Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 30 Jan 1964

Vol. 207 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Vote 30—Office of the Minister for Education (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
"That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration."—(Deputy P. O'Donnell).

I suppose this is one of the most important of all the Estimates that come before this House for consideration—and that is particularly true at the present time. We have had reports from a variety of bodies that have been considering education, which I suppose are engaging everybody's attention. However, there are some matters in relation to this Estimate which I think fall for comment and if possible early action.

When you get a multiplication of reports pouring forth on various aspects of education, there is a very great danger that this House and indeed the Minister himself will forget the fundamental fact that all education ultimately is founded on the national school. If we have not got a good system of primary education with which to start all our children on the road to higher education, the children start with a fatal handicap.

We have built up in this country over the years a body of national teachers who I feel are showing every year and every decade an improvement on the decades that have gone before. I look back to the old teachers, whom I remember as elderly men when I was young, with admiration. Recalling all the handicaps under which they worked, I often think this country does not sufficiently acknowledge the debt we owe those men and women working for tiny salaries under extremely difficult conditions and yet showing a degree of devotion and dedication which produced phenomenal results.

Now we have a new generation of teachers, probably with a much higher standard of education, who have passed through training colleges which have been able to equip them with a great deal which their forebears did not have. I am happy to think that the vast majority of them have inherited the spirit of dedication and service for the children that the old men had. But no matter what spirit of dedication men and women have, no matter what passion they have to serve and do their best for the children, they cannot do it if the equipment at their disposal is hopelessly inadequate.

In all the thunder of reports that are rolling around our ears at present I urge Dáil Éireann not to forget that there are classrooms in the national schools in this country with up to 80 pupils. That is by no means characteristic but it does exist and there are overcrowded classrooms all over the country. No teacher however zealous or however excellent he may be, can provide children with a proper education if he is faced with a class of 60, 70 or 80 children and we are deceiving ourselves if we believe that we are providing for our children reasonable standards of primary education so long as that situation is tolerated. It is a great reflection upon us that that situation could exist at present.

We are rebuilding our schools in rural parishes but it is quite manifest that in the past seven or eight years, we have not been building schools fast enough to eliminate the very great evil to which I now refer and we should not rest until we are satisfied we have effectively abated it. I have read with interest the statement which the Minister circulated to us about what he describes as his new departure with regard to post-primary comprehensive schools for certain areas. I cannot say that these proposals move me to much enthusiasm and I cannot say that I am very clear in my mind as to exactly what the Minister has in mind except that it is some kind of elaboration of a restricted number of the existing vocational schools and expanding the programme available in those particular schools. It has given rise to one evil at once. Some of the Minister's colleagues in his Party are dashing around promising to build one of these comprehensive schools in their particular constituencies. That is a kind of activity which is regrettable and foolish. I do not understand what revolutionary concept the Minister appears to believe this idea of a comprehensive school enshrines. What is the exact difference between this proposal and simply extending the programme of a vocational school? I cannot see it and I do not think that is a very effective answer to the problem with which we have to contend. I believe quite simply that the objective towards which we ought work is that every child, irrespective of his parents' means, should have made available to him that kind of education most suitable to the gifts God gave him, whether secondary or vocational education and subsequently university education. I do not think any modern society can rest easy until they have attained that objective.

We have got to face the fact that we are a relatively poor community and it may take us longer to reach that objective than some of our neighbours but we had better open our eyes to the fact that Britain is almost there and I imagine that similar advantages will accrue to our neighbours in Northern Ireland. Certainly the United States of America has substantially arrived at that end and I imagine that most Continental countries will achieve that objective within the next decade in any case. If we could clarify in our minds that objective as being agreed amongst us, it would make it easier for us to proceed effectively towards that ideal.

Now we are faced with the rural community. So far as our urban communities are concerned, it is merely a matter of providing the schools and the teachers, which in itself is quite a formidable problem, but it is relatively simple as compared with the situation which obtains in the scattered rural areas. I want to keep the people on the land. I believe one of the great stabilising elements in our society, as it is in France and Germany, are the small farmers who live on the land they themselves own. I would like to keep them there and therefore I would like to provide and have available to them the educational facilities which we desire as an ideal for all our people.

That leads me to ask the Minister whether a more constructive approach to the provision of that kind of education than his proposed comprehensive school is not to be found in what he is actually evolving at present in rural Ireland? You will find in the past 20 years a system has been growing up which originally produced itself as secondary tops to primary schools but now has evolved in many cases into a secondary school functioning side by side with the existing primary school. I know of one such in Banada Abbey, near Tubbercurry in Sligo, which was started by the Irish Sisters of Charity. It seemed at first difficult to believe that nuns would actually operate a secondary school for boys and girls in a rural area but in fact it has operated very well. Then one remembers that in the United States of America it is a common experience to find nuns operating primary schools and high schools for boys and girls, but what strikes me about it is here you had a large national school catering for a wide area and to that was added, without serious dislocation, secondary facilities and you have now this secondary and primary school functioning side by side in a rural area.

I remember bringing to the attention of the Minister for Education on many previous occasions the idea that instead of multiplying the number of one-teacher schools in every rural parish— which we have a tendency to do now— where a parochial rebuilding scheme is called for, the Minister should suggest to the parochial authority instead of building three or four new schools in his parish, two or three of which are fated to become one-teacher schools at an early date, building a parochial school at the centre of the parish, with a bus service to bring the children in every day, and with the prospect that we would associate the parochial school with the existing vocational school, on the one hand, and a new secondary school on the other, and have in the centre of the parish an academic centre consisting of primary, secondary and vocational education all functioning together, leaving it to the parents to determine whether the children, on leaving the primary school, would be routed to the secondary school or the vocational school?

We get so solicitous for our neighbour's children that I think there is a great danger we may all come to the conclusion that we are better able to judge how they should be educated than the parents are. The fact is Almighty God has ordained that parents shall be responsible for their own children and it is the right of parents to determine what is the best educational schedule for their own children. Some of them do not make the right choice but, on average, it will be found, I think, that they make a better choice generally than strangers do. In any case it is perfectly clear that it is the parents' prerogative and one which we should scrupulously respect.

Would the Minister not agree with me that, instead of this proposal to have three or four comprehensive schools scatered over the country, which will merely scratch the surface of the problem, a much more constructive and enduring policy would be to have in every parish an educational centre providing for primary, secondary and vocational education, to which transport would be available for pupils coming more than a certain distance? I do not believe for one moment that you can hope to cover the whole country in a year, or two years, or even in ten years, but, by a slow process of development on the lines I suggest, would we not be travelling much nearer the objective of making available primary, secondary and vocational education to all the children who can benefit from it as compared with dotting down a limited number of what the Minister describes as comprehensive schools in whatever areas it is ultimately determined to put them?

I see that the Minister contemplates in regard to these schools a very comprehensive system of transport to bring the pupils to them over distances of up to ten miles. That will require considerable organisation and I imagine you would not find many parishes in Ireland in which there is not some fellow very glad to operate a bus to a school. In the creamery areas now you find three or four most anxious to bring the milk to the creamery and bring back the skim. There is very keen competition. Is it reasonable to doubt that similar facilities would be readily available in any parish where there was a central school and a transport problem for the pupils attending it?

I suggest to the Minister that, keeping in mind the fundamental principle that without sound primary educational facilities all the rest of our hopes are illusory, he should seriously consider the question of centralising educational facilities in rural parishes and expanding them on much the same lines as those at Banada Abbey, with the additional vocational facilities I have outlined, and a suitable transport service similar to that available in every rural area in the United States of America to bring the children to and from school. At the same time the Minister should recognise his very grave obligation, on which he is at present falling down, to put an end to a situation in which, in some of our primary schools, there are up to 80 pupils in one class. That is a grave scandal and it is the Minister's clear duty to put an end to it.

In regard to secondary education, I think there are certain matters to which we ought to have regard. One is the well nigh inescapable fact that, if we are to have an expansion, which appears manifestly necessary—not merely desirable, but manifestly necessary—in the accommodation for secondary education, we shall have to provide some form of grants to help in the erection of the necessary schools. The Minister is on record as saying that the capitation grants contain in them a capital element. It is alleged that high officers of his Department, speaking on his behalf, have said that it is manifest that these grants do not contain such an element and this is a fundamental distinction in the relationship between the Department of Education and the primary and vocational schools, in regard to which the Department does provide a substantial part of the capital cost, and the relationship between the Department and secondary schools, in regard to which there is no element of capital in endowment. These are finesses which I do not think it is profitable to pursue.

The plain fact is that all secondary schools in the country are happily bursting at the seams. It is becoming a problem to get a child into a secondary school. If we aim to expand very drastically the secondary school population, then it is manifest more schools must be provided. The old idea was that you could not have a secondary school at all if you did not build a structure like Blenheim Palace, a vast and elaborate structure of a residential character. If we are contemplating, as I hope we are, a very much wider secondary education we should bear in mind that a great part of that education will not be provided in boarding schools. It will be provided in good day schools. To parents who have a number of children I certainly would give the advice to keep their children at home and send them to a good day school rather than send them to a boarding school. I went to a boarding school myself, although I was one of six. On balance, I think for children who have a good home, with plenty of brothers and sisters for company, a good day school is much better, with their parents directing their general education, because it will be forever true that what you learn at school is relatively unimportant; what you remember is what you learn at home. It is the parents who give the really fundamental and enduring education to children.

We ought to face the fact then that a great deal of secondary education will normally be given in day schools. There will continue to be a need for boarding schools of one kind or another and, if these have to be erected, then there will have to be some State assistance towards the capital cost of doing so, but that need not be excessive, unreasonable, or burdensome. It should consist, I think, of building largely in the modern concept. That is it will not be designed for eternity but designed as most modern buildings are in the knowledge that, in 20 or 30 years, they will be obsolescent. The world is changing rapidly and most institutional buildings require now to be changed within 20 or 30 years of their construction. This business of building for eternity is, therefore, out of date. Therefore, the buildings need not be excessively expensive and a great part of them need only be of the character designed to cater for the day pupil. It was never more true of any situation than that of secondary education today to say it is much more important to have golden teachers in wooden schools than wooden teachers in golden schools. I do not believe the capital costs, urgent as it is to make provision for it, will present any insuperable difficulty. One of our great difficulties, however, will be to get an adequate number of competent secondary teachers.

When we come to that problem, I urge the House and the Minister to open their eyes to the fantastic anomalies we are stoutly maintaining. One of them is that a teacher who has gone to Great Britain—England, Scotland or Wales—and has spent nine or ten years teaching there and wants to come home, bringing with him or her all the experience and skill acquired in teaching in Great Britain, will be told he or she will not be accepted unless prepared to enter the service on the basis of a first-year secondary teacher in Ireland. None of their years of experience in Great Britain will be recognised for the purpose of increments.

We have slowly and gradually been pushed to the position of recognising teaching experience in Northern Ireland. We have made the gesture of recognising teaching experience in certain missionary countries. But for some strange reason we will not recognise teaching experience in Great Britain. I understand the theory is that the initial salary in Ireland is much lower than the starting salary in Great Britain, and if you allow people to come home having started in Great Britain and give them the benefit of their service abroad, they would all go to England and we would have nobody here.

