicative of an anxiety somewhere. It would be perhaps as well to come down to brass tacks in this matter.

The Minister said there was a considerable decrease in the Estimate this year. I should like to take him to task on that point. I do not think it is right to compare the Estimate this year with that of last year because the Estimate last year was inflated by the provision of £1,200,000 for the purchase by the Minister for Finance of shares in Irish Steel. That was an abnormal expenditure and a purely capital investment. If we want to be realistic in our comparisons, we should compare the Estimate this year with that of last year, minus the £1,200,000 provided for the investment in Irish Steel. It is altogether wrong to compare the original Estimate for last year with the Estimate this year.

The Estimate this year is up by £290,000 on the original Estimate of last year. There is no net decrease whatsoever. We can deduct from that £450 for the International Wheat Council, which liability has been transferred to the Department of Agriculture. It means that the Estimate shows a net increase of £289,550. The Minister stated that the saving was £909,550. I do not think the comparisons were fair because of the abnormal provision made last year for a non-recurring item which probably will never appear again on the Estimate.

No doubt, the Minister is as conscious of his obligations to the community and to his country as anybody else and will do his best to continue expansion and to give us the hope that he envisaged in his introductory statement. The people look to expansion of industry if we are to have that economic equilibrium we all desire and are to be immune to sudden shocks so frequently felt in the world today. In regard to our entry into the Common Market, we must weigh the pros and cons and we must be very determined and more factual about our obligations.

I should like to deal with some of the matters raised in the debate. Although I am not an expert, I have had experience and it is from my experience I desire to speak. First of all, the Minister referred to the number of persons employed in 1960 as compared with 1959. He said that, in 1960, in manufacturing businesses, there were 149,600 employed and that that was more than in 1959 when the figure was only 146,100. In other words, the difference is a couple of thousand. I should like that figure to be broken down and to learn how many men, women and children are employed. That would give far better information. If 5,000 men had to emigrate who were earning, say, a labourer's income of £8 a week and, say, 10,000 children were employed, it could mean, from the point of income in the homes, only one-half. That certainly would not be an improvement from my point of view.

It is a fact that industries are opening here and there and there is work for a few skilled people but 80 or 90 per cent. of those employed in them are girls. While I welcome any employment, nevertheless, the employment of girls is nothing to crow about if there is not a job to be found for the father of a family and he has to emigrate. For the past few years, I and every other member of this House have had people coming for letters recommending them for jobs. If they want a letter about a house or about a pension I might be able to do something but when it comes to getting jobs for them, I have to tell them that I can do nothing The only people I have ever helped to get employment were two or three watchmen. Recently I was discussing the matter here and the Minister for Health said there were jobs for people if they wanted them. I dared him to tell me where and asked him to send me particulars of where jobs could be found. He just pushed by remarks to one side.

There is no employment I know of for manual workers. Two years ago, I asked the Taoiseach if he had any schemes in mind and, of course, he gave us the run-around by telling us that if a scheme of economic merit was put forward it would be considered. All the county councils and corporations spent nights scratching their heads trying to work out schemes, but nothing came of it. We spent two days discussing schemes of economic merit, as we thought, but they came to naught. There is no work for manual workers and while we are in the position of not being able to provide work of a manual nature, there is no great improvement, in my estimation.

Deputy Dillon referred to conditions in England. I want to make a brief remark on that subject. He pointed to the problem by demonstrating the conditions in which people are living in England, and he blamed the Minister by saying that it was his job to provide work and that if he cannot provide work emigration was the alternative. Deputy Dillon spoke about Notting Hill. I was in London last summer. I mix with a lot of small fry and that is all I claim to be myself. I had about 20 addresses and I intended to call at those addresses for experience. I went around the various satellite towns of London such as Hammersmith, Notting Hill and other places.

When I visited one place, I saw eight Irish country people sleeping in one room. There were eight beds in that room and nothing else, and there was one person sleeping in the hallway. I visited another friend—he has come back since—who had told his people that he had a flat. The flat was eight feet by six feet and when the bed-settee came down, there was no longer any room and the table had to be balanced on the bed. I visited another couple with two children who have since come home. They were living in Notting Hill. The children had to go to the local Protestant school because the Catholic school was too far away. I refer to those cases to illustrate the conditions under which our people live in England. Emigration is responsible for that. I do not say that is exclusively the fault of the Fianna Fáil Government. It is not. It is one of our social problems, and there is not an awful lot we can do about it. At the same time, the Government are entitled to get a few cracks on that account because of their election promises which never came true.

I am not an authority on the Common Market but I hope I am an authority on common sense. From my reading of the English papers, the English are very uncertain about entry into the Common Market. They are in a panic at the thought of taking that step. I admit we cannot decide anything here until the English take some step because we are committed, whether we like it or not, to follow whatever Britain does, because we depend on Britain.

As I see it, if it ever happens that Britain enters the Common Market and we have to follow, there will be a collapse of our industry because I cannot see this country being able to stand up to the competitions from industry in Belgium, Germany and Britain. They turn out goods in such tremendous numbers and at comparatively cheap prices and we will have to compete with them. I have compared prices in Belfast with prices here and in Britain and I find that goods are much cheaper across the water. How can we hope to compete with the flood they can produce? I am certain we will not be able to stand up to that flood. There will be more machinery and more automation and still less employment. I can see calamity to some extent. The only possible compensation is a resurgence in our agricultural exports. I suppose that at least our land is as good as the land of other member countries of the Common Market. I suppose we have raw materials here just as well as they have, and we may be able to make some sort of a show.

It seems to me that we are a bit lazy in our outlook. When I was on the Continent last year, I noticed that the towns were alive with industry at six-o'clock in the morning. I was at a housing conference and I stayed in two different hotels, one in France and one in Liege. The cities seemed to be alive at six o'clock in the morning. There is no comparison here at all. We seem to be asleep.

Perhaps there are not sufficient markets for our agricultural community or the price is not sufficient. We cannot expect people to grow produce, if there is no price. They will not do so unless there is a guaranteed price. Perhaps we could give a guaranteed price. If we do enter the Common Market, we may be able to hold our own in agriculture, but I have very little faith that we will hold our own industrially. I cannot see it happening.

I mentioned before the question of junk goods. Recently we had a Bill before the House dealing with specifications and standards and a clause was inserted in that Bill under which the Minister could refuse a licence if the goods were a danger to the public. I asked the Minister could we not include a section enabling a licence to be refused where the goods were a fraud on the public and he said that even a totalitarian state would not do that. I believe the public should be protected from fraud and it is my experience that a great many of the goods manufactured here are junk and do not last as long as you look at them.

The Deputy did not use the word "fraud" on the last occasion he was speaking.

If you go into a shop and purchase a tin of polish and the tin is half empty, is that not fraud? What is the idea of selling a commodity in a tin if the tin is half empty? What do you call that? Packets of goods are often half empty. It is like a pin in a box rolling around and making a noise.

What about the stiletto heels.

I mentioned previously to the Minister that I bought a pair of socks for 2/- and he asked me why I did not buy a dearer pair. That is not the point. Just as I went to London for experience, I occasionally buy a cheap article to see how the poor people are hooked. They must buy cheap socks because they cannot afford anything else. Therefore, if I buy cheap articles on occasion, it does not follow that I always do so. I buy them to see what they are like. I bought a pair of socks for 2/- and the next day both the toes and heels were out of them. Surely the poor people are entitled to some protection as well as those who can afford to buy nylons? Goods should not be allowed to be manufactured unless they give some guaranteed wear. If there is no wear in them, they are a fraud.

The Minister referred to the need for a campaign to buy Irish goods. You will sell anything if the goods are any way durable; but you will not sell them if, like the socks, they wear out the following day. Price decides whether or not an article sells, and the Minister should know that as well as I do.

As has been stated, we are too keen on the wealthy tourist. We are spending too much on swanky hotels. There is a population of 50,000,000 in Britain, of whom, I suppose, about 20,000,000 are workers. We should cater for those 20,000,000. All these people want is a bed to lie on. They do not want a swanky hotel. If tourist camps were provided in greater number, along with organised excursions for four or five months of the year, it would bring in a great deal of money to the country. Those people would eat food which otherwise we might have to seek to export. The Minister should give some consideration to those people rather than the swanks in the handful of swanky hotels.

The question of the danger of plastic bags was raised. I suggested on a previous occasion that these bags should be perforated but the Leader of the Opposition asked how could they hold goods if they were perforated. That difficulty could be got over by having a flap within the bag. That would mean that when the bag was empty there would be at least air coming in. Several children have smothered themselves with these bags. Children like playing with such things and putting them over their heads, and I believe this could happen again.

The Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce is, perhaps, one on which the Government can show some little advance. I am happy to be able to say that because I shall have some critical remarks to make later on. At the same time, we must bear in mind that in all the O.E.E.C. countries, soon to be the O.E.C.D., there has been an 8 per cent.. increase in industrial production combined with agricultural production. Our production is very much below that. The major part of it has been in industrial production..

The difficulty with industrial expansion here is the extraordinary laws that have been framed whereby An Foras Tionscal seem to have complete control of industrial grants. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, whom I have always found to be a very pleasant and accommodating person, has really no function in the matter. That is the greatest difficulty Deputies have to face when trying to help their constituencies and help overall production. Not so long ago, I found myself in the position of trying to help two small industries, old-established and based on local labour, but because they had not a foreign-sounding name and were not looking for huge sums of money, they could not get anything. That sums up the situation pretty well. If a person comes here with no Irish blood in his veins, no connection with Ireland whatever, and looks for about £50,000 or £100,000 or £250,000 he will be received with open arms, provided always he will go either to Dublin, Cork or the Gaeltacht. That sums up our industrial policy today.

