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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 2 Jul 1963

Vol. 204 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Export Promotion (Amendment) Bill, 1963—Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time. It has two main purposes. The first is to provide for further grants to Córas Tráchtála to enable them to continue their work in promoting exports. The Export Promotion Act, 1959, which provided for the establishment of Córas Tráchtála placed a limit of £1 million on the aggregate amount of grants which may be paid to the Board. By the end of last year, grants amounting to almost £850,000 had been made, leaving a balance of approximately £150,000 which would not be sufficient for a further year at the present rate of expenditure. The Bill proposes to raise the limit to £2½ million. Córas Tráchtála has a very important role to fill in the economic life of the country by assisting exporters and by encouraging firms to engage in exports, and I am sure that the House will agree that the necessary funds should be provided to enable the Board to continue this work.

Another purpose of the Bill is to enable Córas Tráchtála if they so decide to acquire premises and sublet portion of these premises. Because their present premises in London are inadequate to meet the growing needs of Irish export promotion, Córas Tráchtála are faced with the need to seek larger premises; and it is possible that other Irish State-sponsored bodies with offices in London might see advantage in having as many of these offices as possible grouped in one building as might also some of the Irish companies which require representation in London. Córas Tráchtála are at present investigating the possibility of leasing premises in London which would be suitable for this purpose. If it is decided to go ahead, Córas Tráchtála wish to be in a position to occupy part of the building themselves and sublet other parts on the basis I have indicated. The Board's existing powers would not authorise them to lease premises when only a small part of the premises is required for their own purposes and the present Bill will give them the necessary powers. Córas Tráchtála are entirely dependent for funds on an annual subvention from the Exchequer. In order to carry through such an arrangement Córas Tráchtála would require a guarantee by the Government against any loss which they might incur on the leasing and subletting of the premises. The Bill will enable me to give such a guarantee. I recommend the Bill to the House.

I am not quite clear about the expression which the Minister used in relation to the existing grants that had been given. Grants, according to his speech, of almost £850,000 had been made. That, I gather, is the total of the annual subventions made to CTT since the initial Act of 1959. I rather hoped that we might have got more elucidation from the Minister as to the manner of user of those grants, because, as I understand the situation—perhaps I am not right in this—the total there is in respect of capital grants rather than in respect of the annual grants given to them under the Supply Services Vote every year. I would like the Minister to clarify a little more in his reply how that figure of £850,000 has been made up. If the Minister is not able today to give that clarification, might I suggest that he would have greater detail available to him in a brief before the Money Resolution prior to Committee Stage and we can deal with the matter a little more clearly then.

I still do not understand, even with the explanation, why Section 4 is necessary in this way for the lettings and acquisitions of premises the Minister has in mind, or perhaps I should be more accurate in saying that CTT have in mind. However, we can perhaps discuss that more clearly on Committee Stage. There is a great advantage without question in having officers of any State-sponsored bodies all in the one building. The diversification of officers for CTT, for Bord Fáilte, for the Irish Sugar Company, if they ever want to have an office in London, and of any of the other State-sponsored bodies in different parts of London must involve a great deal of unnecessary waste and there is a great deal to be said for consolidating them under one roof.

Whether it is possible to do that in relation to all the Irish concerns is a matter about which I would not have sufficient knowledge. Aer Lingus, perhaps CIE, CTT, and An Bord Fáilte are cases that occur immediately to mind. At the same time, in relation to this Bill and the purpose we have here, display opportunities are perhaps the most important. The floor that CTT had, as well as I can recall, was used for the first time for an exhibition when I had the honour of going over there to open it as Minister for Finance and perhaps now requires to be improved if the same one is still in use, but whatever can be done for exports in that respect must be done.

It is of course a truism which everybody accepts now that we cannot have an adequate standard of living for our people without an adequate amount of exports. The inward-looking policies of the Thirties when looking outwards was discouraged officially by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, the present Taoiseach, have been proved to be nonsense and have been shown to have done the country a great deal of harm. It is essential that we should do everything in our power not merely to improve our exports physically but to turn the minds of our people psychologically to the necessity to increase exports and to improve the quality of these exports.