That always reminds me of the bankers' theory they used to be most eloquent about that, if you ever allowed the rates of interest in this country to be lowered by one-quarter of one per cent below the rates in Great Britain, all the deposits in Ireland would disappear overnight. It is all cod. It was one of these delightful old theories that elderly gentlemen had been hatching on for half a century. They had even forgotten who propounded the proposition first. It was like the law of the Medes and the Persians. There was a differentiation of 1 per cent and nothing happened at all. You could feel the gloom settling down on all the traditionalist heads. The same is true here. You will always get a number of young people who want to go off and teach in England, but you will always get a very large number of teachers who just do not want to go to England. You will always get a number of young teachers stimulated and fascinated by the challenge of teaching in secondary schools in Birmingham, Glasgow, Manchester and London, but you will always find a considerable number who do not want to go to England and who will not go to England.

We hope that over the years we will be able to bring our salary scales into closer approximation, although we have to face the fact that we are a relatively developing country while Great Britain is an immensely wealthy country, where salary scales for that kind of service are likely to be higher than ours. But for our own survival we will have to do our best to bring them more into line. In the meantime, I do not think the discrepancy will rob us of all our teachers. We are robbing ourselves of some of the very best teachers available by refusing to receive back those who want to come with their experience and skill, but who are prevented by our obscurantist determination to refuse them the status to which their years of service in Great Britain should entitle them. That is clearly a reform the Minister should have no hesitation in making without delay.

If we are to get more teachers and good teachers to staff the secondary schools, is it realistic to keep up the cod that every teacher in this country must be capable of teaching through the medium of Irish? A regulation still exists that every secondary teacher here must be capable of teaching through the medium of Irish and of conducting his social relations with the other members of the teaching staff through the medium of Irish. Everybody knows that the regulation is cod. The form of examination designated to determine that this is fulfilled is a farce. But it does operate to exclude a certain type of teacher who says: "I refuse to participate in a fraud of this kind. I am not capable of teaching through the medium of Irish or of conducting my social relations with my colleagues through the medium of Irish, and I am not going to pretend I am." There is no use saying that if he walks down the avenue with the inspector who says "Cadé mar atá tú?" and he replies "Tá mé go maith" they can come back and say it is all right. His answer to that is that he cannot teach or conduct his social relations through the medium of Irish and will not pretend he can do so. That man or woman is automatically excluded from the service of our secondary schools. Surely that is a grotesque fraud and should be ended?

We should seriously consider going a step further, although I recognise this will not command universal support. Deputy Coughlan and I have been attending meetings of the Council of Europe, as has my friend and colleague Deputy Dolan from Cavan. One of the things that struck us all profoundly was the astonishing extent to which people under 40 years of age all over Europe talk one or two languages in addition to their own. I should say that if one speaks French and English today there is no country in Europe—certainly it applies to France, Germany, Luxembourg, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden—in which you cannot move about perfectly freely and find boys and girls who converse with you quite freely in English or French. On more than one occasion, I have been constrained to ask them: "When were you in England or Ireland? Where did you learn your English?" They reply that they were never there in their lives, that they learned English at school.

That development in continental Europe is quite dramatic. It is not reproduced here. I suggest to the Minister we want most urgently to provide facilities in our schools for the teaching of continental languages, particularly French, probably German and very probably Spanish, which I think will become more and more of a world language as South America grows in importance and influence in the world. When I was learning a language, I learned the best French from a French teacher. When I was learning Irish, I learned more from listening to a native speaker or being taught by a native speaker than I could ever hope to learn from a teacher who had acquired a language. I know in respect of my own son I could tell instantly when a Frenchman had been substituted in his school for a highly-trained Irish teacher of French. The whole intonation, inflection and approach to the language was different when he was being taught by a trained French teacher from France. Yet our set-up is such here that a Frenchman cannot be employed to teach French in Ireland unless he has a Higher Diploma in Education which it takes two years to acquire, and unless he declares himself prepared to teach through the medium of Irish and to conduct his social relations with fellow members of the staff in Irish, he is not eligible for employment here on an incremental basis.

That applies to music, the most important lesson of all.

Surely the Minister should consider, in regard to the teaching of a foreign language, permitting a person from the country of origin of the language to teach on an incremental basis here. The Minister may set fairly high standards of academic qualifications in order to ensure that such persons will be qualified to teach even though they have not got what are ordinarily considered to be the essentials for a teacher born and trained in this country.

I want to say a word about the teaching of Irish. I have never disguised the fact that I learned Irish when I was young; I was born in a family that had a deep, passionate attachment to the Irish language. I remember my mother corresponding eagerly with Pádraig Pearse about the initial stages of the founding of St. Enda's College and I remember well our devotion to the Gaelic League and the atmosphere that obtained in our home of affection and devotion to the language. It never crossed our mind that our attitude to the language could be anything other than devotion and the desire to see it thrive and prosper.

I have often mentioned in this House that when I went to the Gaeltacht as a young fellow, to Ballingeary, Gortahork and Connemara, there was nobody in the Irish colleges then at all who had an axe to grind. We were all there because we wanted to learn Irish and to improve whatever modest store of Irish we had. I remember sitting on the bridge beside Bean Lucy's house and the late Canon Ó Dálaigh putting his fingers down my throat trying to teach me how to say "ins an ngort". I would not endure it now but in those days we went to those lengths. There was also the late Proinsías Ó Suilleabháin who danced like an angel. We used to have a good time but we worked at the language because we loved it.

I remember the change coming and the compulsory business coming in. Then the great thing was you were down there to get the méan teastas and when you had the mean teastas, then you were looking for the árd teastas. I never got any teastas at all. It finally ended up that there was nobody in the place at all and there was no room for anybody in the place but people who had their tongues out breathless and exhausted struggling to get the mean teastas and the ard teastas because they were looking for some kind of a job and without these qualifications they could not get the job. Those of us who were primarily concerned with the language itself found ourselves pushed out by the new philosophy and then we found ourselves challenged with the proposition that there was some utilitarian purpose in the revival of the language which justified compelling everybody to learn it and compelling everybody to qualify in it and justify the demand that without this qualification you would be denied the right to earn your living in your own country. That propaganda became so strong that at a certain stage I began to wonder if there was some mistake and if there was some justification for this utilitarian justification for the revival of the language.

I have given a good deal of thought to this question and felt constrained to ask myself: why do you want to revive the language? why have any meas on the language? I want to make a declaration of faith in that regard. Let me say quite categorically that I know of no strictly utilitarian reason for reviving the language but let me add that I know of no strictly utilitarian argument for Beethoven's Ninth Symphony. I know of no strictly utilitarian argument for Verdi's operas or Bellini's music. I know of no utilitarian argument for most of the poetry written since the world began. Nevertheless, I am sure the world would be poorer without Beethoven's music. I am sure the world and the people would be poorer without the poetry and I am equally sure it would be tragic if Ireland impoverished herself and the world by letting a living language die. That is the issue.

There has been handed on to us a thing as unique as the whole volume of music, the whole volume of poetry and of literature in the world, that is, a living language. The great danger is that by folly we shall perpetrate that outrage on posterity that we shall allow a living language to die. What I am afraid of is that the road we are travelling at the present time is the road leading straight to that disaster because I am certain as I am standing here that the living language we now have—and it is a living language—will die if we proceed further in that direction. Irish is a living language. I have myself known people who spoke no other and I doubt if there are any left in the world today of whom that can be said. However, I have seen in my own lifetime that undeniable, unchallengeable hallmark of a living language disappear. I do not believe there is a single creature living in this country today of whom it can be said he understands only one language, the living language of Ireland.

That is a great tragedy in many ways but it is a natural, inevitable development. Nevertheless, there still remain a considerable number of people who know Irish as well as or better than they know English and who have Irish as an cliabhán and to whom it is their natural spoken language and as long as that is true, Irish is a living language. Cornish and Manx have died within the last century and there is now left no living creature who has Manx as his first language. I cannot contemplate with anything approximating to calm that it should be the case in this country, that there should be no one left to whom the Irish language was not the first language, or at least the language he learned as early and as well as the English language. I am certain of this: unless the majority of our people want the language to live, the language will die. You cannot keep a language alive by compulsion.

Many people say: "But that was done in Israel." In Israel the Jewish people flooded into that Arab country and recreated Hebrew as a spoken language. People forget that when Israel was struggling for its existence, it was threatened with one supreme danger—internal disintegration. Here were Poles, Russians, Rumanians, Greeks, Arabs, English, Germans, French, Belgians, all coming together trying to form a nation. Their essential requirement was a lingua franca. They could not survive without a lingua franca, if not Hebrew, English, French, Greek or some other common language. There were many groups and none would yield or concede supremacy to the native language of any other. They all had one common tradition, Hebrew, and they put their hands to the task of learning it, not for the love of the language but to combine the artificial nation that they were in process of constructing, and to justify the retention of the lands which had belonged to the Arabs. There is no such inducement here. In fact, all utilitarian motives are operating against the use of the language. I want to see the language survive for the reasons I have set out, but I am convinced that cannot be done if it becomes associated in the minds of the bulk of our people with compulsion and injustice.

I know it is argued that few, if any, children do not get the Leaving Certificate because they fail in Irish. Does that not strengthen the case for saying: "So much the better. Let us have the Leaving Certificate given to children if they attain a proper level of education in various other subjects, but when they cannot get a living in their own country without the Leaving Certificate, let it not be denied to them if they fail in Irish." People ask: "Since only two or three per cent fail in Irish, what is all the fuss and bother about?" The fuss and bother is about the two or three per cent who fail. They have been denied the right to earn their living in their own country because they were not linguistically gifted. I think we should get a certificate which sets out: "This boy got the Leaving Certificate in French: Full stop." Everyone would then know that boy had reached a reasonable academic standard, and every prospective employer would know that a boy had obtained a high standard of education if he produced a certificate which said he got honours in French, English, Maths, Latin, or any other subject. If a boy gets honours in English, French, Latin, Maths, geography, or any other subject, let the certificate show that, but let us eliminate from the minds of our young people the belief that they are denied the benefit they have won by their hard work because they were not linguistically gifted, and failed to attain a standard which entitled them to a pass in Irish.

This is not strictly within the province of the Minister but it is an integral part of the whole problem of saving the language, and in that way it comes under his general direction. I feel it is a manifest and grotesque injustice—and it is interesting that the recent report on the language has endorsed this view—that professional promotion in the public service should be made dependent on a person's qualifications as an Irish speaker. It is ludicrous to have two engineers, two doctors, two veterinary surgeons, or two technicians, competing for a post, one having immensely superior qualifications to the other in the professional field, and to discover, after they have been put in order of merit on the basis of professional qualifications, that the man at the bottom of the list is brought to the top because he speaks Irish fluently and the most highly qualified man does not. That is a manifest anomaly that ought to be got rid of.

The exasperating thing about the whole business is that the reforms which one calls out for are invariably at first resisted most angrily, and most acrimoniously; you are charged with bad faith, and being a secret enemy of the language; and then later the things you have been advocating are done under the rose. I remember arguing for years, and years, and years, in this House that it was grossly unjust and most injurious to have infant children in infant classes, not knowing a word of the Irish language, having been reared in English-speaking homes, addressed exclusively in Irish. I have known teachers to be reduced to a state of nervous breakdown by attempting to fulfil the strict requirements of that regulation. I was challenged in this House that that was a most unreasonable attitude, and that it was most salubrious for those children to be called to task and addressed in a language they no more understood than they did Hebrew. The teachers were driven crazy trying to persuade the children—but I shall not go into details of the things teachers in infant classes have to persuade children to do.