I propose to try to prove to the House that that policy is a failure and is largely responsible for mass emigration and heavy unemployment. I do not wish to put the blame entirely on the Minister's shoulders. As I said, he is a pleasant sort of fellow and I like him but he is only carrying out the policy of his predecessor, the present head of his Government. First, I want to refer to an old-established shipping company, not in my constituency, but in the town of Arklow, a firm that trades in the open market and has built ships that have been sold and exported and are at present the pride of the Irish, Scottish and English fishing fleets. Not so long ago they found they wanted to expand to compete with modern conditions and they applied for a trade loan. Of course, the matter was referred to the overruling court, which is An Foras Tionscal. Unfortunately for them, they lived in the area I come from, the east coast, which, as I propose to show, has got nothing and does not expect to get anything so long as the present system exists here.

These people had built ships and they found there was an increase in the size of ships, that there was a demand for bigger fishing vessels than heretofore and that their equipment, since they were an old-established firm, was not as up-to-date as they would wish it to be. They applied for a loan to the Industrial Development Authority and their application was transferred to An Foras Tionscal for a decision on whether they were entitled to it or not. Unfortunately for them, there was a firm in Dublin which was also building ships. That firm was not as old as they were and was not exporting the same as they were, but it was in the city of Dublin and had the eyes and the ears of the people concerned. The result was that the old-established firm were refused the loan.

On my way up from my constituency today, I called to them and asked if they would be happy for me to raise the matter in Dáil Éireann. They said they would. I discovered that a 50-ton ship which was sent to them for repair from the Six Counties, which I believe is now called "Northern Ireland" by the Fianna Fáil Deputies, had to be sent away because their slip was not strong enough to carry it. It was obsolete and they had not the money to replace it. Although they had offered to put down a considerable sum of money themselves to balance a loan, they could not get the loan. That ship has gone to a British dockyard to be repaired and the people of that town —a town of about 5,000—will be unemployed because, much as that firm wish to employ the local people, they are not able to do so because they have been refused the loan.

That is an absolutely genuine case. If the Minister has any doubts about it, I shall show him the correspondence. As I said, I know the Minister cannot settle that issue. His hands are completely and absolutely tied by the futile legislation passed here by a huge Fianna Fáil majority under which An Foras Tionscal decided whether this old shipbuilding firm should get the credit they required or not, and the answer was "no". Lest any Deputies should harbour any doubts, I made an application to An Foras Tionscal. It was turned down on the ground that there was a parallel industry in Dublin and the new venture would injure it. So much for rural Ireland.

I shall deal now with another industry in the same county. I seem to have an affection for County Wicklow, though Wexford is my own constituency. I shall tell the House plenty about Wexford later. In Wicklow, a lady, who had been an art student, started an industry to manufacture soft goods— toys, teddy bears and so forth. I do not think I have ever seen such artistic production. Apart from that, she had an almost unlimited market for these goods in Britain. She employs 20 girls. She is a farmer's wife and a relative came to her rescue and helped to pay the wages of these girls to enable her to carry on. The material is prepared from about July to October and the finished products are put on the market at Christmas.

This lady required £5,000. She was able to prove to those concerned that this £5,000 would enable her not only to continue employing the 20 girls she had but to increase her employment potential to 40 girls. She told me she had innumerable applications from mothers asking her if she would take their daughters into employment so that they would stay at home. She applied for £5,000. She was turned down. I did not go to the Minister in this case. Had I done so, I would have received the same answer: there was nothing he could do about it; An Foras Tionscal would decide whether the industry was a suitable one and, if it was suitable, it would have to be suitable for the Gaeltacht, or perhaps some other area. That is the impossible situation that exists.

I will give another instance relating to my own constituency. Continental firms are very welcome because of the money they bring in. A very big European firm wanted to set up in my constituency. They had a town where they had literally everything they required. There was water ad lib, which is an unusual thing; there was electric power; there was a suitable site. All the labour necessary was available and they had the goodwill of the local people, some of whom were prepared to put up the requisite sum of money, if necessary. We made application through the usual channels. The matter was referred to An Foras Tionscal. They decided this would be a suitable industry for siting in the Gaeltacht. Those concerned found they could not get the benefits they anticipated, but they would get certain benefits if they went to the Gaeltacht.

It seems to me a rather odd policy. We refuse Irish people £5,000 for a local industry which would remain here. We give continentals big sums, many benefits, tax concessions and so forth, always provided An Foras Tionscal approves of where they are establishing their industries. The town affected in the latter case I mentioned was the town of Enniscorthy—a town which has suffered heavier emigration than anywhere else. We could not get assistance because we were on the east coast. That is the system that obtains. It is a wrong system. I do not blame the Minister entirely. He is in control of the Department of Industry and Commerce, but he has no real control because all the control is given to these boards. There is a sort of quasi-bureaucratic control over everything. A democratic society should be truly representative but that representation is being removed in our society, and more so in industry than in anything else.

This Government have based their industrial policy on encouraging continentals to come in here and set up industries. Then everything will be all right. That may be so but I am perhaps old-fashioned in my outlook. Some might describe me as conservative. I think that industries here should be of a type that is part and parcel of the country and that will stay here in any and every eventuality. There is a tremendous industrial expansion in Europe at the moment. In fact, the expansion is world-wide. More people are getting more opportunities of earning a livelihood than they had 20 years ago. Money is inflated and there is a greater circulation than at any time heretofore. It is well known that many firms in the Federal Republic of Germany are obtaining huge orders. Germany at the moment—it is not peculiar to Germany alone—is very short of labour. There is full employment there. There is a limitation on the amount that can be produced. A firm may receive an order for £1,000,000. They can produce £750,000 worth quite easily. The extra £250,000 is their problem. They have not got the labour. They have not got the machinery. Above all, they have not got the space to extend their factories. What could be simpler than that they should come to Ireland, get all the benefits that are offered, set up a factory here to produce the £250,000 worth of goods that they cannot produce in Germany? If there is another order for another £250,000, we are safe. If there is not, what will happen? There is nothing to stop them packing up and departing.

That is an aspect to which we must have regard in our approach to these continental firms. We should treat them with a certain reserve and caution. Admittedly, those that we have already are giving employment but there is always the danger that that employment will come to an end. For that reason, I urge the Minister to concentrate on the type of firms to which I have referred. Perhaps he would instruct his officials to keep an open mind where nationals seek a few thousand pounds. Why should it be necessary to look for £500,000 or £50,000 before one is deemed worthy of consideration? We must not lose our sense of values altogether.

With regard to the Common Market, the Common Market will vitally affect our industries and everyone must be alive to the risks in relation to those industries that are not fully competitive or properly modernised in the economic battle which is bound to take place. I have not seen any real directive from the Government to our industrialists. We have now reached the stage at which, as Deputy Sherwin pointed out, the British are likely to enter the Common Market. The British will almost certainly join the Common Market. The position at the moment is how can they get the best terms possible and, if they cannot get into the Common Market on the best terms possible, they will go in on any terms that they can get. The proof of that is that they have sent three or four senior Ministers around the world to negotiate with countries in the Commonwealth, India, New Zealand, and so on, who may kick when Britain say they will go into the Common Market and ask: "What about the Commonwealth?" It is proof positive of the fact that they are negotiating to go in.

There is nothing in the Estimate relating to the question of the Common Market and at the moment I feel it would be undesirable to have a full dress debate on the pros and cons of that subject. The Deputy is entitled to refer to it in relation to the Estimate before the House but otherwise it would not be in order to have a full dress debate.

May I intervene, if the Deputy would give way for one moment? As the House is aware, the Taoiseach has promised a Government White Paper setting out such facts as are available to the Government concerning the question of applying for admission and the desirability of applying for admission to the Common Market. It is proposed that within a short time after the issue of that White Paper the House will be given an opportunity of a full debate on all the issues concerning the Common Market. Perhaps that statement might shorten the proceedings here this evening.

I thank the Minister and the Chair. I was simply adducing the argument that the Government have not prepared Irish industrialists for the position they have to face. The only reason I referred to British Ministers going abroad was the fact that this is an issue which we shall have to face in the near future. The only point I want to make is that it is no use telling industrialists every other day that they have to prepare for the Common Market. They ought to be told one way or the other if we are going into the Common Market or not. I appreciate the Minister's intervention. I appreciate the fact that we will get a White Paper on the Common Market. We should have had it long ago.

In making that intervention, I did not want to restrict the Deputy. I do not mind how far he goes.

I appreciate that. I will not say any more on the Common Market, except that it is not, in my opinion, fair treatment of the industrialists to tell them that they will have to be ready, that we may go into the Common Market at some time or other. They ought to have been given a definite indication that something was going to happen. Quite obviously, from what the Minister has said now, something is going to happen. I have an opportunity of going abroad and meeting people. I have had an opportunity of knowing that something is going to happen. Industrialists have not been given a fair crack of the whip in not being given prior knowledge that the Government were going to do something. I am glad to hear that the Government are thinking of doing something.

I want to refer to the export of whiskey. I am not quite sure of my figures as I have not got the Estimate here but I know that the Government are providing a sum in the neighbourhood of £40,000 to aid the export of Irish whiskey, principally to the United States of America. I want to make the point that we should concentrate on exports of Irish whiskey. It is a product in regard to which we should make a forceful export drive. Irish whiskey is based on Irish labour and Irish raw material. There is no importation concerned with Irish whiskey. The Scottish distillers are spending over £1,000,000 in the United States of America in advertising and selling their product. For that reason, the Government could have been more generous and should have poured more money into that channel. It is not that we are not spending money on other things. As I have already said, we are spending huge sums of money in encouraging people to start industries here. When we have old established industries, we should look to them and force them into the market and assist them as much as possible.