Down through the years, various steps have been taken but we can all admit—and even Deputy Dolan will agree—that the one real, positive step taken to turn the minds of the business community towards exports and to stimulate the need for exports was the two Acts of 1956. Until we had the tax incentive for exports in 1956, no real positive step had ever been taken to stimulate exports or to show clearly, under Government lead, the necessity for them in any attempt to increase our standard of living. In so far as the present Government follow along that line, in so far as they improve the pioneering efforts made by us in 1956 —and to some extent they have undoubtedly improved them—they can be assured of our complete support. If there is any criticism we would make of them in this respect it is that they have not had sufficient imagination to strike out along new lines.

As inevitably does happen, the value of an incentive dims with time. We have not added any new incentives to come along and take the place of this tax incentive of 1956. I know they did increase the amount of the tax incentive in the Finance Act of 1957 or 1958, but particularly with the necessity to align our taxation laws with those of other European countries, and the possibility that in those circumstances tax incentives such as those created by us in 1956 may not in the future be permissible, as another new innovation, it is, and has been for some years, quite necessary for the Government to give real thought to the provision of another scheme of tax incentives for industry in place of the one which has done so much since initiated by us in 1956.

As I say, anything they do to improve the provisions of 1956, anything they may do to stimulate in a reasoned and permanent way interest in exports, will have our support because we realise now, and have always felt, that trade outside the country, in addition to what we might do inside, would make for and, in fact, determine the improvement of the standard of living of our people. To the extent that members of the Party opposite have been converted to that line of thinking since 1956, and particularly since the last election, we welcome their conversion.

We in the Labour Party support the introduction of the Bill because we believe the money spent in this way is well spent and that it is a far far better thing to spend money on a building of this sort, particularly in London, than on some of the embassies which we have been erecting throughout the world.

Yes, Lagos. Any effort made to expand exports should have the support of everybody inside and outside the House. We are glad the Minister has introduced this Bill and feel it is to the good that we are endeavouring to increase trade with our nearest neighbour. I think the Minister himself realises more than anybody else that all this talk about finding alternative markets elsewhere is just so much eyewash to cover a certain awkward predicament from time to time. In fact, the only real market we have is that across the water and every effort made to cash in on it must be commended and supported by the House.

The point in Deputy Sweetman's speech and in the Minister's statement about housing as many as possible of the Irish organisations in London in one building is a matter with which I would not agree either. We have such a multiplicity of Irish organisations in London at the present time that if they are all housed in one building, one such as this would tend to lose its identity. If for no other reason than for publicity purposes, it might be better not to have too many of these organisations housed in the one building.

There is a point to which I want to draw the attention of the Minister. I am glad the Government have come to appreciate the value of the device which we introduced in 1956 to promote exports. Like so many useful devices of this kind, it was rather bleakly received by the Minister's Party when they were in Opposition. I remember when we first set up the Industrial Credit Authority——

No, the Industrial Development Authority. I can tell what the Deputy is about to say. I have it off by heart.

I was about to deal with the way the Minister's colleague approached it at the time. He changed his mind subsequently.

A good man to change his mind when he realised he was wrong.

I suppose we should welcome the conversion of the prodigal son but it gets a bit wearisome when they wear a path of conversions to your door, because the process is often costly and it often leaves Deputy Dolan with a kind of split mind in which he remembers the animadversions of his leaders on these proposals and he has not yet wakened up to the fact that they have changed their minds.

You have changed often enough anyway.

Apart from the general principle of promoting exports, which has had a remarkable measure of success—an even greater measure of success than we anticipated when we inaugurated it in 1956—there are certain details in connection with the Bill on which I should be grateful if the Minister would give us clarification, because over and above the section which provides additional funds for the general purposes of the original export promotion Bill, we have strange provisions, in Section 3, for instance, authorising this body to acquire premises inside or outside the State of which portion only is required by the board for the exercise of their powers and the performance of their functions and duties.

Then there is a power to dispose of such estate or interest as they think fit or any portion of the premises acquired by them. Is it intended generally that Córas Tráchtála will become a landlord or other undertaking or is it intended that Córas Tráchtála will become a landlord only in respect of other Irish organisations? It would appear that the section as it stands at present authorises them to become a landlord of anybody who chooses to take accommodation in a premises which they acquired for the purpose of their work.

Then, in Section 4, a power is envisaged to guarantee the board against any loss arising out of the failure by the board to dispose of an estate or interest in such portion of the premises. What exactly is the purpose of this proposed guarantee? On the face of it, I do not see why we are making such a provision. Do we contemplate that the board will make losses of that kind and, if so, what losses have we in mind?