Gradually and most surreptitiously, a circular was sent out couched in most obscure language, but the net effect was: "This whole business is a cod; drop it boys; but no one must know about it." The circular was about three feet long but what it really said was: "We acknowledge that the whole thing is a cod. Drop it, but beware that the Gaelic League do not hear you say that." I see Deputy Dolan looking aside as if this were a bad book to look at, or a bad picture to see, and you must not look at it. That is the queer daft hypocrisy that goes on in this business. You send out a circular on the general understanding that you put it under the desk and never mention it; that if you do mention it, you read out the whole circular because nobody on God's earth knows what it means. What it does mean is that it is all cod. Gradually, you find in the recommendation of the Commission on the Restoration of the Irish Language that they have come to the view it is unreasonable to say that a highly qualified doctor, veterinary surgeon or engineer should be left aside and that poorly qualified men of the same professions should be preferred.

Musicians, particularly.

Now the Commission suggest that should be dropped. On many occasions I have been challenged most violently in this House for suggesting that it should be dropped. I have suggested from public platforms in this country, and I shall suggest to Dáil Éireann today, that we ought to eliminate the unreasonable provision which at present disgraces the attempt to restore the language. We ought to face the fact that the only hope of preserving Irish as a living language is to secure the express consent and approval and enthusiasm of the majority of our people for that purpose and we ought to recognise that the attempt to force Irish down the throats of our people is the most effective way of ensuring we shall never get from the majority of the people that degree of co-operation and enthusiastic support without which the preservation of Irish and its restoration as the spoken language will be utterly impossible.

I want to conclude on this topic of education by referring to a matter which might come more appropriately under the Department of Health than that of Education. However, it is something to which this House should turn its mind, something which is constantly overlooked. There is no more tragic illusion than the segregation of retarded children from normal children. There is a large section of retarded children who depend for their prospects of integration into society on being kept in a normal atmosphere in their impressionable years. Yet it is certainly true that in the average national school such retarded children can create an insoluble problem for a teacher trying to bring a classroom of normal children forward together at a reasonable rate.

Equally, we must ever be on our guard against leaving a child who is really below average to sit as the dumb cluck in an ordinary class, virtually abandoned. I am afraid there is a lot of that in existence and I submit that for children who are not of so low a degree of mentality that they are fit only for institutional care, there is no provision made in this country. I want to say a very special word for the slow child, the child who cannot keep up and yet who, if given the right kind of teaching — and it is really a very highly skilled type of teaching — can prosper quite dramatically when conditions have been created to help it along. I am not asking for the impossible.

I know how difficult it is in rural areas to gather Irish children into one school or class, but it would be greatly simplified if we had parochial centres with all the children of the parish gathered together in primary, secondary and technical schools. I do not say the problem would be solved but it would be simplified.

I do think, though, that in the cities more could be done and should be done to enable school managers to have special classes for the duller children because I am convinced that a great many of those children prove to be dull only when it is sought to educate them with the average run. If they can be given the special attention their mental set-up requires, an entirely different picture will emerge and I would urge on the Minister that attention be given to that at least in an experimental way—that steps be taken to provide special facilities for them.

I recoil from the idea of setting up special schools for them. I do not think it is a good way to pick out seven or eight out of 500 children in a national school and say to them: "You will go to a school set aside for you." That sort of marks them out as being "quare" children. There is not a secondary school in Ireland where you have not A, B, and C in the fourth form. That simply means you have the brilliant fellows, the average and the dumb clucks and very often the dumb clucks in fourth form C are given a little more intensive attention, and when you meet them 20 years later you will often find it is the dumb clucks who become the dependable dispensary doctors——

Miltown Malbay.

——and that it is the scintillating, brilliant fellow who is still the brilliant doctor but who has a variety of other attributes not so useful, and I am not making any political references at all. Mind you, if the poor dumb clucks had not got the special attention that the availability of the fourth form C provided, they could have ended up as the frustrated neurotics that such people often turn out to be if they are treated badly in that dramatic stage of their lives. I suggest that our national schools everywhere contain a small element of such children for whom very little is being done.

I do not think I should pass on to the more extremely difficult problem, primarily one for the Minister for Health, but which is an urgent and grave problem—the child so retarded mentally as to be unfit for education who at present is to be found in so many homes in rural Ireland, distracting and afflicting the mother who is trying to raise other children and get them to school and maintain a normal atmosphere in the home. I have always believed—and still believe—and I am prepared to accept that the Government are doing all in their power to provide accommodation for these children and are largely limited at present by the availability of trained personnel to man such institutions but I think it right to remind the Minister that this is one of these dark and secret problems of which many of us know through our contact with our neighbours in rural Ireland, and the fact that it is not much spoken of should not make us forget that it is acute and grievous in quite a number of homes throughout the country.

I suppose it is a good thing that the question of education should not be one of acrimonious dispute among us. Some people deplore that every topic discussed in this House should not become a matter of acrimonious dispute. I take the exactly opposite view, that in a well-ordered society, the number of issues that should become the subject of acrimonious dispute in the national Parliament is minimal. I rejoice that we have a society undivided in respect of fundamentals. I have no longing to see the country split into those who believe in God and those who do not, those whose political philosophy is founded on the basis of materialism and those whose philosophy is otherwise founded. Our philosophies, differing as they are, are founded on certain common beliefs. I rejoice in that.

It is a good thing that in regard to education I do not suppose there are any fundamental differences in principle between us. There are radical differences, so far as I know, in the method and this is the place to discuss them. If we cannot get satisfaction here I shall certainly take them to the hustings and I guarantee that if we have a general election, as I believe we shall after the bye-elections in which we hope to defeat the Government, one of our primary concerns on taking over government will be to implement the educational reforms to which I have directed the attention of the House this morning.

Ar an chéad dul síos, ba mhaith liom moladh a thabhairt don Aire féin agus don Roinn as ucht an dul chun cinn atá déanta acu san bhliain ghabh tharainn agus is taitneamhach an rud é go bhfuil breis airgid á chur ar fáil arís ag an Rialtas chun cabhrú le h-oideachas sa tír seo.

Is fíor go bhfuil feabhas mór tagtha le cúpla bliain anuas ar a lán gnéithe a bhaineann leis an Roinn seo. Beagnach gach seachtain anois bíonn ar an Aire, i dteannta leis an mbainisteoir, bheith i láthair in áit éigin ar fud na tíre chun scoil náisiúnta nua a oscailt.

An ndeireann tú go bhfuil scoileanna nua i gContae an Chabháin?

Tá, a mhic, cúpla ceann le déanaí agus tá cúpla ceann eile ar an mbealach an bhliain seo fosta.

Scoileanna nua?

Go deimhin, tá. Fuaireamar trí nó ceithre scoileanna náisiúnta le déanaí agus tá cúpla ceann eile ag teacht an bealach fosta. Ni bheidh sé i bhfad anois go mbeimid chomh maith le Contae Mhuineacháin. Bhí an scéal go h-olc le fada maidir leis na scoileanna náisiúnta. Bhí an chuid is mó aca an-aosta—fuinneoga briste ortha—suíocháin lofa iontu agus a lán acu ar aon dul le fothracha.

Tá biseach íontach tagtha ar an scéal anois. Mar is eol do Theachtaí, is éigean do mhuintir an pharóiste beagán airgid a chur ar fáil chun cabhair áitiúil a thabhairt nuair a bhíonn ar bhainisteoir scoil nua a thógaint. Tugann an Rialtas an chuid is mó den chostas iomlán agus de bhrí go bhfuil an t-airgead acu anois, tá dul ar aghaidh mór déanta gan dabht ar bith.

Gidh go bhfuil solus aibhléise in sa pharóiste agus ins na tithe mór-thimpeall, tá scoileanna ann fós nach bhfuil solus aibhléise iontu. B'fhéidir gur ar an mbainisteoir nó ar an Rialtas féin atá an locht. Ba chóir go mbeadh solus aibhléise i ngach scoil. Tá plean nua ag an Aire chun cláracha telefíse agus radio a chur ar fáil dona meán-scoileanna. Tá súil agam go dtiocfaidh an lá go mbeidh deis ag scoileanna náisiúnta feidhm a bhaint as an dtelefís agus radio chun cabhrú leo sa mhúinteoireacht fosta.

I gContae an Chabháin agus contaethe mar sin, tá gá anois sílim féin le scoil mhór i ngach paróiste. B'fhéidir go mbeadh ceathrar nó cúigear múinteoirí ins an scoil agus go mbeadh deis ag páistí na h-ard-ranganna ins na scoileanna mór-thimpeall freastal ar an scoil mhór sin chun ábhair a dhéanamh a bhéadh ar aon chaighdeán le h-ábhair na meán-teistiméireachta. Bíonn sé deacair go leor ar thuismitheoirí a gclann a chur go dtí an meánscoil nuair bhíonn an bun-teastas críocnaithe aca. Dá mbéadh scoil mhór mar sin sa pharóiste ba shábháil airgid é dona tuismitheoirí.

Im cheantar féin tá scoileanna náisiúnta nach raibh múinteoir oilte iontu ach ar feadh cúpla mí i rith na bliana. De réir Bhunreacht na hÉireann, is ceart go mbeadh deis ag gach páiste sa tír bunoideachas a fháil. Má tá ganntanas múinteoirí ann, ní féidir leis na páistí an t-oideachas sin a fháil. Dubhairt an tAire go bhfuil breis airgid le tabhairt do dhaoine atá ag teagasc ins na hoileáin. Ní dhubhairt sé rud ar bith mar gheall ar airgead breise a chur ar fáil do mhúinteoirí a fhanann in áiteanna iargúlta ina mbíonn sé an-deacair ag bainisteoirí múinteoirí oilte fháil dona scoileanna.

Béid sé níos deacaire anois de dheascaibh an turnover tax.

Thugamar isteach é chun breis airgid a chur ar fáil do chúrsaí oideachais. Tá a lán áiteanna lasmuigh des na h-oileáin ina bhfuil sé an-deacair múinteoirí oilte fháil a bhéadh sásta fanúint iontu. Ba chóir deontas beag a thabhairt do dhaoine mar sin. Ní ceart go mbeadh páiste sa tír nach mbeadh caoi aige bunoideachas fháil. Muna mbíonn na múinteóirí ins an áit agus muna mbíonn córas iompair le fáil chun na páistí a thabhairt isteach go dtí an scoil, ní bhíonn an seans ceart ag na daoine óga oideachas fháil. Bfhéidir go ndeanfidh an tAire scrúdú ar an gceist sin, eidhon, scoil mhór a sholáthar i ngach paróiste. Rachaidh sé go mór chun sochar na bpáistí ins na h-áiteanna iargúlta.

I ngach ceantar i láthair na h-uaire tá daoine ag gearán go bhfuil na ranganna ró-mhór ina lán scoileanna. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil sé sin fíor go leor ins na cathracha. Má bhíonn 70 nó 80 páistí i rang amháin, bíonn sé deacair ag an múinteóir oideachas maith a thabhairt dóibh. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil an scéal go dona ins na cathracha agus go bhfuil an tAire ag déanamh a dhícheall chun leigheas a chur air. Measaim go bhfuil an scéal maidir leis na scoileanna faoin dtuaith i bhfad níos measa agus go bhfuil an t-am tagtha chun an cheist a scrúdú. Tá a lán dena scoileanna beaga so dúnta ar feadh sé mhí nó trí mhí sa bhliain.

Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil a dhothain "visual aids" le fáil ins na scoileanna náisiúnta. De ghná, aon rud a chuireann an múinteóir ar an bhfalla ceannaíonn sé féin é. Ba chóir go mbeadh i bhfad níos mó "aids" mar sin ar fáil chun cabhrú leis an múinteóir, go mór mhór, maidir le stair agus tíreolas. Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil na téacsleabhair oiriúnach i ngach cás. D'fhéadfaí feabhas mór a chur orthu.