Many people have spoken about industrial unrest in Ireland. Everybody must be conscious of the fact that there have been more strikes recently than one would expect. Whether the industrial unrest is due to the extraordinarily rosy picture painted by members of the Government to indicate that the country has never had it so good, has never been so prosperous, I do not know. That may be the case in the city of Dublin but rural Ireland was scarcely ever as impoverished as it is now. Perhaps some of my Fianna Fáil opponents will indignantly deny that. I say that rural Ireland was never as impoverished as it is now, that there was never such appalling emigration in my memory as there is now and there has never been such uncertainty of employment.

Be that as it may, several Ministers have gone to chambers of commerce dinners and other public functions and have indicated that this country is on top of the world. That in itself may have been responsible for industrial unrest. I do not know. I may be wrong but I have the feeling that a great deal of industrial unrest is due to pressure and to agitators from outside. Everyone knows what I mean by "agitators" and where they come from. They represent an ideology which is abhorrent to every member of this Assembly. Some of the strikes that have taken place were ill-advised because the concerns were not too happy or solvent, which means that those who got a small increase after a long stoppage will probably find themselves not very much better off than they were before. I feel that these strikes have been engineered from outside and are inimical to our interests here. Perhaps, when the Minister is replying, he will give the House some idea of the relations that exist between industrial employers and employees and whether we can have any period of peace free from industrial strife in future and an absence of the unrest which is not good for either employer or employee.

If there is one Department of State to which the country is indebted, it is surely the Department of Industry and Commerce. I speak in that way because of the position that exists in the county I represent, and particularly in the town in which I live. Since so many odd things have been said about the activities of the Department, particularly by Deputy Lynch in regard to the industries established here, it is only right to say that we have now reached a stage—I hope Deputy Sherwin will take what I say as correct—when many of our industries can compete in foreign markets equally with European countries.

I know for certain of one industry that is sending a large quantity of manufactured goods to Britain every month. In fact, so much are they selling that the major proportion of those employed in that factory, which was established in 1934, are engaged in the manufacture of goods which compete in price and quality with the goods they can produce in Great Britain. I am happy to be able to say that because it establishes the fact that our people who were not accustomed to machinery and had no tradition in that respect are now as competent here in Ireland as they are in any part of the world, I believe.

I know of another great industry in my constituency. I have it on the authority of the managing director of that firm that he did not want tariffs or protection, that what he wanted was markets. I have no doubt that if at some stage we enter the Common Market or the Free Trade Area, the hopes of that manufacturer will be realised and that great industry will expand and more than compensate for whatever loss the country might suffer through some other inefficient industry collapsing.

I am sorry I am not allowed to talk about the Common Market but I should like to assure Deputy Sherwin, who suggested that many of our industries would collapse if we were compelled to go, or went of our own free will, into the Common Market, that he is vastly mistaken. It is only those industries which cannot produce as they should produce after the length of experience they have had that will collapse. If there are any such industries, and if they are not capable of competing with industries in other countries, it would be just as well if they did collapse.

Deputy Lynch was sarcastic about the type of people who are coming in here and suggested that we were going to the ends of the earth to get people in here to manufacture radio sets and various other goods. I remember a time when we were very happy to get people from abroad who were skilled in industry to come in here when we did not have any person capable of instructing our own industrialists, to train our people in the use of machines and the production of goods and particularly when they employed our people for the purpose of providing goods for export to other countries. So far as I am concerned, those people are welcome.

Deputy Esmonde seemed to think that loans should be had simply for the asking He told us of three places on the eastern coast that were refused loans for various reasons. He conveyed the impression to us that the people looking for those loans were the kind who should get them. He did not give us any idea why they should, and the only reason he gave why one was refused was that some other industry in Dublin was producing or working on the same line and that on that account the shipyard—in Arklow, I take it—would not get a loan. Of course I do not know how true that is, but I rather think that if a firm in Dublin was capable of manufacturing all that was required of those items, it would be folly to give a loan to another town to compete with it within the limited market available.

As I say, I do not know what line of business he was talking about, except that he referred to a 50-ton ship that was to be built. A firm of that kind, if it is fundamentally sound, should have no difficulty in getting a loan, either through public subscription or from a bank, if the board who make recommendations in regard to the loan refuse to grant it. I rather think the board are justified in being very conservative about giving these loans. If everyone who came along with a story were to get money simply for the asking and because they told a good story, I am afraid the money would flow out very freely and there would be complaints that we were squandering money on foolish industries and so on.

The fact is that in many of our towns there are people who for many years have been in excellent employment and in permanent employment in industries which would not have been established, were it not for the great strides made through the activities of the Department of Industry and Commerce. In the last part of his speech, Deputy Esmonde said that the country was never more impoverished. That is a fantastic statement to make. I really believe that not only is the country as well off as it ever was, but it is much better off than it ever was.

I travelled down to the town of Arklow last Sunday and I saw the whole coastline covered with motor cars and people enjoying themselves. They were not uncertain or miserable and there were as happy a crowd of people along that sea coast as you would find in the whole world.

What about the people who have gone away?

Is the Deputy recommending that we should bring in a Bill to prohibit emigration? The Deputy would have another story then.

Supposing they were not allowed into England from here.

Deputy Sherwin has already spoken.

When I was a youngster many many years ago, I used to go to see people off when they were emigrating to the United States. At that time they were going for ever. There is a terrific change at the present time when it takes only one hour to go to Britain.

It takes them longer to come back.

I do not think emigration is as terrible as the groans from the opposite benches would suggest it is.

That is very interesting.

Young people will always go abroad. I have seen it time and time again. In fact, so far as emigration and unemployment are concerned, we have reached the stage that unemployment was never so low in a tremendous number of years.

The boat leaves Dún Laoghaire at twenty minutes to ten. The Deputy should get a clean shirt and go.

I have gone many times.

It is a pity the Deputy did not go altogether.

If the Deputy left, it might be a good job.

Perhaps the two Deputies could go.

The people are as prosperous as they were at any time during my lifetime. There is more money to be spent. There are more people in employment and, in actual fact, there is less need for people to leave the country than ever there was.

And still more are going. Will the Deputy explain that?

I did not interrupt anyone.

I could tell the Deputy many things about industry in this country. I remember when Deputy Lindsay's Party condemned industries and said there should be fewer factories. We have converted Fine Gael.

You never converted Fine Gael to any of your beliefs.

If the Deputy wants instances of what I am talking about, I can give them to him from the town in which I live. In 1934 there was not a solitary industry in the town of Clonmel. Now we have five different industries employing up to nine hundred people. I wonder what that town would be like to-day if these industries were not there? They were all started as a result of the good work of the Department of Industry and Commerce. The same applies to a number of other towns. As far as the farming community are concerned, despite what Deputy Esmonde has said, I am happy to be able to say they are as well off as ever they were.

I should like to assure the Minister and Deputy Loughman that I welcome any responsible firm which starts an industry here, employs our people and exports its products. In his opening statement, the Minister referred to industrial expansion over the past two years. We all welcome that and only trust it will increase much more. The result of that increased industrial expansion and of the large amount of money poured into it is that we have 3,500 more people at work. Is that not a far cry from what the Taoiseach promised before the last general election—20,000 new jobs in each of five years? Now, after the Government's term of office, the most they can boast of is an increase of 3,500 in industrial employment.

According to Deputy Loughman, agriculture was never as prosperous as it is to-day. Yet over the past four years 50,000 fewer people are employed in agriculture. No industry can be described as prosperous if in the past four years 50,000 of its workers have lost their employment in it.

The reduction in the unemployment figures is merely nominal. I saw in the Sunday Independent last week that practically 200,000 Irish people obtained insurance cards in England in the past three years. The same thing was repeated in a Question here to-day. The Taoiseach disputes this and says that many of these people were going for holidays and so on. I think the Statistics Office in England are fairly accurate in their summary of the numbers of Irish people who obtained insurance cards. The figures are: 1958: 58,000; 1959, 64,000; and 1960, 72,000. If that is the yardstick by which the achievements of the Government after four years in office must be measured, I am afraid they are very poor.

I do not blame the Minister for Industry and Commerce. He has done very well in his position. Any time I went to him with a problem, I received every courtesy; and I have nothing to say to him personally. He has only recently come from the Department of Education. But the entire Government must take responsibility for the fact that in the past three years alone 200,000 people have emigrated.

The Minister referred to tourism and stated that the figures were a record this year because receipts had gone up from £37 million to £42 million. No matter what Government are in office next year, there will be a further increase in the receipts from tourism. I appreciate that the work of Bord Fáilte has brought in a certain number of tourists from other countries, but that number is very small compared with the boatloads of our own people coming home on holidays from England. I believe that well over 90 per cent. of our tourist receipts are derived from these people. Bearing in mind that 200,000 people left to take up employment in England in the past three years, 72,000 in 1960 alone, you are bound to have a big increase in tourist receipts.

In one of my local papers last week, there were two reports, one over the other. The top one was headed "An American Wake in Mooneenroe". Some Deputies may not understand what is meant by an American wake. In the old days, when people were going to America, they were given a send-off. It was called an American wake because those people would never be seen again. In the case of Mooneenroe, nine people were going to America the following week—one whole family of six and three other people. Underneath that report was another heading "All Gone". At the other end of the county, Goresbridge, the father and two children had already gone and the mother and five other children were about to leave.

There is something wrong. Have the Government the confidence of the people? If they had, these people would stay in their own country. Apparently, they have not the confidence of these people. During the term of the previous inter-Party Government, we endeavoured by every means in our power, by subsidies and so on, to maintain the cost of living at the lowest possible level so that everybody would get a reasonable existence. But the present Government came in and said: "We will no longer maintain subsidies."