Subject to these specific queries, I endorse what Deputy Sweetman has said and invite Deputy Dolan to go into a period of contemplation and reflection for the purpose of arriving at a true conclusion as to the value of the schemes adumbrated by the Fine Gael Party and subsequently adopted by the Fianna Fáil Party to the great advantage of commercial and industrial life of this country.

Since I became Minister for Industry and Commerce four years ago, I have come before this House on a number of occasions with measures such as this either for export promotion or industrial development. On each occasion, Deputy Dillon reminds me of the Taoiseach's statement in respect of the IDA when that body was set up by statute. Deputy Sweetman always reminds me, too, of the 1956 Act which gave certain inducements by way of tax incentives to exporters to increase their efforts in that direction. But the repetition of all that can only convince one—if one could listen to it objectively and dispassionately—that they seem to have little else to talk about.

As Deputy Dillon has said, even if the Taoiseach threatened to abolish the IDA because, as it seemed to him then, there was already within the Department of Industry and Commerce sufficient manpower, brains and devotion to duty to achieve the same purpose, there is the point that, on the performance of this body after a year or so, he saw there was something in it and that it should be given a chance to prove itself further.

Spare Deputy Dolan.

I shall not: I have made the same type of speech on the same type of subject in reply to Deputy Dillon on other occasions. It is to the credit of the Taoiseach that when he resumed office as Minister for Industry and Commerce he permitted this body to work and it has worked well and very well since the legislation providing industrial grants was passed by the Fianna Fáil Government— grants extending the Industrial Grants Act introduced in 1956 to make it really worth while and not the little pittance of grants which would make no difference whatever and which would provide no inducement whatever to an incoming industrialist to set up here. I do not want to pursue that point.

I do not grudge Deputy Dillon his moment of glory when he reflects on the great advance of 1956. However, the fact that we extended the export incentives is a tribute not only to the original thinking in the Act but to the mentality of those who came afterwards and saw at least something good in the proposed administration, nurtured it, expanded it and made it work even better. I give Fine Gael a present of all they claim and have so often claimed in respect of these two measures which have really been made to work under the Fianna Fáil Government.

Let me come back to the two purposes of this Bill, the first of which is the making available of extra moneys to Córas Tráchtála. Deputy Sweetman in particular asked about this matter. I said in my opening speech that £850,000 was spent of the £1 million that was provided under the original Act in 1959. As the House knows, it is the practice in the case of bodies such as this—for example, Bord Fáilte—to write into the Bill, any particular Bill, a certain limit of expenditure. The limit of expenditure written into the Bill in 1959 was £1 million but within that limit moneys had to be voted year by year to that body so that not only has the House control over the annual voted moneys and their expenditure but it also has control over the overall amount that may be spent under a particular Act.

The money available under the original Act is almost exhausted. There is not sufficient left of that £1 million to ensure that Córas Tráchtála can continue their activities on the scale they plan for the current year. We now propose to increase that sum to £2½ million which it is expected should be exhausted in four or five years at which stage it will be necessary for whoever is Minister for Industry and Commerce again to come before the House to increase the limit of expenditure if that seems desirable at that stage. Therefore, there is nothing unusual and nothing complicated about the manner in which this money is being provided—in case Deputy Sweetman would be interested: he said he would refer to it again.

The expenditure in the four financial years since the Bill was first introduced has been as follows: 1959/60, £97,000; 1960/61, £266,000; 1961/62, £241,885 and 1962/63, £245,000, making a total of £849,885. These are the voted moneys and there is no complication about them in any way.

In reply to Deputy Sweetman's suggestion that no new thinking has been brought to bear on export incentives or export promotion I would point out that that is not correct. Recently, Córas Tráchtála have been financed to enable them to introduce a scheme of market investigation whereby they themselves may investigate on behalf of any industry or any group of industries the marketing possibilities in countries abroad or whereby industries themselves can go abroad and make their own investigation and receive a subvention for that purpose from Córas Tráchtála. Naturally, in the latter case, Córas Tráchtála examine fairly closely the prospect of success of a marketing research venture by a firm or group of firms before they give the subvention. That has been availed of to a reasonably good extent. It is one thing that, no matter what international commitments we may have to enter into in the future, is unlikely to offend against the principles of such convention. On the other hand, it is possible that our remission of tax on export profits might well offend against some international agreement and would, therefore, have to be discontinued.