Maidir le múineadh na ghramadaí, ní dóigh liom go bhfuil aon ghá ins na scoileanna náisiúnta le gramadach ar chor ar bith. Sílim gur leor go mbeadh na páistí ábalta an teanga a úsáid. Tig leis na daoine ins na meánscoileanna aire a thabhairt don ghramadach. Is leor go mbeadh na páistí ins na bunscoileanna ábalta an teanga a labhairt agus bheith ábalta í a úsáid ins an gclós agus ins na páirceanna agus mar sin de.

Dubhairt Teachta ar an dtaobh eile den Tí go mba cheart freastal ar pháistí lagintleachta. Silim go bhfuil an Rialtas chun rud éigin a dhéanamh anois mar gheall ar na páistí sin. Tá sé an-deacair áiteanna fháil dos na páistí seo. Ins na scoileanna náisiúnta bíonn sé deacair ar mhúinteoirí mórán a dhéanamh dobhtha. Tá a fhios agam go rinne na múinteoirí iarracht Aire na Roinne Oideachais a dhíriú ar an bhfaidhbh sin agus go n-admhaíonn an Roinn anois go bhfuil páistí mar sin sa tír.

Tá géar-ghá le córas iompair a sholáthar chun páistí a fhágann an bunscoil a thabhairt go dtí an meánscoil. Dá ndeintí é sin bheadh seans ag na daoine sin meánoideachas a fháil.

I láthair na h-uaire cosnaíonn sé £36 as páiste i meánscoil agus £96 as páiste sa cheardscoil. Ní dóigh liom gur cheart go mbeadh an deifríocht seo ann. Is maith an beartú atá idir lámhaibh ag an Aire chun iad a chur ar aon chéim leis na scoileanna cuimsitheacha nua atá in aigne aige. Beidh seans ag daoine anois dul go dtí ceardscoileanna nó meánscoileanna. Go dtí so, mar is eol dúinn go léir, bhí fonn ar na daoine dul go dtí meánscoil. Ní raibh an fonn céanna orthu freastal ar cheardscoileanna. Teaspeánann an claonadh sin go mb'fhearr leis na tuismitheóirí meanoideachas a sholáthar da gclann. As 2,609 scoláireachtaí do ghlach 2,592 paistí scoláireachtaí agus chuaigh siad isteach i meánscoileanna. Chuaigh 17 páistí a fuair scoláireachtaí isteach sna ceardscoileanna. Teaspeánann sé sin gur fearr leis na tuismitheoirí go mbeadh a gcuid páistí ag freastal ar mheánscoil.

Sílim anois go ndéanfaidh an t-athrú mór atá a dhéanamh ag an Aire maitheas mór sa chás seo agus ins na blianta atá romhainn béimid ag súil go rachaidh i bhfad níos mó páistí go dtí na ceardscoileanna—na páistí a n-éiríonn leo scoláireachtaí d'fháil. Má dheineann siad amhlaidh tá seans an-mhaith ann go bhfaghaidh síad postanna maithe nuair a bhéas a gcuid dtréanáil déanta acu.

Go nuige seo do bhí sort deighilt idir na meánscoileanna agus na ceardscoileanna. Do caitheadh mórán airgid ar na ceardscoileanna agus beagán airgid ar na meánscoileanna gidh go raibh an cuid ba mhó de na páistí ag dul isteach ins na meánscoileanna agus an cuid ba lugha de na páistí ag dul isteach ins na ceardscoileanna.

Creidim go gcuirfidh na scoileanna cuimsitheacha feabhas mór ar an scéal sin. Ba mhaith liom a thaispeáint don Aire go bhfuil géar-ghá i gContae an Chabháin le cúpla scoileanna mar sin mar go nuige seo ní raibh deis ag na páistí i gContae an Chabháin meánoideachas no gairmoideachas d'fháil— go háirithe meánoideachas. Ní raibh ach ceithre meánscoileanna i gContae an Chabháin agus sin é an méid is lugha in aon contae in Éirinn.

Maidir leis na daoine a fhágann na meánscoileanna agus na ceardscoileanna, téann mórán acu ar aghaidh; téann cuid acu chun na hollscoileanna agus téann cuid eile acu le múinteoireacht. Tá a fhios againn go bhfuil an caighdeán an-árd maidir le dul isteach ins na coláistí oiliúna, bfhéidir ró-árd nuair a chuirtear san áireamh an tuarastal a bheidh le fáil ag an oide nuair a bhéas críochnaithe aige. Tá a fhíos againn anois go bhfuil sé an-deacair ar fad an líon múinteoirí ba mhaith linn d'fháil agus go dteastaíonn ó chuid acu dul isteach i bpostanna eile. Tá mé cinnte go ndéanfaidh an bhreis airgid a tugadh dóibh i mbliana athrú ar an scéal ach ba cheart don Aire i gcónaí aire a thabhairt don taobh sin den scéal, mar muna bhfuil múinteoirí le fáil ins na bunscoileanna, múinteoirí an-oilte agus múinteoirí atá sásta leis an obair atá dhá déanamh acu, ní bheidh ar ár gcumas an dul ar aghaidh in oideachas a dhéanamh atá mar aidhm againn.

Ba chóir go mbeadh deis ag furmhór na múinteoirí dul tríd an ollscoil. Bhí siad ag iarraidh an deis sin d'fháil i rith na bliana. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil rud éigin déanta anois. Tá a fhios agam fosta go bhfuiltear ag cur deis ar an choláiste oiliúna do bhuachaillí agus go mbeidh seans i bhfad níos fearr acu anois ná mar a bhí ins na blianta a gabh tharraing.

Ba mhaith liom fosta rud éigin a rá mar gheall ar scéim nua a chuireamar ar bun i gContae an Chabháin breis agus bliain ó shoin. Tá mé ag tagairt do scéim chun páistí ón contae a chur go dtí na hollscoileanna — páistí a n-éiríonn leo an árd-teistiméireacht le h-onóireacha a bhaint amach. De thairbhe scéim na comhairle contae tig leis an páistí sin agus a dtuismitheoirí socrú a dhéanamh leis an gcomhairle maidir le freastal ar an ollscoil. Ansan nuair a bheadh an chéim bainte amach ag an macléinn d'aisiocfadh sé an t-airgead don chomhairle contae. Do chuireadh an scéim sin fé bhráid an rialtais agus, go nuige seo, ar chuma ar bith, ní dóigh liom gur deineadh aon rud ina thaobh.

Ba mhaith linn i gContae an Chabháin go dtabharfadh an tAire agus an Roinn "an solas glas," mar a adéarfá, don scéim sin. Tá furmhór na ndaoine ar an gcomhairle contae stuama go leor. Cheap an chuid ba mhó acu gur scéim mhaith í. Ós rud é nach bhfuil ollscoil i gContae an Chabháin nó fiú amháin san iar-thuaisceart ar fad cheapmar gur mhaith an scéim í agus go dtabharfadh sí deis dona daoine in ár gcontae oideachas d'fháil san ollscoil agus nach mbeadh sé ródheacair ar na tuismitheoirí billí lóistín, agus aroile, a thabhairt dóibh sa chathair. Tá súil agam go mbeidh ar chumas an Aire rud éigin faoi sin a dhéanamh i rith na bliana.

Sílim fresin go bhfuil baint ag an Roinn Oideachas le nuachtáin Ghaeilge. Má tá, ba mhaith liom go mbeadh siad go fíor fhial fhlaithiúil i leith deontaisí do dhaoine a chuireann amach páipéirí, leabhair agus nuachtáin i nGaeilge. Tá an tUltach ag obair in Uladh agus Inniu agus Amárach in áiteanna eile. Tugann na páipéirí sin nuaíocht agus léitear iad sa Ghaeltacht. Tugann siad mórán eolais do muintir na Gaeltachta faoi gach rud atá ar siúl ar fud na tire. Tá a fhios againn gur slí an-mhaith é chun cabhair a thabhairt do cheist go bhfuil mórán daoine ag caint fuethí anois agus sé sin ceist athbheochaint na teangan.

Maidir le cúis na teangan agus an méid a bhí le rá ag cúpla daoine sa Tí seo ar an Meastachán seo, ba mhaith liom fosta go gcuirfí coiste éigin ar bun ar a mbeadh Teachtaí ó gach taobh den Tí seo. Tá a fhios agam go maith go bhfuil daoine ar an dtaobh eile den Tí seo go bhfuil—agus go raibh riamh—suim acu i gcúrsaí na teangan. Tá dlúth-bhaint agam le feis in mo chontae le fada an lá agus thug mé cuireadh don Gheineráil Ua Maolchatha teacht chugainn agus óráid na feise a thabhairt. Do tháinig sé agus níor labhair sé focal Béarla fhad a bhí sé linn. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil daoine sa Lucht Oibreachas a bhí andhílis ar fad do chuis na teangan. Pé rud gur féidir a rá mar gheall ar argóint le cheile faoi rudaí eile sílim nach cóir go ndéanfaí ceist phoiliticiúil as ceist na teangan. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil mórán daoine ag déanamh dearmad mar gheall ar dhaoine a theipeann orthu i nGaeilge i scrúdú na hArd-Teistiméireachta. B'fhéidir go dteipeann ar na daoine céanna in ábhair eile freisin ach ní deirtear focail faoi sin. Bí cinnte, pé scéal é, nach mbeadh cuid dena daoine a n-éiríonn leo dul isteach ins na hollscoileanna ann marach airgead a bheith ag a dtuismitheoirí agus mura mbeadh an t-airgead sin acu ní éireodh leis na daoine sin dul isteach ins na hollscoileanna. Dá mbeadh oideachas saor, tá a lán daoine anois ag obair ins na díoganna, ins na duganna agus ins na portaigh a bhéadh ins na hollscoileanna.

Sa scéim nua atá beartaithe ag an Aire, tugaim fé ndeara go mbeidh sort scrúdú ann chun a fháil amach an ceart ligint do chuid dena scoláirí dul isteach ins na meánscoileanna ar chor ar bith. Sílim go bhfuil an ceart ag an Aire sa mhéid sin. I láthair na huaire cuireann daoine milleán ar an nGaeilge toisc go dteipeann ar scoláirí teistiméireacht a bhaint amach agus ní smaoinaíonn siad nuair a theipeann ar scoláirí san nGaeilge go mbfhéidir go dteipeann orthu ins na hábhair eile chomh maith.

Tig le gach duine i bhfad níos mó a dhéanamh chun cabhrú le h-aithbheochain na teangan. Is féidir leis na páipéirí níos mó a dhéanamh. Fiú amhain an thabhairt in úsáid na teangan.

Deineann go leor daoine gearán i dtaobh múineadh na teangan do pháistí óga ins na bunscoileanna. Is eol dúinn go léir gurb shin é an t-am is fearr chun teanga ar bith a mhúineadh. I múineadh na Fraincise i dtíortha eile sin í an mhódh a ghlactar léi agus dá bhri sin, is cinnte go bhfuil na módhanna cearta in úsaid againn ins na bunscoileanna.

Tá dualgas ar gach duine a theanga dhúchais a fhoghlaim. Dubhairt Teachta thall ansin go bhfuil Béarla go forleathan ar Mhór-Roinn na hEorpa. Bhí mé féin ar an Mór-Roinn agus thugas fé ndeara nach bhfuil meas ar bith ag na daoine ort muna mbíonn Gaeilge agat mar cheapann siad gur ón mBreatain thú. Má labhrann tú an Ghaeilge tuigeann siad gur Éireannach thú. San Eilbhéis tá an Fhraincis, an Gearmáinis, agus an Iodáilis acu agus is beag fadhb atá ag baint lena bhfoghlaim.