I remember Deputy Norton on one occasion stating he would not come out flat-footedly and say the Government have given up any intention whatever of trying to control the cost of living. I shall come out and say that, in my opinion, the present Government have not controlled the cost of living. Organised workers have the strike weapon by which they can obtain redress. Civil servants and other salaried officials also have redress. They can go to arbitration and their case will be met by the granting of an increase. That is all right as far as the Government employees are concerned. Look at the thousands who are unorganised. The great majority are unorganised and could never be organised. Take the case of the small shopkeeper and the small farmer. How could they be organised? How could they demand an increase to meet the increase of 15 points in the cost of living over the last four years? From whom would they make the demand? Who would compensate them for the increase in the cost of living?

The position is all right in the case of the protected industries because the product is sold on the home market. Industry can increase the price of its commodities and people will have to buy the commodities at that increased price. In the case of these thousands to whom I have referred, the Government no longer bother to control, or even attempt to control, the position for the benefit of these unfortunate people. It is my opinion that the Government have no interest whatsoever in the cost of living. Because the Government have no interest the people are losing interest. They are not prepared to stay here when they can get jobs across the water. The people have lost confidence in the country because of the Government's lack of attention to the cost of living in the country. People are very hard-pressed. They know our butter is sold in England at 2/4d or 2/6 a lb. Here, for the same butter, they have to pay 4/10d. It is no wonder that people are leaving the country.

With regard to the mining survey, we in Kilkenny would like that survey to be proceeded with as rapidly as possible. We are very interested in open-cast mining. Deputy Dillon made some reference to open-cast mining this evening. People are upset at the idea of others coming in on their land, whether they like it or not, to dig for coal. They do not know whether they will get any compensation. I remember one case in relation to which a question was asked here last July. It is reported at Column 992 of Volume 183 of the Official Report and the Minister's reply was that under Section 31 of the Minerals Development Act, 1940, various persons had rights conferred on them to go in on the land. Several supplementary questions were asked and, in reply to one of those, the Minister stated:

Great care is taken before such a concession is given to anybody and his bona fides are usually well-established before he gets even a prospecting licence, much less a mining licence.

We have a case in Kilkenny where a certain firm came over here to do some mining. The owner of the land knew they had power to go in on his land and he thought it better to make an agreement as to price rather than go to the Mining Board. He made an agreement. They were to lodge the money. They said they wanted to dig a trial trench and they offered to pay £200 for that trench. They went in on the land. They dug the trial trench. They went 30 or 40 feet down in some parts and not only on the eight acres that had been agreed but also over another five or six acres that did not enter into the agreement at all. The weather was bad that year and water filled the trenches. The people interested left. Not a pennypiece was paid. The owner thought he would hold the machinery but he was informed that the machinery was either mortgaged to the Bank of Ireland or belonged to a hire-purchase company, and he had no right whatever to hold it.

I saw a letter from a firm of solicitors recently to this man and the advice given was that the solicitors did not see much use in his going to court. The company involved had £100 share capital and a loan from the Bank of Ireland of £6,000. This man now has new lakes on 30 acres of his land. That is all he has. He has not received a pennypiece since last September. I would ask the Minister to investigate this case. I would urge him to ensure that people affected will get reasonable compensation for interference. As far as I remember, the price agreed was £160 per acre. This unfortunate man has not received as much as 160 pence so far. Added to that he is out of the use of his land.

I welcome foreign industries provided that the industrialists are responsible people worthy of support. I welcome the Government's endeavour to establish industries here. The only thing I am not pleased about is the Minister's statement with regard to the undeveloped areas. He is not prepared to look at any district in the fringe area. Deputy Loughman says Clonmel has got four or five industries. Kilkenny has none. I ask the Minister to have some regard for Kilkenny and other districts like Kilkenny. One industry was started in the past 10 years and it is doing very well. Another industry went down a bit, possibly through inexpert management. It was purchased on the open market by a group, apparently with profits made from a previous industry. A certain amount of capital was put into it. The group believed they would have no trouble in getting more capital from the Industrial Credit Company to develop and expand. It is most important that an industry like this should not be denied capital. We are on the threshold of the Common Market. Whether or not they get the loan for which they applied, they will continue, but their prospects for development will not be as good as they would be if they got a reasonable loan.

I saw in the paper recently a report that one German firm in Killarney had drawn up to 31st March, £404,000 on account. That was not the complete loan; it was the amount drawn on account. I do not know how many more thousands will be drawn. I compared that position with the position in my own town where an industry was looking for about £40,000 or £50,000 and was refused a loan. The people concerned had proved themselves to be very good businessmen and very enterprising people who have 40 or 50 men in very well-paid employment. That shocked me. I would appeal to the Minister to use his influence so that this firm will get whatever capital is necessary for development purposes. I have no doubt that they would use it to the best advantage.

Recently there was an upset in the firm that I have referred to in Killarney, who got the £404,000. The first thing the directors said was: "We will close down and transfer our orders to our home firm in Germany". That would not happen in Kilkenny. In the case of the Killarney firm, the raw materials used were practically all imported whereas the factory in Kilkenny was using native raw materials, the production of which is giving employment to our own people. The people concerned in the Kilkenny factory have been in the woollen industry for the last 50 or 60 years. There was an ideal opportunity for the Industrial Credit Company to help that firm. Deputy Loughman insists that they cannot give money to everybody. I was one of the four Deputies who introduced them, but I understand that they have been refused. As a last word, I would appeal to the Minister to help out this industry which is one of our mainstays—it buys wool from local farmers—and see to it that they will in the very near future receive further consideration either from the Industrial Credit Company or in the way of a direct Government-guaranteed loan.

At the outset I want to support Deputy Crotty's appeal for greater discretion in the matter of allocating aid for industrial purposes. I do think that those firms in our country, big and small, particularly the small ones, who have traditional roots in the city or town are most deserving of aid from Government funds when they are available, especially when they require it for expansion which they prove to be necessary and of which experience proves them, in turn, to be capable.

Deputy Loughman earlier this afternoon deprecated certain attitudes of ours on this side of the House towards industrial development and expansion and, typically of him, he started with the Department of Industry and Commerce in 1934. As far as my recollection goes in relation to public utterances about industrial expansion from these benches and from the members of these benches outside, if any criticism was used it was criticism of the type of industry proposed and its likelihood of enduring in a competitive world. We had no time, in other words, for the phoney industry, for the industry that was going to play around some sort of objective that was not in keeping with our traditions, either industrial or commercial. We prefer to see the kind of industry develop that can obtain its raw material or, at least, part of its raw material, within the country, so that the labour content of the industry will not be concentrated in one particular place but that the effects of its operations will be widespread over a considerable area near its location.

It was with that end in view that Deputy McGilligan, when Minister for Industry and Commerce, started the electricity supply. It was with that end in view that he founded the first sugar beet factory in this country, in Carlow. If Deputy Loughman seeks to denigrate the efforts of people who gave their best, their youth, their energy and ability towards the dual development of this country, agriculturally and industrially, he is seeking to insult the intelligence of the Irish people and asking them to accept something which is not a fact. Of course, it is hard to expect economic principles of any kind of standard from Deputy Loughman when he asks us in this day and age to accept as an economic standard, upon which we should base a belief that our prosperity was never as high before, the fact that the road from Arklow to Brittas is studded with motor cars. Has he never heard of hire-purchase companies? Has he no belief in the vanity of human nature that makes people make every effort, with the help of hire-purchase companies, so that one neighbour will be as good as another on a Sunday afternoon between Arklow and Brittas, for the edification of Deputy Loughman's hopes for the success of the Fianna Fáil Party in the coming general election?

In a question of mine today I dealt with emigration figures given by the British Overseas Office, the veracity of which I accept, in contrast with other utterances upon which we might be expected to rely. There is no advantage to be derived from a British office that gives figures to a Member of Parliament of the number of people from the Republic of Ireland who applied for insurance cards for the first time in any particular year. "For the first time" is the operative part of that statement, as it was the operative part of my question. Of course, it was denied by the Taoiseach. The only thing he was prepared to admit was that these figures were published. He went on in a most illogical process, by addition and subtraction and confusing statements about net inward and outward movements, so that we were expected to believe that emigration from this country per annum over the last three years is represented by one-half the figures given by the British Overseas Office.

The number of people who emigrated from this country in 1958 to England and applied for work in England for the first time was 58,136. The number who emigrated in 1959 and applied for cards again for the first time—not one of them belonged to the figure for the previous year— was 64,494. In 1960—again not one of them being among the figures for the two previous years—the number who went to Great Britain from the Republic of Ireland for the first time was 72,962, making for the three years 1958, 1959 and 1960 a grand total of 195,592.

That is not the end of the picture because the figures for those people who went to England looking for work, and who were registered among those figures I have quoted as people seeking employment, did not include in very many instances the wives, the school-going children and the children not of an age to work whom they took with them. It certainly does not include the wives and the families of the husbands who went from my constituency, who closed their doors, barred their windows and left, in many cases, for ever.

They were driven out by two things. One of those factors was touched upon by Deputy Crotty when he talked of lack of confidence. That lack of confidence emanates from the realisation of the cruel and ruthless deception that was practised upon them, particularly in the last general election campaign. Side by side with that realisation, the cruel and ruthless deception with regard to the price of essential commodities made it necessary for them to depart because they were no longer able to bridge the gap between the static, in some cases, and in the majority, the decreasing, income which they had from their small holdings, and the ever-increasing cost of living.