Side by side with that, we have our industrial grants scheme generally, which is a form of incentive. Over and above that, we have the recent special grants system, whereby firms who wish to adapt and expand their production for conditions of freer trade are given substantial grants or interest free loans over a certain period. Therefore, it is not correct for Deputy Sweetman to suggest we have remained in any way static since the passing of the 1956 Act, which first gave incentives by way of tax remission on profits from exports.

As far as the premises are concerned, every Deputy will appreciate the desirability of having a decent centre in which Ireland can be properly portrayed, particularly in a city like London. I do not like using the term "image of Ireland", but it seems to be appropriate in these circumstances. We can portray our image much better if we have reasonable premises.

At present the premises of Córas Tráchtála are situate in Regent Street on the left-hand side as one leaves Piccadilly Circus. Although I know the exact location of the premises, I spent about two hours trying to find the place. Under the provisions of the lease, CTT are not permitted to have any indication outside by way of nameplate or otherwise of what is going on inside. One has to go down some 20 feet or 30 feet of a hallway to discover who are the occupants of this portion of the building. Inside there are reasonably extensive premises, but certainly not extensive enough for present purposes.

It is obvious to everybody who has to go there or who has displayed goods there that these premises are not adequate in modern circumstances. Somewhere on the opposite side of the street we have Aer Lingus. I do not know exactly where Bord Fáilte are. But it seems to me to be desirable that we should have a reasonable premises in London where we can house these bodies, so that what Ireland has to offer in the way of tourism, industrial exports and air services could be properly portrayed to the people of London and Britain and, indeed, to the millions of visitors who come to that city.

The purpose of Section 3 is to enable CTT to acquire premises and to sublet them if they find the premises to be too big for their own purposes. As everybody knows, the face of London is changing. Premises are erected and some of them come on the market. It is only right that we should ensure that CTT would have the necessary legal power to acquire premises, possibly only by way of lease, and if these premises are too big for their own purposes that they would have the power to sublet them to such organisations as Aer Lingus and Bord Fáilte, and, indeed, to anybody else who would seem to be a desirable and profitable tenant. Section 3 is not a new provision. CTT already have power to acquire premises, but it is doubtful whether existing legislation gives them power to sublet premises or portion of the premises if they do not need them themselves. Section 3, therefore, will give them this power of subletting.

Section 4 enables guarantees to be given for the payment of any losses in the outgoings as against the income from lettings. It is not envisaged that CCT, having paid whatever is provided by way of rent in their own lease, would sublet the remainder of the premises at a loss. It is possible that a lessor of such premises might require guarantees from CTT that any losses they would incur would be covered. Section 4 specifically provides for the guarantee by the Minister for Finance of such losses in the event of their being incurred.

I do not follow that quite clearly. The lessee?

The lessor. CTT would be the lessee of a large premises, assuming they get suitable premises. To that extent they are the lessee of that lessor. He might require a guarantee from them that all the outgoings will be paid. If the premises were too big for CTT, they might then sublet portion of these premises to sub-lessees. In the remote event of the rents from the sub-tenants to CTT not meeting the amount that CTT would have to pay the lessor, the head landlord, this provision is being inserted in case the lessor would require such a guarantee and in case the absence of such a guarantee might militate against CTT acquiring desirable premises. I do not know if that is clear?

It is perfectly clear, but I do not understand it. I understand that if CTT became the lessee of a building, they would have to pay the rent to the lessor come hell or high water. Presumably the lease taken by CTT would include a provision to sublet or sublease. Whether they got the rent from their subtenant or not would not affect their liability to pay the lessor the rent stipulated in the original lease. I do not know where the question of guarantee comes in.

The lessor of premises like that would know that CTT are provided with their funds by annual subvention of this House. It is remotely possible that the House might not vote the subvention in a particular year. Then this specifically provides for the Minister for Finance to guarantee payment of the outgoings under the lease. It is only a remote possibility, but I think it is desirable in the circumstances to ensure that any lessor requiring a guarantee of payment of his rent would be given one readily. I appreciate the point Deputy Dillon makes that the lease itself would provide for the payment of the outgoings, but this is an extra measure to ensure that in the event of a desirable premises coming up and in the event of a certain guarantee being required by the landlord, Córas Tráchtála, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, would be in a position to give it.

I do not think there were any other points made except that by Deputy Tully that it may be better if the State-sponsored organisations are not concentrated in one place. That is a matter of opinion and any of these State-sponsored bodies with premises in London or any other part of the world will not be obliged to go into a central building if they feel they are better sited elsewhere.

Questions put and agreed to.

Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 3rd July, 1963.
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