Ba cheart don Rialtas agus do mhuintir na hÉireann an cheist seo a réiteach gan aon smaoineamh poiliticiúl ag dul léi agus gan troid mar gheall ar mhódhanna múinte. Go geinerálta, táim sásta leis an dul chun cinn atá déanta ag an Aire i gcúis mhóir an oideachais.

B'íontach an oraid a bhí againn ón Teachta Ó Dóláin agus aontaím lena lán dar dhubhairt sé, go mór mhór mar gheall ar choiste a chur ar bun ar a mbeadh Teachtaí Dála chun cúis na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn.

Maidir leis an Meastachán so, má táimid dáiríre i dtaobh aithbheochan na Gaeilge tá dualgas orainn go léir ár ndícheall a dhéanamh chun sin a thabhairt chun críche agus an teanga a chur ar ais san áit in Éirinn is dual dí. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil go leor daoine ag déanamh a ndícheall san obair so. Tá gluaiseachtaí Gaeilge cosúil le Gael Linn, Cumann Lúthchleas Gaedheal agus Comhdháil Náisiúnta na Gaeilge ag obair go dian. Is mór an trua mar sin go bhfuil an Ghaeilge ag fáil bháis. Dá dtuigeadh na daoine comh práinneach atá athbheochan na teangan bheadh a mhalairt de scéal againn ach, faraoir, tá furmhór mhuintir na hÉireann in a gcodhladh i dtaobh na Gaeilge.

The Party for whom I have the honour to speak here today is deeply concerned about and deplores the fact that very many of our Irish children are still denied the fundamental right to a fuller education. Education in this country, despite the revolutionary changes which the Minister and his Department are contemplating, is still in essence based on class privilege. It is the ability of the child's parents to pay for a fuller education and not the ability of the child to benefit by it that seems to be the criterion laid down by the Department over a long number of years. We believe that system of class distinction, of differentiating between our people on that basis, is morally wrong, morally unjustifiable and most certainly not in accordance with Labour's concept of a good society.

Our educational system is still based and implemented on the ideas which saw their origin away back in 1829 when Queen Victoria condescended to give us a system of education which was primarily designed to provide for the poorer classes in our society. That system has remained and it is to be greatly deplored that a native Government did not see to it that the class distinction inherent in that system was abolished long before now.

We must ensure, if we believe in the principles enshrined in the Proclamation of 1916, that there is an obligation on the Government to cherish all the children of the nation equally. This should apply in the first instance in regard to education. If we do not provide the education which our children can assimilate, we are depriving them of essential opportunities in later life; we are condemning them to a fixed stratum of society out of which they are unlikely to emerge; we are condemning them to the lowest form of work, to being the hewers of wood and the drawers of water, at a time when this country is facing very great changes and challenges in the social and economic fields.

Any Minister interested in education will realise that we are obliged to educate our children to their best possible advantage, to bring out their latent talents and to provide the skills and sciences so urgently required if we are to compete with the more progressive countries of Europe with whom we hope to be associated in the very near future. We believe investment in education will reap a rich reward for our people in the future. I am sure the Minister realises that in the future, industry, which is now undergoing great changes, which is being forced to readapt itself to changing economic circumstances, to the stiffer competition it will have to meet and to the redundancy problems and to the obligations contained in the Rome Treaty, will in the first instance be dependent, as will the nation, for its survival on a highly-trained, enlightened and educated people to see us through this economic crisis which for us is going to be a most excruciating experience. If we persist in the foolhardy and ultra-conservative approach of the Department of Education in confining education to those who can afford it and ignoring the talents of the poor man's child, we will be doing this nation a very great disservice.

We welcomed the Minister's announcement in May, 1963, of his proposals for improving educational facilities in the vocational sphere and his suggestions for the creation of comprehensive schools in certain areas, the introduction of the Leaving Certificate in technical schools and the extension of the period for technical school day courses, as well as the provision of these vitally essential regional technological schools or colleges.

I am fortunate to be speaking for a Party who have taken the trouble to accord education a top priority place in their political programme. They have gone to the trouble of preparing a policy document on education and have spelt out for this nation without any ambiguity what we deem to be essential in the vital sphere of education. Indeed, many of the Minister's suggestions are contained in Labour's Policy. We do not begrudge him that; indeed we thank him for it; and we only hope that he will look at the other essential features in our policy document and implement them also before it is too late. Let us forget that we have had to contend with a serious drain of emigration for a long number of years and the numbers of young children are becoming smaller and smaller in rural areas in particular. If the Minister does not accelerate the educational facilities he has in mind, he will find that there is no need for them in these sparsely populated areas in the west and south where children are becoming fewer and fewer.

The drain of emigration is wreaking its toll on the young talent of the country. There are no employment opportunities for these people because of the kind of education we are providing for them and it is evident that too many of them are forced to go abroad to do the most menial jobs which Britain or some other countries will permit them to take up. It is evident from the statistics available to the Minister's Department that in the rural areas alone over the past few years, the emigration rate, or the migration rate, whichever you prefer to call it, has been at the rate of about 20,000 persons per year. If that drain continues, the Minister will find that many of these comprehensive schools will not be required and that in fact he has brought in this very welcome innovation much too late.

While on the subject of comprehensive schools, I should say that there is much doubt as to what the Minister really has in mind in this regard. I should like him to indicate whether he has yet finally formulated his plans for these comprehensive schools and if so, where precisely they will be established. We gather from his recent statement that he has in mind particularly the western areas. We should like to know whether the Minister intends to confine these schools to the western regions alone. We feel there is as much need for education of this kind in the south and east, and in the north, as there is in the west. We should like an indication from the Minister that he will take steps to establish these schools in other parts of the country as well as the west of Ireland.

There are numbers of children who have no chance of going on to secondary education and little opportunity of attending technical schools. We do not grudge schools to the west but we should like to see these comprehensive schools established on a national rather than a selective basis. I trust the Minister will tell us the results of the survey he has carried out on the need for these comprehensive schools. We should also like to know the manner in which these schools will be managed, the kind of teachers who will man them and the requisite qualifications of such teachers. Will teaching abroad be recognised in the appointment of teachers to these new schools?

Does the Deputy think it should be?

Absolutely.

So do I, but a great many people do not.

That is why I make the point. I sincerely hope the discrimination which exists against our friends in Northern Ireland will not be continued. I sincerely hope that our teachers, if they wish to come back here, will be permitted to pass on the benefit of their experience.

The Minister has agreed to give three or four years.

Five years.

Post-primary education for all our children is a dire social need at the moment. Only one in four of our children has an opportunity of going to a secondary school. That is deplorable.

With regard to vocational education, the Minister has got off to a pretty good start, but he can do even more to assist such education. There is too great a delay in sanctioning improvements and essential requirements. Indeed, it took an average of 20 years to get a new school built. That was the period that elapsed before we secured a new school in my native town. It is now happily nearing completion and I trust the Minister will have regard to the intrinsic worth of that new school in County Tipperary and give it all the facilities he can. It is ideally situated and ideally suited to provide this bridge course which will be required to continue the education of boys and girls between 14 and 18 years. These courses are most essential. There will be splendid opportunities, certainly in the school to which I have referred.

The scholarship system at present is totally inadequate to meet the needs of all the children wishing to avail of it. Pending the decision of the Government to give free education to all our children who can benefit from it, there is a duty on the Minister to increase the number of scholarships now available. They provide the only hope for thousands of children who wish to benefit from a higher education. They provide the only opportunity for their doing so.

I think we rely too much on the scholarship system. The Minister has increased the number of scholarships in recent years. He has made some capital out of that. Despite the increase, there is still considerable leeway to be made up. Thousands of extra scholarships are needed for the benefit of those who can usefully avail of them.

How does the Deputy propose to ensure that the children who get a higher education are those who will benefit by it? Where does he draw the line.

There are the appropriate examinations and the Minister proposes to introduce a further examination in the technical schools equivalent to the Intermediate Certificate. That would be the qualifying basis for the award of scholarships and the yardstick used in deciding whether a boy or girl will benefit by higher education.

The Deputy is getting close to the 11-plus idea, which is not satisfactory.

We do not subscribe to the principle of the 11-plus. I am speaking in terms of the type of examinations in existence and the new type the Minister intends to introduce in the comprehensive school. I assume that the introduction of a technical schools leaving certificate will be the basis for progression to a school of technology or a university.

What I visualise is a common examination at Intermediate Certificate level with a common core of subjects but of a very wide range so that selections can be made. I visualise a higher course of technical subjects leading to a higher Leaving Certificate at technical level after which a person can go either to a technological college or a university.

That is the point. Deputies will, therefore, see the reason for my plea for the establishment of scholarships all round.

The distribution of secondary schools in the country is completely irrational. In the Dublin area, there are 111 vocational schools, while there are very few in places like Donegal. When the Minister is establishing the comprehensive schools, he should see to it that there is a more equitable distribution of facilities than there are at present.

I should like the Minister to enlighten us further on his proposal to establish a number of technological colleges. I know many towns and cities are vieing with one another for one of these colleges. I understand the number may be limited to six. I should like him to tell us what, in fact, these colleges will do, with what types of skills, sciences and trades they will deal and where they are likely to be located. He might reiterate the number it is intended to create.

I want to mention briefly the predicament of the mentally handicapped child. Too many of these children are on the waiting lists of county councils, unable to obtain the kind of institutional treatment they so urgently need. I should like the Minister to give us the up-to-date position regarding any new proposals to ensure that all these children are speedily dealt with. It is a hopeless position to have such children on the waiting list for five, six or seven years—seven years lost in the life of a child so urgently in need of treatment and rehabilitation. One must have regard to the predicament in which parents find themselves trying to cope with such a helpless child. I know there are degrees of physical and mental handicap, but the fact remains that we have nothing less than a national scandal in respect of the provision of treatment for these children. It is not altogether the Minister's responsibility — I know the Department of Health comes into it— but nevertheless there is a responsibility on the Minister for Education to provide as soon as possible the necessary trained staff and facilities for dealing with thousands of these children awaiting treatment.

I do not want to become involved in this issue of the revival of the Irish language. For many years in this House, education was the subject for fierce clashes between those for the revival of Irish and those against it on various grounds. I should like to welcome the report of the Commission who dealt with the revival of the language. There are contained in it very many excellent recommendations as well as many others we have heard before. It is not the teaching of Irish which has aroused opposition. It is what parents feel is the burden on their children of learning, often by heart, large portions of grammar— declensions, conjugations and so on —for the purpose of examinations. That is what is causing annoyance. You have the situation here that all these things are being drummed into the child for the purpose of passing examinations, while the child is still left in the position of not being able to speak the language adequately. No one would object to the revival of Irish and its teaching if it did not become the kind of grammatical drudgery it has become today. If the child were taught to speak the language with ease and with not too much emphasis on grammar, if it could be induced to have respect and love for the language and love for learning it, then I feel we would make greater progress.