It is significant that in this last speech on the Estimate for Industry and Commerce, in this glowing report of progress and prosperity and the "You never had it so good" complex which we are all expected to swallow holus-bolus, there is not one solitary reference to the cost of living which never stood so high or was never shoved up so high as a result of Government policy for the past four years. That speech was referred to by the Taoiseach today in reply to a Question put down by me asking the Taoiseach what steps he proposes to take, or if he has any plans, to arrest the present high rate of emigration. In reply, the Taoiseach said that it is the aim of the Government to remove the economic reasons for emigration. The Government which, in the words of Deputy Boland, the Minister for Defence, must be acknowledged by any reasonable man as having been elected to get rid of mass emigration and unemployment caused by their predecessors have that as their aim at the end of four years. At the end of three of those four years, 195,592 of our people at least, not including women and children, have departed from these shores as a result of the ineffectiveness of this avowed aim to remove the economic reasons for emigration.

There are 50,000 people fewer at home in insurable employment and the Taoiseach's reply to me today when I asked him what plans he had, if any, to arrest the present high rate of emigration was:

The Minister for Industry and Commerce, in introducing the Estimates for his Department last week, detailed the progress being made in the industrial sector of the economy, and, in the coming weeks, the House (will have the opportunity of hearing progress reports from other Ministers.

It is a pity that reply could not be nailed upon every available post at the North Wall, Dún Laoghaire, Collinstown and Shannon, so that at least the people going away might know that in the interests of those who are left behind, the Government have as their aim the removal of the economic reasons for emigration.

I want to refer now to the cost of living which was not referred to by the Minister in his progress report. The cost of living has gone up during the régime of this Government so far by something around 15 points. Apart from the lack of confidence to which I have referred and the inability to maintain a family at such a high level of living costs ever-spiralling within the economy, there are other difficulties in the West of Ireland. As a result of the added £1 8s. Od. per eight-stone sack of flour, it has become necessary for the shopkeeper to pay out more for such stock, as well as other commodities such as bread and butter, the costs of which have risen as a direct result of the Government's action. It is necessary in turn for him to pay a higher interest charge on a greater sum on his overdraft in the local bank, and that has made it inevitably more difficult for him to give credit to his customers to the same extent as he was accustomed to give it. There again, there is the economic frustration operating as between customer and shopkeeper, particularly on the small holdings in the more remote parts of rural Ireland and at a time when cattle prices and agricultural prices have been depressed. It is true we experienced a boom in the recent past but we have no guarantee that it will continue. In fact, the indications are that we can look out for more trouble in the not too distant future in that regard.

We are curtailed to some extent in speaking of the Common Market because we are to have another progress report from the Taoiseach but in view of certain eventualities, if I may put it that way, among other countries to which we are commercially connected, the times ahead will be gloomy, particularly in the industrial sphere. I entirely agree with Deputy Sherwin when he says that in the event of our having to compete in a wider field than that to which we are accustomed, industries which have been protected behind tariff walls will collapse, and I believe they will collapse more quickly than Deputy Sherwin envisages. That is why I say that the traditional industry is the industry to watch and build up, the industry that has survived the hazards of all the ages.

Complaints have been made here about the siting of factories in what people call roughly the Gaeltacht or the West of Ireland. Certainly, no factory has been sited in the Gaeltacht of County Mayo. I do not know of any in County Galway, with the exception of the one at Spiddal about which the Department of the Gaeltacht itself is trying to make up its mind what should be produced there. Therefore, complaints about factories going to the Gaeltacht do not appear to have any great basis.

On the question of exports, I too, like Deputy Esmonde, want, if not to complain, at least to enquire into the reasons why Irish whiskey of any brand does not seem to be available on markets even near home. On a recent visit to Japan, which I suppose is as far away as anyone can go from this country, I was not alone amazed at the amount of Scotch whisky obtainable for the asking—and with the money, of course—but to learn of the vast number of brands of Scotch whiskey of which I had never even heard. It is true that on the menu of one place in Tokyo, there was "Irish Whiskey, Dublin." I probably asked for it so aggressively that the fellow decided to tell me it was not in stock rather than try to give me something that was not Irish whiskey.

Would the Deputy put in a word with Chiang Kai Shek?

Great play is being made about tourism here. My own personal belief is, and I think it would be shared by most people, that, next to agriculture, tourism should be our greatest venture. But we must be careful about the kind of tourism we want to develop, about the standards to which we wish to attain and the kind of people we wish to attract.

I would prefer if Bord Fáilte devoted more of their time to prices and costings in certain hotels than trying to see that the girls in the reception office wear black. I would prefer to see on certain hotels here notices indicative of the truth of the conditions in them, such as "No natives may enter here; we fleece only Americans and the upper-class British". I have seen menu cards recently in hotels here, some of them in the West of Ireland, and the prices for steak and salmon, which we have here in abundance, were nothing short of outrageous.

And all in French.

Probably. Some of them have a tendency towards the "à la". But there is one thing you can understand, whether the menu is in French, Irish, or English. As long as we are attached to sterling, we will know whether any particular items on it are beyond or within our capacity. I believe our tourist effort, apart from these mighty efforts of luxury hotels devoted to certain kinds of people with certain kinds of bank balances, should be directed to the people coming from Great Britain and the nearer parts of the Continent, people with a certain income who have only a certain amount to spend but who are ready and willing to spend it if they can find a place within their capacity to pay. This country is full of such places. Virtually every house in rural Ireland is well kept. Our people should be inspired and led to put notices in their windows "Accommodation", "Bed and Breakfast", such as you see on every mile of the road in Scotland and to give to the visitors the kind of food we have ourselves.

We should remember that people come to see the way we live. We should remember, too, that our good, wholesome Irish food is good enough for any kind of visitor. An awful lot can be done in that way on the propaganda side. We should give them fresh Irish eggs, our own ham and bacon and our own brown bread. We should give them our own home-made butter—and all at reasonable charges. Almost every house in this country has a room which could be available. That is the sort of tourism we should try to introduce. It can be done. It has been done in one part of my constituency—Achill Island. They started there with one room and now the place is studded with hotels, but the people with the smaller houses are still keeping visitors. It is to be hoped that that kind of development will spread all over rural Ireland. Through it we can have some hope for the west, south-west and north-west. That is one of the things that could be developed in such a manner as to be a help towards the easing of emigration.

Reference has been made to industrial unrest. It is true that we have had more than our normal quota of strikes.

That is not right.

We have had a lot of them. If it is our normal quota it is too high. Let me assure Deputy Corish at once that I do not blame the Labour Party or the trade unions. There are always two sides to a story, and there are always two sides to a strike. The workers are never wholly wrong. Neither are the employers always wholly right.

There are three sides to a story—your side, my side, and the right side.

Then we are all wrong, if there is only one right side. Great play has been made from time to time on this whole question of industry and commerce, imports and exports, balance of payments, prices remaining either static or rising. From time to time, too, we have had the blame apportioned, depending exactly on where we happen to sit in this House. It appears to me that public morality in this country can be judged now in this way: if you are in Government you can do nothing wrong; everything is perfect, and nothing that goes wrong can be attributed to you, blamed upon faulty administration, wrong directives, inept policy. But if the same Party happens to be in Opposition, then the Government of the day must take the blame for everything.

We well remember the hue and cry in the winter of 1956 and early 1957, when the Government of the day were being denounced up and down the country by people who subsequently came in in a blaze and are now going out like damp squibs. In relation to that period, the House might be interested in an extract from an article published by OEEC in May of this year, entitled "The Problem of Rising Prices" and, under the sub-caption "Ireland," it states:

The behaviour of prices in Ireland has been dominated to such an extent by developments in the United Kingdom that the detailed course of domestic events in Ireland is of relatively limited relevance in explaining the evolution of price level in Ireland. In particular, the inflationary developments of 1955/1956 were very largely due to concurrent increases in prices in the United Kingdom. During those years Ireland did not experience the investment boom that occurred in almost all other member and associate countries. Private consumption did rise fairly rapidly, but this reflects largely the impact on Irish wages and the changes taking place in the United Kingdom. In fact, investment in Ireland has tended to remain exceptionally low throughout the period 1953 to 1959 with a resultant very low rate of increase in productivity or output. At the same time Ireland has been unable to insulate herself from the price and wage increases occurring abroad, particularly in the United Kingdom.

I prefer to accept that as a logical basis for our troubles rather than the implied notion of prosperity contained in what the Taoiseach is pleased to call, when referring to the Minister's speech on his Estimate, a progress report.

There is, in my view, a sense of unreality about the whole of this debate because of the important decision that this country may be required to take in a very short time with regard to entry, or otherwise, to the Common Market. It is difficult to make relevant comment on this Estimate in view of the fact that this decision overshadows the whole debate and, indeed, overshadows many important problems which have faced the country for many years. It is difficult for anybody—the Minister, the Taoiseach, or anybody else—to forecast what the future will be for Irish Industry.

It seems rather strange to me that some of those representing the agricultural industry appear to be a little more optimistic. Some of their organisations seem to favour our entry to the Common Market, and that as quickly as possible. I believe there is a big question mark in relation to the agricultural industry of this country until such time as we have some clearer notion of what the position will be over a certain period following on our entry to the Common Market, if we decide to enter.

The Taoiseach, in reply to questions put to him here, did not give— indeed, in fairness to him, he could not give—any definite answer as to whether or not we would apply for membership. He did, after persistent questioning, say that Britain's decision in the matter would be of primary importance to this country. That is as everybody expects. That is as everybody knows. There is only one of two decisions to be made—either we go in or we stay out. I wonder is Irish industry geared up sufficiently if we decide to follow the example of Britain and make application for membership to the Common Market? The Taoiseach has tried in some of his speeches to indicate to industrialists what might be required of them. I do not think he has been clear enough in his advice to them. It is not sufficient for the Taoiseach to give a general forecast of what the position may be with regard to the free movement of men, money, goods, material and all that sort of thing. The Taoiseach and his Government should lead in this matter. They should tell industrialists what exactly they have to do now to equip themselves and their industries in preparation for what must be a momentous decision for this country.