I would be failing in my duty if I did not advert to the need for more schools, for the repair of schools and for additional accommodation in many schools. I know the Minister has made some worthwhile progress in this respect. Nevertheless, it is very disheartening to see so many dark and dilapidated schools along our main roads, even to the city of Dublin. I pity the children and teachers who have to contend with such accommodation. It is not conducive to anything like good results. I sincerely hope the Minister will take some positive steps to ensure that new methods of construction contemplated by the Board of Works will be availed of in order to provide the additional accommodation necessary to make up the leeway in the shortest possible time. I know the Minister has it in mind to get away from the traditional methods of construction and to make use of these new methods. Many teachers have told me they would be glad to have these new methods availed of for the construction of schools in order to have the schools as soon as possible.

I hope the Minister will make a decision soon concerning raising the school leaving age from 14 years to at least 16 years. I think the Minister will now realise that it is high time our boys and girls were given at least an additional year at school in order that they might be better equipped to face the battle of life. We would hope that the school leaving age would be increased from 14 years to 15 years, and eventually to 16 years, because we feel that 14 years is too young an age for a boy or girl to have derived anything like a worthwhile education. It is only at that stage that pupils really begin to assimilate facts. We feel that an extension to 15 years would be to the advantage of the child and the nation generally.

Before I conclude, I want to convey to the Minister my regret about the system which continues in respect of industrial schools which are the responsibility of the Minister and his Department. Many boys and girls in industrial schools have committed no offence, and are there due only to the poverty of their parents and their inability to maintain them. It is a most unsatisfactory state of affairs that there is such a high percentage of boys and girls in reformatories who have not committed any offence whatsoever but who are there because their parents are so poverty-striken that they are unable to rear them.

In my opinion, it is not good for children to be reared in that kind of environment. It is not right that non-offenders should be placed with offenders, and there is much to be desired in respect of the type of education which is available in industrial schools. Whatever the system or method of education in industrial schools, very little is done to train the children to take up positions in later life. That is evident from the fact that most boys who come out of industrial schools go to work of the most menial kind as farm labourers or some such thing. Very few, if any, are equipped to take up a worthwhile trade. It is also true that most girls who come out of that type of school wind up as domestic helps. That is not good enough.

I personally think that any home, however poor, is better than an industrial school for the children of those otherwise decent parents, children who were guilty of no offence whatsoever. Some new method should be devised to segregate the children and the curricula in the schools should be reappraised and so designed as to ensure that the unfortunate children will have at least a fair chance of finding a suitable job when they leave. It is not good enough that so many of them are obliged to go into blind-alley jobs of varying kinds and eventually, probably, to emigrate.

In 1959-60, 3,805 children were detained in reformatory and industrial schools in this country. Of those 3,805, 3,000 had committed no crime whatsoever. The Minister must look into that situation because no distinction is made in the schools between offenders against society—and we have many offenders against society today, especially in the age group between 12 and 18 years—and those who are detained in those schools due to the poverty of their parents. I ask the Minister to look into that matter and to ensure, so far as he can, that worthwhile skills and trades are taught to such boys and girls so that they will not wind up in the kind of jobs to which I have referred—as happens only too often.

I would also ask the Minister to look into the amount of money spent on the provision of free books. Books nowadays are a very costly item for the average parent, and much unhappiness and bitterness has been created in many families in Ireland today as a result of charges being continually made on parents and pupils for additional books of a very costly type. It should not be suggested to me that we have anything like a free books system, because we have not. It can be shown on recent expenditure that we are spending the equivalent of £2 per national school on free books. That is totally inadequate.

The Minister will appreciate that it is a source of great worry to parents and a source of great humiliation to pupils if they have not got the money required for books and other educational appliances. There is a tendency on the part of people who cannot provide books and appliances because of lack of means to keep their children at home. I would ask the Minister to accelerate the scheme for new books, to provide extra money out of all proportion for that purpose, and to make it clear that no child should suffer embarrassment or humiliation as a result of not having money to purchase books.

Indeed, the Minister's Department has shown a total indifference towards grappling with this problem by reason of the system which now appertains of changing the school books virtually every other season. In our school days, much the same books applied from year to year, and one could usually purchase books secondhand, or have them handed down from an older brother to a younger brother. That system seems to have been done away with and we now have a situation in which a demand for new books is made almost every year, and parents are obliged to find the money for them. That is a source of great anxiety for parents. I would ask the Minister to look at the miserable pittance he is now making available for this essential need, to recognise his responsibility and to provide much more money for it.

I have said that expenditure on education will prove the greatest long-term investment in our country's social and economic development. If you look at the situation in other countries, you will see how backward we are in this respect. We spend about £6 per head of the population on education as against £12 in Northern Ireland, £13 in England and £19 in Scotland. In the capitation grants for secondary schools, again you will see the lack of finance as far as this country is concerned. In 1926, the capitation grants were £7 a year per junior pupil and £10 per senior pupil. In 1961, the grants were £11 and £16 respectively.

The Minister will appreciate, when examining those figures, that little regard has been given to improvement in this respect since 1926: there has been no appreciable increase in capitation awards since this State was founded. In respect of university education, we trust the Minister will increase the amount considerably. The total amount from all sources, including fees, spent on an Irish student today is only one-seventh of what is spent on his counterpart in the United States or in Great Britain. I submit that we must get away from the idea of trying to educate our children on the cheap. We must appreciate that for the purpose of education we have got to spend money. Any money the Minister requires for this purpose will be gladly sanctioned as far as this Party are concerned.

Having said that, I wish the Minister well in all he does to improve our educational facilities. I congratulate him on having the courage and the daring to break away from the conservative shackles with which the Department of Education had been constrained down the years and in the innovations he now suggests there is a breath of new thinking moving through the cobwebbed corridors of the Department of Education.

I express the hope that the speed of that new breath of clear thinking, more rational thinking, more practical thinking, will accelerate and that the Minister will have the courage to come to the House very soon and say he agrees with us that the time is now opportune or long overdue when he should take all the necessary measures to ensure that there is free education for every child in Ireland who can benefit by it, that the system of class discrimination with which we have had to contend for so many years is at last behind us and that the children of the future can look to a new society in which they will be brought up with the feeling that they have at least equal rights and equal opportunities with others in the State. I hope that day is not far off and I extend to the Minister my heart and my hand in his efforts to achieve it. In respect of the things for which he requires our help, I assure him that help will be readily available as far as the Party for which I speak are concerned.

First of all, I wish to refer to the question of the mentally retarded child and to draw the Minister's attention to the fact that there are three degrees of mentally retarded child. Considerable difficulties arise in dealing with this problem in that one section of mentally retarded children come under the Department of Health administration and another come under the jurisdiction of the Minister for Education. Whatever way we look at it, it is a problem which is now with us, a growing problem, and it is good to know that so many philanthropic societies are prepared to give such active help to the State in endeavours to solve it.

As I have said, there are three degrees of mentally retarded child. First of all, there is the child incapable of learning anything. He officially comes under the administration of the Department of Health. Then there is the child who can be taught in special circumstances; and there is the mentally retarded child who requires extra assistance. It is a problem that has not been approached, officially at any rate, in a national way. I would suggest to the Minister that for a start he should organise some sort of active liaison committee and that this be listed as an item for what I would describe as active consideration by his own Department and the Department of Health. He will tell me, probably, that such a situation exists already. My information from my association with these philanthropic societies is that there is no active co-operation between the two Departments, or that if there is, there is no realistic planning to deal with the problem. It does seem to me that if the Department of Health were capable of dealing with all the extreme cases, which do not in fact come under the heading of education at all because those children cannot learn anything, a big step would have been taken.

It would ease the problem considerably, and the Minister's Department then could get down to face the facts and enable a square deal to be given to those children who require special attention. I should like the Minister to make it clear to the House what distance he is prepared to go to aid these philanthropic societies so that they may carry out and expand the work they have already undertaken. Most of these societies with whom I have been associated work through existing experts on this problem. The Minister knows of the devoted service the Saint John of God brothers, a French order of nuns, the Sisters of Charity, have been giving, but their lists are full up. In the area in which I live, there are four or five such children, three of whom have been waiting to go into an institution.

That is a matter for the Department of Health, but there are also children for whom the years are gradually passing by and who are missing the opportunity of being educated. If the Minister could make it clear what exactly he is prepared to do for those children, whether he is prepared to establish an active liaison with the Department of Health, their parents would know where they stand. If a society start in a rural area such as the one in which I live, if they are able to collect sufficient funds to start a school in, perhaps, a reconstructed institution of some sort, what exactly is the Minister's Department prepared to do to help?

What exactly will the Minister's Department do for these people? What grant will they give towards the cost of buying this establishment and reconstructing it? Will they provide a teacher free? If they are willing to supply and pay a teacher, is there such a teacher available? If all the cases that exist were properly dealt with, in my opinion, we would not have sufficient teachers in the country. Are we having such people trained? Are we in touch with Irish nationals outside who are teachers and suggesting they should come home? Is there any plan for dealing with a problem of this magnitude?

I do not say all this in any derogatory sense. The Minister inherited this problem which has been growing for years. Perhaps there is some slight improvement in recent years but it is very little. There is the extreme type for which the Department of Health is responsible, the very backward case which needs a special school and treatment. There is the ordinary mentally retarded person of whom we have quite a number who require special tuition. Is it possible for them to get special tuition possibly through travelling teachers who are experts? It is accepted that to educate the mentally-retarded, the teacher must have specific scientific and specialist knowledge.

The problem has not been really approached within the Minister's Department. When I was asked to raise the matter on the Estimate, I was warned: "Take care the Minister does not establish a commission. If he does, it will be another three or four years before anything happens and the commission's report will be so voluminous that nobody will be able to follow it exactly." I suggest the Minister should make a practical approach to the matter in consultation with his senior colleague, the Minister for Health, and see if they can syphon out of the retarded children those who cannot be educated. That would make the Minister's problem much easier. The Minister might indicate what he is prepared to do and make a general statement on the matter.

There is a widespread belief that we must have a better system of secondary education. All classes and creeds and all shades of political opinion believe we have somehow fallen down in education. We are much behind other countries. In order to improve our education, we must have more secondary schools and more advantages for these schools. There are roughly two types at present. We have the public school where well-to-do parents can send their children and although, with the high costs obtaining nowadays, these schools require assistance for reconstruction possibly to a greater extent than they are getting it already, they are not in the same perilous condition as the ordinary establishment one finds in rural Ireland and also in Dublin, such as the schools of the Christian Brothers and other orders that give a secondary education at a nominal cost. They charge something like £5 per term and if, as often happens, the parents cannot afford that, the Brothers will do it for nothing. They have to compete with the standards of education in the public schools that receive considerable fee income and also with public charity in the parish.

In my own parish, we have had a national school built; we have had reconstruction of the church; reconstruction of the Christian Brothers' schools at a cost of £10,000 and an extension of the convent school also. The charges are tremendous and it is very hard for the secondary school not to find itself pushed aside among all the others. The secondary schools get no assistance while the national schools get generous assistance—and rightly so, as they are the foundation of our education.

This problem needs immediate attention because there is no use in talking about better education if facilities are lacking. We cannot expect religious orders and other secondary institutions to be able to educate children and give of their best if they are weighed down with financial worries all the time. I see no reason why they should not be given generous grants in the future. This is necessary if the Minister hopes to achieve what he has set out to do.

As regards schools generally, under the existing system it appears that everything must come through the manager who controls the school and who works, as far as I know, under the Department of Education. I think nobody will object to that. It is good in a way that religious institutions should be in charge of schools and responsible for the building of schools. That raises no great difficulty but there are some minor problems in schools which cannot be dealt with without going to the manager. We admit that we are inherently conservative; we always have been and I suppose always will be, and you get the elderly parish priest who has been many years in the parish and is not exactly moving with the times. I know several schools with virtually no sanitary accommodation and if I go to the Minister saying there are 150 pupils in that school with no accommodation other than a worn-out latrine which it is difficult to get anybody to clean and point out that conditions are bad for health generally, I am likely to be fobbed off to the manager again.