The job to be tackled now is that of improving the competitive position of the industries we have at the moment. It is not sufficient merely to encourage foreign industrialists to establish industries here. I think all of us are agreed that they are not here because of their love of Ireland or the people in it. They are here for a variety of reasons. They are here because they get pretty generous terms and pretty generous financial assistance. I do not think there can be any doubt about that. I would be the first to agree that the assistance given to them is pretty generous. They are here because they have a favoured position vis-à-vis the British market. If this favoured position becomes lost to them—if, on our entry into the Common Market, they lose that favoured position—I do not think anybody expects that they will have developed such patriotism for our country that they will determine to stay here.

The first aim of industrialists is to make a profit for themselves. If it is not of as much advantage to them to establish industries here as to establish them in other countries in Europe, they will not stay. That was one of the weaknesses that I personally saw in the Government's scheme of assistance to encourage foreign industrialists. Generally speaking, I agree with the idea of giving assistance to foreign industrialists to come here. I have certain reservations with regard to the Undeveloped Areas Act but, by and large, I have no quarrel with the Government's system of industrial assistance.

It seems to me the Government should have taken greater initiative in establishing industries themselves and, secondly, that where a foreign industrialist decided to establish an industry in this country the Government, on behalf of the people of Ireland, should have put money into it and retained a certain control. It is a very risky business to give someone who proposes to establish an industry in some part of Ireland all these facilities now available —the building of the factory, one-third of the cost of machinery, and all the other things—without having any say in the industry. The Government should have taken steps to appoint a director so that there would be some Irish and Government control of its administration, production and the other facets of industry.

Even if Britain does not make application for membership of the Common Market, Britain is a member of the Outer Seven. We are in neither the Six nor the Seven. In the Outer Seven there is provision for a gradual reduction in protection in the way of tariffs, quotas and so on. When the scheme of tariffs and quotas comes to an end in a certain number of years, will it mean that Ireland may not be in the same favourable position vis-à-vis Britain as she is in today?

If we are to persist in this idea of the encouragement of foreign industrialists by giving them financial assistance, we should try to be a little more selective. I have no detailed knowledge of the industries that have been established here but we should be selective in regard to the type of industry established and assist only those industries likely to endure so that we shall not be left in the position that the industry folds up and thousands of our people are rendered unemployed.

It is a strange turn of the wheel that the method by which industry was nurtured, fostered and encouraged in this country is now a disadvantage to us. In the 1930's Irish industry was encouraged, fostered and nurtured by a system of tariffs, by various forms of protection, by the imposition of duties and quotas. We find now that all this protection will be an embarrassment to us in view of the fact that our membership of the Common Market must mean that over a certain period we will have to rid ourselves of that sort of protection.

The original idea in giving that protection was that it was to be of a temporary nature. All that type of protection was afforded to Irish industries only until such time as they would be able to stand on their own feet. Many industries in this country have enjoyed that protection over a long period— something like 30 years. I do not think we were very far-sighted in this country, even in recent years, in that where any person decided to establish an industry here he immediately asked for protection and invariably that protection was afforded. It was a short-sighted policy. I would not say that any particular blame is to be attached to anybody because the trade groups in Europe have been established only in recent times and in the 1940's and immediately after the war I do not think it was visualised that the trading situation would so change as to put us in the embarrassing position in which we find ourselves today.

I wonder, therefore, if the Government have had any consultations with Great Britain? It must be obvious to everybody that the British Government have been consulting furiously the members of the Commonwealth over the last weeks. We cannot deny that we are in a certain favoured position with Great Britain. We have a certain link with them in financial matters and 80 per cent. or a little more of our trade is with Great Britain. I do not think there would be anything unreasonable in our Government discussing this question and the decision to be arrived at with the British Government but there does not seem to be any indication in the statements by the Taoiseach or by the Minister for Industry and Commerce that any discussions are going on with the British Government. It is a source of great concern to the people of the country generally, to manufacturers, industrialists and, not least, to thousands of Irish workers who are dependent on the industries that have been established over the last 20 years.

It would be a tragedy for those who have been, so to speak, driven off the land by reason of the introduction of machinery in agriculture, by reason of the general decrease in employment on the land, that they should be more or less driven out of industry that was established for them and driven once more, like many of their comrades and colleagues, to the emigrant ship. That is a position which we hope will not arise. It is a position that we trust the Government of the day will safeguard. There does not seem to be any real evidence that the Government are doing very much to safeguard that position. I do not say that they are not concerned; they must be very concerned but there does not seem to be much leadership or much directive to industrialists to gear themselves immediately for a situation which may confront us in a matter of weeks and which, indeed, will become stark reality, if we enter the Common Market, in a short period of ten years.

There are a few other small points which I should like to mention arising out of the Minister's speech. The Minister emphasised the importance of technical assistance in increasing efficiency and productivity, especially in view of the current situation in industry. He said it would be even more necessary in future to provide this technical assistance to meet competition that undoubtedly will arise. The Minister might then explain why his provision for technical assistance under Subhead N. of the Estimate has been reduced by £5,000. He announced that in his speech but I do not think he gave the reason for the reduction.

Another matter with which I am concerned is the position of the ex-Great Northern Railway Workers in Dundalk. The Minister referred to various payments made to these workers when they became temporarily or permanently redundant. He expressed the hope that this redundancy would soon come to an end. I should like the Minister to clarify the position. Perhaps he could say what is being done for these workers. Could he let us know how many workers formerly employed by the Great Northern Railway workshops in Dundalk are now in employment in Dundalk and how many of them are employed in the Dundalk Engineering Works which was established shortly after the G.N.R. was closed down in that town?

The Minister also referred to the prospects of our having minerals in this country. Research and survey have gone on for quite a long time in Ireland in an effort to locate oil and minerals. It has been going on for such a long time that I think there should be some conclusion to it. The Minister might tell us for how long this research has now been proceeding. He might also tell us about the oil companies engaged in this research which have been reorganised. The Irish company has been replaced by an American research company, subsidiary to an American oil company. I should like to know why that was necessary. The Minister says he is quite satisfied with the changed position. Perhaps he would explain a little more clearly why this reorganisation was deemed to be necessary, and what exactly it involves.

I do not want to flog anything that has already been discussed. With regard to the promotion of Irish whiskey sales in other countries, especially in the United States of America, it seems to be a little unfair that having gone to such trouble in an effort to promote the sales of Irish whiskey this year, we should cut the subvention by something like £40,000. It now seems as if we are not in earnest about the promotion of the sales of that commodity, especially in the United States of America.

Deputy Lindsay referred to—and got off it pretty quickly—the problem of our industrial relations. It is only fair to say that we welcome the mention by the Minister of a revision of that problem. We also welcome the talks that are taking place, and will take place, between the Federation of Employers and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions representing the organised workers. We trust that review will not take too long and that some of the difficulties that exist will soon be ironed out.

Deputy Lindsay said we have had more strikes recently than we had before. I do not know whether that is right or wrong. So far as strikes are concerned, and the loss of days worked through strikes, this country has a pretty good record. Unfortunately, if there is a strike, those who are affected by it squeal and blame the workers. Some Deputy said that when there is a strike, the public blame the workers more often than anything else. The workers' point of view must be considered and appreciated also, if there is a trade dispute. In any dispute, there must be two sides to the issue.

The worker has a commodity to sell. He has his brains, his hands and his labour to sell, and he asks a price. If there is a disagreement, he refuses to sell and there is a strike. I think that is legitimate. If a manufacturer and a producer have an argument about the price of a commodity, they also go on strike. If a merchant wants to buy a chair, for example, and a certain price is demanded and he will not pay it, he does not buy and that is a strike. A workman is in more or less the same position. He has something to sell: he has his labour, his hands and his brains to sell. If he does not get a proper price, is it not legitimate for him to strike? There is no necessity for me to attempt to provoke arguments about strikes and especially strikes we have had recently. I hope that after these talks have been concluded and the proposals agreed upon, they will, if necessary, be implemented by legislation by whatever Minister for Industry and Commerce is in office.

The Minister also mentioned that his Department would be reviewing the system of distinction between the so-called developed areas and the undeveloped areas. I think that is a very good thing. I do not know what is in the Minister's mind, but it would, I suppose, be too optimistic for me to expect that the financial assistance and general encouragement given to the establishment of industries in certain parts will be extended to all parts of the country. However, I wonder has the Minister considered what the position will be if we join the Common Market? So far as I understood from the document which the Taoiseach was good enough to send us recently, this sort of discrimination will have to be changed altogether, because the Rome Treaty does not allow one part of a country to be specially favoured in the way in which the undeveloped areas appear to be.

Did the Deputy say the Rome Treaty does not allow one part to be favoured over another? It does.

I thought I would mention that to the Minister in case he might be labouring in vain in the event of our joining the Common Market in a reasonably short time.

I should like to support what has been said by other Deputies with regard to tourism. I said very many years ago that encouraging the British working-class man and his family to come here is more important to the tourist industry than the type of tourist we seem to be catering for. It is a well-known fact—and I do not say this against Americans—that Americans are not as good spenders as the British working man.

Some Deputy said we seemed to be building hotels for a certain type of tourist. There is a place in the country for the type of hotel which the American type of tourist demands with all the comforts, including central heating, which many of the big hotels provide. But if we want money to be brought in, and if we are to expand our tourist industry, our fixed dependence is on the British working classes. Thousands and thousands of people have come from Britain over the past half century and they would prefer to come to this country for their holiday rather than go to some other part of Britain or some other country on the Continent.

I should like to say in conclusion that Government speakers—in public, in any case—are not being perfectly fair to the people. I agree it is good to sound optimistic but we should not sound over-optimistic. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice seemed to me to be a little over-optimistic when he spoke recently at a school of commerce in Parnell Square and said we were on the threshold of a great new era of development and prosperity. I wish things looked as good as the Parliamentary Secretary seems to think they are.

The Minister should make more efforts to bring home to Irish industries the fact that something will have to be done to face the forthcoming wind of change. As I said at the beginning of my speech, our economy should be regarded as an integral whole and measures should be taken so far as possible to soften the hardship which may result from our entry or non-entry into E.E.C.

I was glad to see from the Minister's speech that he is prepared to consider a modification of the undeveloped areas in so far as a declaration of the fringe areas are concerned. The constituency I represent might be classed as one of those places and for that reason I was glad to see that indication in the Minister's speech. Naturally on this Vote any Deputy speaking must be interested in the potential employment in his own constituency first and then in the country as a whole.

In this Vote there are several sections dealing with the promotion of industry of one kind or another. I should like to join with Sir Anthony Esmonde in his remarks concerning the development of various promotional bodies outside the direct control of the House and the fact that grants-in-aid are paid from this Vote to these bodies, leaving them with a free hand in this matter.

At present we are on the threshold of important happenings so far as this country and Europe are concerned and it is more than ever necessary that industries based on native produce should have all the assistance we can possibly give them. Regretfully, I must point out that in my constituency a concern which appealed to one of these bodies for a grant failed to obtain it, although in the opinion of anybody connected with the meat trade it was an industry capable of much useful expansion both on the British market and even in America, to which this industry had previously exported. It was a great shock to the people engaged in the production of meat of that type and the dairying people of Limerick, who had invested quite a share of capital in the meat factory at Rathkeale, to find that it did not obtain a grant which would enable it to expand.

The Minister is aware of the position in that regard, and I do not blame him. It is very hard to convince people, locally or otherwise, that they are getting a fair crack of the whip when an application made by such an important industry, located in an area where there is a problem of emigration and unemployment, is turned down, and when they are deprived of a chance of an outlet for their produce which would have helped in the eradication of bovine tuberculosis as well. It is in that general framework the Minister ought to have another look at the type of development Deputy Sir Anthony Esmonde referred to earlier—this type of legislation which has been passing on the responsibility from the Departments concerned to outside bodies, without the exercise of control which the Minister would feel obliged to have otherwise.

There has been mention already of the fact that industry is needed very much in rural areas to compensate for the reduction in agricultural employment. Mechanisation is driving our people off the land. If we have not even small industries in rural areas to absorb people becoming unemployed, the only course left to them is to leave. Therefore, I hope the Minister will continue, and even expand, his efforts in that respect and that no industry will be lost to an area which might obtain the benefit at present being obtained in the undeveloped areas so as to permit of industry going out into the country.

In the ordinary way, people in the country have to contend for industry against the many advantages which large urban centres offer. Naturally, places like Dublin and Cork on major ports are closer to the British market than other parts of the country and have a big advantage. Equally, there is a large buying potential in those areas. Consequently, industrialists are more inclined to locate their industries in or near these places. I mentioned this last year and I venture to put it forward again. No industry which lost the buying potential of the local population could long survive, especially in the light of events as they are about to happen now.

In regard to tourism, everybody is very gratified by the advance made by this industry and its success in attracting more people to the country. Recent events were a great help in that regard. This country is attracting more congresses of one type or another. In relation to hotel promotion, there is need as well for what has been mentioned by Deputy Lindsay and Deputy Corish—accommodation for our own middle-class people who would like to spend their holiday period in the ordinary homes of the country. If that money could be kept in circulation at home, it would be most valuable in the areas concerned. Our people would get value for it and, besides, would have an opportunity of seeing their own country first.

The Minister referred to the promotion of whiskey exports. At present we seem to be having a modest, or more than modest, success. Again, this is an industry based on native produce and it could play a very useful part in our economy. It is to be hoped that the body promoting this industry will meet with ever-increasing success. Whether the type of promotion being carried on is achieving that or not, is something we are not in a position to judge at the moment. Perhaps we might rely more on our own native imagination in regard to promotion abroad. We have our own inventive powers here and we should rely on them rather than on the opinions of people outside.

Technical assistance made available by the Department shows, I notice, an increase of about £5,000. I would have liked to have seen a bigger increase. It is most important, again in the light of facts as we know them and the outlook for the future for industry in competition with other countries in the Common Market, that our people should have all the technical assistance possible to enable them to meet the competition that is bound to occur. We have willing hands. What we need more than anything else is the technical assistance requisite to make the finished product first class in order that we may be able to compete with the foreign article.

That brings me to An Cheard Chomhairle. When speaking on Education, I mentioned the need there is for a more advanced type of technical education. I think that apprentices of the future should be taken from the secondary schools. I am sure the Minister is aware of the recent circular issued by An Chomhairle to which certain exception has been taken. It is possible there is a misunderstanding. I think it is unwise that apprenticeship should be based on taking pupils at an early age for training. If we want the highest craftsmanship, we must go to the secondary schools and funnel off the pupils from there for apprenticeship. In that way, we would weld education and craftsmanship and that welding should bring about the desired results. We need that type of approach to industry.

Everybody is heartened by the hope that we may have some mineral resources beneath our soil. Resources such as natural gas and oil would be a welcome addition to our economic wealth. I urge upon the Minister that he should ensure that those who do exploratory work will not leave farmers disgruntled and dissatisfied by their operations. The Minister holds one of the most important Ministries. While I place agriculture No. 1 in our economic potential and in the amount of employment provided, our second arm for providing employment for our people depends on the Department over which the Minister so graciously presides. I wish him every success in the difficult task that lies ahead of him. I suggest that the Minister should have the last word in deciding the location of industries. Indeed, I should also like him to have the last word in applications which come before any of the bodies operating under the aegis of his Department.

I was asked, on my election to this House, to emphasise the necessity for establishing industries in towns in my constituency. The towns and villages in my constituency are deserted. They are almost ghost towns because there is no employment for anyone. In some, there were mills at one time which are now closed. The machinery is there and the Government have been asked to do something about the mills but so far no effort of any kind has been made.

I was surprised to hear my colleague on the other side say that things were never better. We have to-day a population of £2,750,000, a very small population. Every day in the week, people are appealing to me to find employment for them with the county council, in forestry work, or in some institution. When the employment is not forthcoming, they emigrate. If one goes to a factory to seek employment for some young girl, one finds that she will get £2 or £3 a week. She must pay her digs out of that. She just has to forget about employment at home and take the first boat. I am not exaggerating. Neither am I painting the picture darker than it really is. The towns and villages are ghost localities. There is no life in them except, perhaps, on Saturdays.

Let nobody say this country is booming. There is nothing for the people in the rural areas but the emigrant ship. At one time, there was some employment to be found in local quarries. Now Roadstone have moved in and that employment has ceased. The prices cattle are fetching are very poor.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce would not be responsible in that sphere and the matter does not, therefore, relevantly arise on this Estimate.

There are bad prices for cattle and farmers are therefore discouraged. If they produce more, there is no guarantee that they will make a profit. Huge supplies of foreign grain are being imported while native production is dumped in storage.

That would be a matter for the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture.

I appeal to the Minister to establish some industries in my constituency. I have no hesitation in saying that things are at their worst. The only Department that is successful in my area is the Forestry Department that is buying handy, comfortable holdings every week, where the homes are broken.

When I first came into Dáil Éireann, I had to complain very bitterly of the number of industries that had closed down over the previous 40 years. I am glad to state that the tide is about to turn and that at least a start has been made to undo the wrongs of several years and that we hope in the very near future to have some industries started in West Cork. They are long overdue as the area had suffered terribly from emigration and lack of employment. The holdings are small and there is a living for only one on each holding. In order to provide employment for the surplus population, there must be industrial development in the area. The only alternative is emigration. Over the years, emigration has been very heavy from this area. No area in Ireland suffered more in that respect than the area from which I come. I sincerely hope that as a result of the start that has been made a stop will be put to emigration and that sufficient employment will be given in the new industries which have been set up.

The principal object in setting up an industry is to ensure that its products will be of a reasonably good standard, at least as good as can be imported. I sincerely hope that the products of our Irish industries will be of such a standard that they can at least compare with the imported product. I have had experience at times of home-produced articles with which I was very disappointed, particularly as a farmer. Every holding in the country is packed with broken tools, because the handles of pikes and shovels are often broken on the very first day a man handles them. I would ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce to bring that matter to the notice of whoever is responsible for it. It is a matter of major concern to the working people that, even on the very first day, they take a hay fork into their hands, they are liable to break it with the first pike of hay or the first pike of manure. I do not know if the handles are imported or not, but, wherever they come from, they are a disgrace. That kind of thing increases costs on the agricultural community and puts them to great inconvenience. When a farmer has fitted himself out with equipment, it is most disappointing to find that it will not stand up to the work it has to do. The Minister should ensure that the articles produced by our industries are capable of the work for which they are designed.

It is important also that as far as possible the industries set up should be based on raw material available in this country. Ireland is a good agricultural country and can produce a tremendous amount of raw material. The processing of that raw material should be carried out in a scientific and modern manner so that the products will be first-class and marketable, not only at home, but in the countries of the world.

I congratulate General Costello and the Sugar Company on their initiative and enterprise in starting the quick-freeze of vegetables and fruit. That is a step in the right direction. I am only sorry that, instead of being in an area already well provided with industries, it was not taken to an area where there are many small farmers. The small farmers would be in a position to produce fruit and vegetables and this project would be of greater benefit to them than to the larger farmers.