It should be possible for the Department to take control of such a situation by providing sanitary accommodation. It would only be necessary to provide a septic tank and lay on a water supply for which possibly the Department of Local Government issue grants. There may not be many cases in individual constituencies but I believe there are one or two in each and those cases will persist. People are now not willing to suffer as they were in the past and you will have an increased tendency to strikes, with people saying they will not allow children to go to a certain school because it stinks—in some cases it does. In dealing with that situation, the Minister will not impinge on managerial rights and I personally believe that it would be the best way of doing it and would effect a most desirable improvement.

One frequently reads in the papers of fatalities from burning. They have occurred in recent months. You see a case where a mother has gone out for half-an-hour and returns to find one of the children burned. I was advocating some time ago having first-aid courses in schools and recently I think I saw in the newspapers that first-aid will be taught in the schools. Apart from that, it would be very simple for the teacher to instruct the children what to do in case of fire. It is easy to exclude air and if you do that, you put out the fire. The average child does not know that. One child goes afire and the other runs out screaming for help but by the time anybody comes, the child is either burned to death or permanently disfigured. Would the Minister consider directing schools to give this instruction? It would only take a half an hour or so in each term to bring home to children what they should do in such an emergency.

If we are to compete in the world of today, we must have some linguistic ability. Otherwise, it is quite impossible for us to carry on in the commercial arena, in negotiations between ourselves and other countries for affiliation within economic bodies, and so forth. It is absolutely essential that we should turn out a nation of linguists for commercial purposes more than anything else. I do not know if the Minister has any scheme for modern languages. He has indicated to the House on several occasions that he believes in modern languages. The two languages that come to mind are French and German. From personal experience, I can tell the Minister that if you speak French and English— Deputy Dillon knows it also—well and clearly, without too much dialect, you will get practically anywhere in the world. It is a point the Minister might consider.

I gather that a scheme of modern languages is conducted through the vocational schools. It is not always possible for people living in rural districts to get to vocational schools. I do know that if you have a foundation of a language, if you learn it as a child, it is of inestimable value when you go to the country where it is spoken in order to learn it. The person who has been taught as a child even the rudiments of grammar of French or German will find it of great benefit if he looks for a job as a commercial traveller or representative here or anywhere else. Perhaps the Minister might consider those few points.

In recent years, the annual debate on the Education Estimate has taken far more of the time of the House than was the case five, six or seven years ago. It is very clear that there is an increasing and growing interest in the work of the Department of Education by all Deputies and, indeed, that merely reflects the growing interest of the public at large in education. The public now are beginning to consider the aims and objects of our educational system and are beginning to decide for themselves what those aims and objects should be.

It is a fact that certain persons concerned closely and vitally in educational matters tend to be resentful of public criticism. It is well that all such persons should clearly understand that members of this House have a public duty to perform, that they are in conscience obliged to say what they believe to be true, that it is a good thing that there should be this growing awareness of educational problems, that the national interest is served by that growing interest and that any member of this House who would permit himself to be intimidated in any way in saying what he believes to be true would be guilty of moral cowardice. I welcome the growing interest in educational affairs. I welcome the fact that Deputies are interested enough to get up and say things on education which have never been said before. I have no apology to offer to anyone for any of the honestly-held opinions which I may express here on this Estimate.

The Minister is the soul of courtesy in his dealings with public representatives and it is appropriate that we on this side of the House should acknowledge that unfailing courtesy on the part of the Minister.

My approach to education in a very narrow context is rather a materialist one because I believe that more education and improved education is the key to the material prosperity of our people. I believe that the native wit, imagination and resourcefulness of the Irish people are considerable, that they are our greatest national asset but that they are not being exploited to the full, that they are largely undeveloped and that this underdevelopment of talent is a criminal waste. I have before now quoted statistics relating to the under-investment in education in this country as compared with other countries. It is very striking indeed. I shall not delay the House at this stage by producing those statistics once more. The Minister is very familiar with them. The last speaker quoted some of them.

We spend on education for 26 counties about as much as the Government of Northern Ireland spend for six counties. We spend far less pro rata than Britain, not to speak of the more advanced countries such as Western Germany and the United States and in so far as there are several indications of a more enlightened approach to expenditure on education and investment in education, we must express our satisfaction. In this connection the Minister would be kind enough to tell us something about the progress being made by the OECD Survey presided over by Mr. Lynch? When may we expect a report of their examination of the problems of investment in education in this State?

The fact is that the Department of Education more than any other Department of State has been affected in the past by the economic policy laid down in 1938 in the Banking Commission Report. The Commission threw up its hands in horror at the idea of the State incurring what the economists at that time termed deadweight debt—debt which does not yield a short term cash profit, debt which does not create the means of liquidating itself. The fact is that if we had listened to some of the economists in the past, we would never have started even on the slum clearance programme in this country.

The importance of social investment cannot be overstated. I believe that the Minister for Education and, probably, his advisers, are far too diffident in their approach to the Department of Finance for more and more funds for education. It has recently been established by economists in Germany that, even in the short-term, educational investment yields a material profit.

I wish to point to the place obtained by Education in the Second Programme for Economic Expansion. The First Programme, as far as I can recall, made no mention whatsoever of the place of the Department of Education in regard to economic expansion. We can at least take some heart from the fact that the Second Programme has referred briefly to the place of education and training. But the Second Programme puts the cart before the horse. It visualises an expansion of educational expenditure preceded by an expansion of the national income. It does not take any account of the fact that first, you have to expand your educational expenditure before the required growth in national productivity will be reflected.

I am a chartered accountant. From time to time I come across very striking illustrations of the inadequacies of the poorly-educated worker in industry. I refer to the fellow who, on the floor of a factory, cannot fill in a simple production card or a batch card of some sort proceeding from one stage of production to another with a production line. I refer to the worker who cannot assimilate written instructions other than the most simple. I refer to the worker who cannot fill in a time sheet. Problems such as those for industrialists and manufacturers are legion.

There is no doubt whatever that an improvement in the general standard of education will yield striking results in the productive capacity of our people. It has been pointed out in this House that a smaller proportion of our total Supply Services is now being spent on education than was the case even 30 years ago. That is a very striking indication that education has not obtained its share of increasing national resources.

The human element in regard to the pupils, first, and the teachers, second, seems very largely to be ignored. We continue to give inadequate pay to our teachers, having regard to the type of person required in the teaching service and having regard to comparable pay in other fields of occupation. We must make certain that the conditions of work and the promotion prospects for our teachers will no longer militate against the entry of first-class intellect to the teaching profession. It must be placed in a competitive position in relation to other professions. It is an appalling indictment of our system that we have teachers who are paid less than labourers: it is an appalling indictment of our scale of values.

I have spoken before about some of the problems which arise in this city of Dublin and in my constituency in the national schools, problems of overcrowding and of bad accommodation. It is terribly unfortunate that what should be such unimportant matters as accommodation, heating, cleaning and such like should necessitate so much attention and involve discussion in this House. However, so long as a state of affairs prevails where a Department of Education provides a grant to a national school of 400 pupils of about £100 for heating and cleaning, we must continue to protest.

Free primary education is the constitutional right of every child born into this State. It is surely implicit in the Constitution that primary education should be provided in civilised conditions but it is not being provided in civilised conditions in many schools at present. We have 700 condemned, insanitary and unfit national schools. At the present rate of school building, which, admittedly, is higher than it has been in the past, it will take the best part of ten years to replace them and by the time ten years have passed, other schools will require replacement. All of this springs from the economic policy and the economic concepts in regard to social investment of which I have been speaking.

Dublin citizens and Dublin workers, particularly, are paying very high taxes on the PAYE system and, more recently, under the turnover tax system. It is grossly unjust that persons paying such high taxes should be expected to contribute additional funds for the provision of a constitutional right such as primary education. It is grossly unjust that the parochial funds should be burdened with the necessity of looking after school heating and cleaning. It does not in any way cut across the managerial system which has served us so well, to suggest that the State should relieve the manager of the financial problems of heating, cleaning and maintaining his national school. We do not pass around the hat for public lighting. We do not expect the residents of a road to contribute on a charitable basis for the provision of street lights. Why should we expect them to buy raffle tickets or to attend fashion shows in order to keep their children's school clean and warm? It is a complete anachronism: it is unconstitutional.

I seriously believe that if an enterprising parent were to challenge the Minister in the Supreme Court on this particular issue, he could obtain a ruling that it is implicit in the Constitution that the free primary education which the Constitution stipulates should be provided. The Revenue Commissioners are the most capable and the most efficient fund raisers that we have and they are the people who should be raising the funds for these purposes of which I speak. We must in this context have regard in the broad sense to the fact that 70 per cent of our taxes are indirect taxes, and, as the Minister probably knows, such taxes bear more heavily on the lowly paid than on any other section of the community. It is largely the children of lowly-paid parents who are attending national schools and it is gravely unjust to expect these people to contribute to the financial cost of maintaining these schools. It is even more unjust to leave those national schools badly cleaned and poorly heated.

I have a question down to day about Belgrove Girls national school in my constituency in Clontarf, a splendid school, the principal of which is one of the foremost educationists in the country. It is appalling to consider that the efforts of that dedicated lady and her dedicated staff are thwarted by poor conditions and inadequate accommodation. A public meeting of parents was necessitated before temporary and patchwork measures were taken to cope with the accommodation, heating and cleaning problems of that school which is being operated in an antiquated building grossly unsuitable for the purpose.

Thanks to the efforts of the parents, there are now certain temporary structures and I hope at Question Time to-day the Minister will tell me when permanent and suitable structures will be erected. I mention that in passing. I also want to make it quite clear that the parish of which I speak has a high parochial debt for a new church and it is wrong that the parish priest should be expected to provide funds, even part of the funds, for a new school or for the maintenance of the existing school.

The managerial system has served us very well in the past. It is rather an old system—it is over a century old— and perhaps in some respects it could be improved administratively, but by and large it is a system which we cherish and which we should retain. It is not cutting across the accepted principles of that system for the State to provide the full cost of new schools or of maintaining and heating and cleaning them or paying the staff. It is futile for the Minister to suggest, as he does when Deputies advocate such improvements as I have mentioned, that we are trying to throw over the managerial system and that we are all a lot of Communists. Nothing could be further from the truth. I admit of course that the Minister has never said that we are a lot of Communists but there is that veiled suggestion that we are trying to discredit the managerial system. Because we want to relieve the manager of the maintenance problem, it is not to say that we are cutting across the system.

What have we to say about the time spent by children cleaning and sweeping out rural national schools? Is it not a fact that 100 hours per school year are lost by some pupils in cleaning operations? Is it not a fact that it is the poorest children who clean the schools in some rural schools, sometimes, God help us, in return for the buns left over from the school meal? That phenomenon has occurred. I could tell the Minister of a case of which I have personal knowledge. Last year during the period of snow falls, I gave a lady a lift on my way to Tullamore and she told me about the names of children in the classroom in a particular rural national school being posted up on the blackboard and the figures "7/6d." were chalked up after their names. Each child was required to produce 7/6d. as his contribution to the fuel for the winter. According as a child brought in 7/6d., his name was taken off the board and the child who was too poor to produce 7/6d. was held up to odium and contempt. His name remained on the blackboard and the other children, as children will, saw to it that those children whose names remained on the blackboard were pushed to the back of the room, furthest from the fire. Surely proceedings such as that should not be condoned any longer.