There is an area in my constituency, which is well-known to the Minister, the men of which are renowned for their ability and physique. That area could benefit by an industry. There is great unemployment there. I refer to the Beara Peninsula. Nothing practical has been done to create employment in that area. The people are small holders. In the past, they were content with a few weeks' or a few months' work on the roads. I was in the locality recently and noticed that the road work was practically completed. There did not seem to be any future for the peninsula. There is one ray of hope in the Allihies mines. Development of the mines is very slow. If there were some little industry established in the Beara Peninsula, particularly in the town of Castletownbere, where there is a big volume of unemployment, it would be of the greatest help. The people there are well able to work and will give good service. The industrialist who will start an industry there will be very fortunate in having men of their ability and physique. They have proved their worth in every walk of life, in the Gaelic League and every field of activity. They are good fishermen. An industry is badly needed in that area. If the Minister can use his influence with An Foras Tionscal or with any industrialist who is seeking a suitable area to establish an industry in the Beara Peninsula, I can guarantee that the people there will give of their best.

Another area which is badly in need of an industry is the town of Macroom. It is on the fringe of the undeveloped areas and it has suffered considerably because of the Lee hydro-electric scheme. Nothing has been done to help that town over a number of years and something should be done to help that area also.

Tourism is certainly playing its part in West Cork. I welcome the efforts of Bord Fáilte in building up the tourist industry in Ireland and, in particular, in West Cork. They are very active there and with the co-operation of the various local groups, development associations and Muintir na Tíre, they have many little schemes which will be of benefit and a great attraction to the tourists. There is certainly an air of hope in that area and hotels and guest-houses are doing their utmost to cater for the ever-growing tourist business.

I look on the tourist industry as being next in importance to agriculture. I am a farmer myself and I appreciate the value of tourism because every tourist who comes to the country consumes the produce of the land of Ireland. It could not be consumed in a better place than in the hotels, guest-houses and homes of the country. We must be prepared to move with the times. Whether the tourists come from America or England, or whether they are our own friends and relatives coming back for holidays, they expect to see a better Ireland. For far too long we were accustomed to primitive conditions, but now every step is being taken, with the help of Bord Fáilte, the local authorities, local groups, Muintir na Tíre and development associations, to make the tourist industry attractive and prosperous. I welcome the efforts of the Minister and Bord Fáilte to help us in West Cork in that respect.

I sincerely hope the Minister will take special note of my appeal on behalf of the Castletownbere area and Macroom. Those two towns have been left out so far. They seem to have been left out in the cold and I do not want them to be left out in the cold any longer. I am sure the Minister and An Foras Tionscal can devise ways and means to help them.

The debate has, I suppose inevitably, ranged over a very wide number of subjects. To summarise, I think the main points raised were, the Common Market, industrial grants and schemes, labour relations, prices and tourism. Those are, perhaps, the five main points, even though other matters were raised also. In the time remaining to me this evening, perhaps I would just have enough time to deal with tourism.

It is true that our tourist income has been increasing at an appreciable rate in recent years, but, on the other hand, it must be admitted that it has not been increasing at a rate commensurate with the increase in other European countries. There are a number of reasons for that. First of all, there is the comparatively modest sum of £½ million which we can devote for the promotion of tourism in a year. While it compares very favourably with some countries and particularly some of our neigh-bouring countries, other countries with a longer tradition of tourism can provide much more money, purely for the purpose of publicity abroad.

Publicity abroad is very expensive, particularly in countries like the United States and Britain. It is hoped in the very near future to introduce new legislation that will make increased provision for tourism in general, largely with a view to providing more money for publicity purposes. Speaking of publicity, I should like to endorse what has been said in relation to the most lucrative type of tourism. It is undoubtedly the ordinary British tourist, whether working-class or middle-class; the person who comes across here with his family one year after another. Roughly, I think the number who come from Britain is estimated at something like 300,000 people per annum. That is a figure which we believe can be considerably increased over the next few years. With that end in view, Bord Fáilte have decided to devote an increased proportion of their revenue towards attracting that type of tourist from Britain.

Inevitably, we will have to increase our hotel accommodation if we are to cater for increased numbers of tourists. The most essential increase in accommodation is in the ordinary middle-class hotel—if I may call it middle-class. Throughout the country there are quite a number of good standard hotels which are the backbone of the tourist industry, hotels that can accommodate 30 or 40 people at a time in good conditions, with good service, a good standard of food and reasonable prices.

I should say at this point that no matter what some Deputies have said in regard to exorbitant charges in hotels, it must be admitted that in relation to hotel charges in other countries, our hotel charges are comparatively cheap. Deputy Dillon in particular referred to the assistance scheme for the provision of hotel accommodation and criticised the giving of grants of 20 per cent. of the cost of each bedroom or £300, whichever is the lesser. However, the fact is that there is no absolute entitlement. Each proposal must go first to Bord Fáilte for approval and, in turn, must be approved by the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Finance. So there is no danger that willy-nilly everyone who wants to put up a luxury hotel will get the assistance of these grants and guaranteed interest-free loans on capital outlay for a certain period. That just will not happen. It will have to conform to the general pattern and comply with the over-all interest.

Nevertheless, we have some proposals in hand for the erection of some major hotels. It is essential that as well as having the ordinary type of hotel to which I have referred, we must have hotels catering for the better off tourists also. In every other tourist-conscious country in the world, there are all types of hotels, and very many of them cater for the tourist who can afford to pay somewhat more than the average person. The plans now in hand for some few hotels—one each in Dublin, Cork and Limerick—are designed to cater for tourists who are prepared to pay a little more than the ordinary tourist would for his hotel accommodation. It cannot be denied that that type of accommodation is necessary; and unless we can provide it, we are going to be left by the wayside in the matter of making adequate provision for expansion in our tourist industry.

The next major items I should like to refer to briefly are the Undeveloped Areas Act and the Industrial Grants Act. As I mentioned in the course of my opening statement, for some time past, Deputies inside the House and other interests outside the House have been pressing on me the desirability of a review of that legislation—to have another look, as it were, to see if we are proceeding on the right lines. I have promised we will have another look at it. I should like to go even further this evening and to say that the examination of whatever review is likely to take place is proceeding and that my ideas are beginning to take shape.

In the first place, I do not want in any way to minimise the advantages already enjoyed in what we call the scheduled undeveloped areas, but it is true in some of these areas that saturation point with regard to the availability of labour, if not already reached, will soon be reached; whereas, on the other hand, towns and districts outside these areas which do not enjoy the advantages of the undeveloped areas grants are experiencing some difficulty in attracting industries. Therefore, the intention is that a greater degree of discretion be given in the matter of scheduling areas as undeveloped areas.

It may be that we will designate certain areas as special development areas so that they can qualify for the more favourable grants available under the Undeveloped Areas Act. In the meantime, however, I propose to continue the system already in operation whereby fringe areas or contiguous areas will be scheduled so as to qualify for the Undeveloped Areas Act grant. I do not think the time is quite appropriate to extend the scheduling powers beyond these fringe areas. Already indications have been given by me, amounting in effect, to undertakings in most cases, that I would be prepared to schedule certain areas—some in West Limerick and even the town of Macroom—in the event of a suitable proposal being put forward to An Foras Tionscal. If An Foras Tionscal determine the proposal, first, to be a sound one and one that ought to qualify for a more favourable grant, and so recommend to me, I shall be prepared to schedule these areas under the Undeveloped Areas Act. That has been made clear to the development associations and the public representatives who have come to me in this connection.

Would the Minister say if that would require special legislation?

No; the matter to which I have referred will not require special legislation. There is power under the existing Act for the Minister to make the scheduling order, following the procedure I have outlined. First, the application to An Foras Tionscal; the indication from it that it would qualify for the grant, and the recommendation to the Minister that the area be so scheduled. But the other matter I referred to just before that—the idea that we would designate areas outside the undeveloped areas—requires special legislation.

It will not be possible to introduce that legislation in the present session, although amending legislation to increase the amount of money available for the purpose of giving grants under the Undeveloped Areas Act and the Industrial Grants Act has been introduced. By reason of the number of applications coming before An Foras Tionscal and the commitments already made, the indications are that the amount of money already statutorily authorised will have been exhausted in the near future. Therefore, it is opportune now that I should come to the Dáil and seek approval for increasing the amount of money to be made available in the years immediately ahead. As well as that, I propose to take advantage of the new legislation to increase the strength of the Board again because the number of applications coming before it has increased. I propose also to introduce amendments tidying up certain aspects of the Bill.

In relation to An Foras Tionscal, many Deputies have complained that applications made to them have been turned down. It is essential that a body like this ought examine all proposals critically. They are dealing with the taxpayer's money. They are given an important and onerous task to decide between the merits of different applications. It is essential not only in the interests of the taxpayers but in the interests of the town in respect of which the proposal is put forward that the proposed undertaking be a sound one and one that has a reasonable prospect of becoming a permanent industry. In fact, that is one of the tests of whether a grant may be given or not. It would be very difficult for a town which has an industry established with the aid of a grant under the Undeveloped Areas Act or under the Industrial Grants Act, if that industry failed, to procure another industrial proposal again. It would be far better that an industry that is not likely to be permanent should not be established at all. It would be a black mark on the town as far as other prospective industrialists were concerned.

The other matter I should like to refer to in relation to An Foras Tionscal is this. I think I can feel sure that many Deputies appreciate the necessity for autonomy in An Foras Tionscal. If the ultimate decision in the giving of grants or in the amount of grant to be given rested with the Minister for Industry and Commerce, it would be difficult for him to resist all the pressures and applications that would be made to him. It is preferable, and the House so decided when it passed the necessary legislation, that An Foras Tionscal should have that degree of independence and autonomy that would enable them to examine objectively all industrial proposals coming before them and decide, within the provisions of the legislation, whether a grant should be given and what amount that grant should be.

Complaints have been made from time to time that no reason is given in the event of a refusal. Again, I think there is good reason for it. Many considerations can arise which would make it difficult for An Foras Tionscal to give an indication why a specific proposal was not acceptable.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 29th June, 1961.
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