In his opening speech before Christmas, the Minister gave us no clue about his long-term plans for secondary education. The simple fact is that as matters stand, the Department of Education have little or no function as far as basic needs in the field of secondary education are concerned and the Department have no policy, short-term or long-term, for the provision of new secondary schools. Last May, the Minister announced tentatively and prematurely his ideas on the subject of comprehensive schools and he said that he would take the unorthodox step of calling a press conference so that the public, and in particular members of Dáil Éireann, would have an opportunity of considering his proposals before his annual Estimate came up for consideration. At that time in May last, the annual Estimate was due to come up here in June or July. We are now in the month of January, 1964, eight months later, and the Minister has not had a word to say about these plans; he did not have a word to say about them when introducing his Estimate. What has happened to them?

In that statement made last May, the Minister said:

Accordingly, I have asked you representatives of the Press to meet me in order that through you I may place before the public certain proposals in relation to post primary education to which I contemplate giving effect.

It may be futile to state my opinions on the plans so tentatively announced by the Minister last May, but, in general terms, my feelings were that it was a good thing to see a Minister taking the initiative, and particularly good that the overemphasis in the present secondary system on liberal studies was being dropped in part. On the other hand, I had the nasty feeling about the proposals that the position would still prevail wherein a superior education to that available in the comprehensive schools would continue to be provided elsewhere and the products of the comprehensive schools would very probably be branded as second rate. I felt the old system of class distinctions, in other words, which are so rife in the field of education in this country would remain with us. Now, to my mind, the removal of those class distinctions is one of the most urgent needs of this State. I refer to the remedying of the position in which we have an élite not of intellects but of privilege and wealth. That is particularly so in relation to university graduates.

In his statement last May with regard to his plans, the Minister went on to say:

I am announcing them now so that the public in general and the Members of Dáil Éireann, in particular, may have time to consider them before the annual Estimates for my Department are being presented to Dáil Éireann.

That Press conference was called when the by-election campaign in my constituency of Dublin North-East was at its height. I believe the announcement was made prematurely by the Minister as an election stunt and I publicly deprecated at the time the Minister lending himself and his Department to a political stunt of that nature, a futile stunt because the comprehensive schools envisaged by the Minister will mean nothing at all to the people of Dublin, and that is where the by-election was being held. They will mean nothing at all to the people of Cork and I doubt very much that they will mean anything to the people of Kildare because the proposals are for areas of scattered population in which there are none, or very few, or very small secondary schools.

It would be very unfortunate if members of this House, or responsible people outside it, were misled into over-estimating the importance of this particular announcement to the nation as a whole. They may be very important to areas of scattered population but they are of little or no consequence to the city of Dublin in which there are very considerable problems and very grave problems of accommodation confronting all secondary schools. If, say, the Christian Brothers, for example, who do such wonderful work, as the last speaker said, want to build a new school or an extension to an existing school, what do they do for funds? They run raffles; they run gymkhanas, fetes, fashion shows even. Fashion shows! The Intercontinental Hotel at Ballsbridge got £150,000 of State money as a free grant, but no grants for school buildings. What sort of crazy scale of values have we in this country that perpetuates and condones such a system? Last year we spent £4 million on the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. I do not deny that that was money well spent on a very worthy cause, but is it not ludicrous in the circumstances to leave those in charge of our secondary schools in a position in which they have to run fashion shows and organise raffles in order to cater for a basic, fundamental need?

The capitation grants to secondary schools of £16 for a senior pupil and £13 for an intermediate pupil have not been changed for years. Secondary schools in Dublin have recently increased their fees very substantially. I am told that the fees now for a day pupil in Belvedere College are £60 per year. When I was attending a day school in Dublin, the fees were little or no burden to the average parent. That is not the case today and there is many a youngster in this city now deprived of secondary education because his father cannot afford a fee of £30, £40, £50 or £60 a year. For years past, we have been exploiting the goodwill of the religious communities. We have been taking them for granted. In the past year or so, they have given indications that they are growing rather tired of being taken for granted. Spokesmen at school unions, dinners, prize days and so on have made many requests for greater State aid for secondary education, but without any reaction whatsoever from the Department.

The last speaker wanted to know whether or not teaching experience abroad would be recognised in the new comprehensive schools. There is a motion on the Order Paper in the name of the Fine Gael Party calling for the extension of recognition, for the purpose of the incremental salary paid by the Department to teachers, of suitable service in Great Britain, Northern Ireland and abroad. The position is that some years ago, as a gesture towards the underdeveloped countries in Africa—I think it was when the Taoiseach went to Nigeria for the inauguration of the Nigerian Constitution—it was decided suitable experience in underdeveloped countries would be recognised. A good thing, too. But the Department and the Minister have very strenuously resisted the suggestion that similar experience in Great Britain should be recognised. It is a fact that, subsequent to our motion going on the Order Paper, limited recognition was granted for service in Northern Ireland, and the farcical and unconstitutional position which prevailed up to then of the State not recognising service in the Six Counties was removed. But the position still obtains that suitable service of Irish graduates in Great Britain will not be recognised when they come back here. They have to start at the bottom of the scale and work for buttons.

Recently, in reply to a Parliamentary Question, the Minister indicated he was not prepared to grant recognition of teaching service in Britain for salary and incremental purposes. He did not think it would serve any useful purpose. He went on to say a very offensive thing. He said he did not want the rejects of other educational systems employed in our schools. It was a very uncharitable thing to say. The Minister, I believe, in his early days as a medical doctor worked in Great Britain. I wonder does the Minister regard himself as a reject of the British health service? That is the implication of what he said. It was an uncharitable and unkind suggestion. If a decent Irishman, a graduate of one of our universities, has had to go to Britain for work, it is because he is compelled to do so in order to earn a living. If he gets married over there to an Irish girl, brings up a good Christian family and wants to come back here, the Minister says he is a reject of the British educational system. It makes a mockery of all our lamentations about emigration to withhold recognition for suitable service in Britain to our Irish graduates. Let the Minister hedge it with all the restrictions he can think of, but at least in principle say to our graduates that they are not going to be penalised because they had to go to England to find work and now wish to return home to bring up their families in this country.

In regard to the conditions upon which recognition is granted for service in the underdeveloped countries of Africa, I recently corresponded with the Minister about one such case, a former constituent of mine named Thomas Caslin, now teaching in Saint Mary's Junior Seminary, Tanganyika. The Minister will not grant him recognition because the scheme of recognition is hedged with bureaucratic, pettifogging restrictions. Saint Mary's Junior Seminary, for the simple reason that it is a seminary, is not recognised and does not wish to be recognised by the Tanganyika Government. No part of the salaries of the lay teachers there is paid by the Tanganyika Government. They want to preserve their independence. Because the Department is applying to completely dissimilar conditions and circumstances the same rule as applies in this country, this good man is to be deprived of recognition.

I believe an approach such as that takes all the good out of the concession first brought in three years ago. In reply to a Parliamentary Question of mine, the Minister said there were approximately 170 cases in which recognition had been granted and 11 cases in which it had been withheld. I have knowledge of only one of those 11, the case of Mr. Caslin. I would appeal to the Minister to take a personal look at the file of each of these applications rejected. If he finds they were rejected for pettifogging, bureaucratic, legalistic reasons, completely out of accord with the spirit of the concession, would he not, in the name of goodness, do the decent thing and grant the recognition? It means a great deal to people like Mr. Caslin who went out to Tanganyika under a misapprehension. I feel sure if the Minister were here to hear me, he would accept my proposal.

I must say a few reluctant words about the question of the Irish language in our schools. My views on the matter are known to the Minister. I restate them briefly now with reluctance, because I am aware that the whole attitude to the Irish language revival in this country is beset with emotional reasoning. It is so easy to give offence to decent people who feel strongly about this matter. But, to my mind, the Irish revival in its present form in our schools is creative of so much serious injustice that that injustice must be condemned at every available opportunity in this House. The idealism of the founders of the Gaelic revival has been exploited and exploited for a base motive, material gain, the transfer of power and of authority.

There is a very strong streak of the herrenvolk philosophy behind some of our revivalists, a strong streak of racialism. I was reading recently something which shocked me to the core, an article written 30 years ago by a distinguished educationalist and eminent Jesuit, the late Fr. Corcoran, who was closely associated with the concept of compulsory Irish. He wrote many times in this article of the “real Irish people”, the Gaelic speakers. I am a Dublin man and I make no apology for that. I am proud of it. None of my forebears were Gaelic speakers.

The city of Dublin and all the other cities, with the possible exception of Galway, have not been Gaelic-speaking. I regard myself as as good an Irishman as any Gaelic speaker. I regard my constituents in North East Dublin whom I am proud to represent as fine Irish people and I must in the nature of things resent strongly this approach that you are a secondrate Irishman, not fit to be employed by the State, unless you conform. The people are sick and tired of this approach which has killed the Irish language.

The Commission which recently reported resented the term "compulsory Irish" and said they hoped that no more would be heard of that term. That hope is a vain one. There will be a lot more heard of it. Compulsory Irish, coercive Irish, essential Irish, call it what you will, it is the means of keeping a good man out of a job. It is the means of creating a new privileged class in this country at a time when we have thrown over class rule and privilege. The emphasis on compulsory Irish in our primary schools in particular has resulted in the child leaving school uneducated in the real sense of the term, without being trained in social and moral virtues enabling him to become the whole man able to reason for himself and stand on his own two feet.

In recent months great play is being made of the statistics for the Leaving Certificate. We are told that very few children are deprived of the Leaving Certificate because of failure in Irish alone. When I sat for the Leaving Certificate in a Dublin secondary day school there were at least five of my class mates who were not permitted by the school authorities to sit for the examination because they would lower the school average results, not having the required standard in Irish. In each of the three years, in fourth year, fifth year and sixth year, which I spent in the secondary school three or four youngsters dropped off each year because they were not making the grade. Their parents' money on school fees was being wasted. They were not responding and they went off to dead-end jobs. It was largely the emphasis on Irish and the neglect of other subjects which had left them in that position. I am told that even still a number of secondary schools carry out preliminary tests before they will permit their boys or girls to sit for the public examinations because they are concerned to keep up the averages. Therefore, let us not bandy about these statistics indiscriminately without understanding the facts behind them.

The mercenary aspect of so many features of the Irish language revival is an aspect which has done tremendous harm. The Commission have recommended that the grant for Irish speakers be doubled. They have recommended that State servants should be deprived of their increments. It is money, money all the time and the idealism is gone. Only a return to the voluntary methods can restore that idealism and remove the active ill-will which many victims of the system bear to the Irish revival.

I have no great love for the things I find now in regard to the Gaelic language. I am sick and tired of the humbug and hypocrisy, the position in which the Taoiseach would not qualify as an office boy in his own Department. That is what sickens the people in this country and until that is remedied no progress can be made. I would urge those who love the language, if for no other reason than the success of their own objective, to listen to this appeal.

May I mention another matter appertaining to my own constituency, the position of Artane industrial school? The grants paid to the Christian Brothers who run that splendid institution are very niggardly. It is run on a shoestring. I have not got the precise figures with me but I would plead with the Minister to have a look at those grants and urgently to consider what can be done by way of improvement. We take for granted to a great extent the gratuitous services of the religious orders in this country and, as I remarked a few moments ago in relation to secondary education, there are growing indications of resentment of that position.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
Barr
Roinn