Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 1 Dec 1966

Vol. 225 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Vote 28—Office of the Minister for Education (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
Go ndeonófar suim nach mó ná £1,274,220 chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31ú lá de Mhárta, 1967, le haghaidh Tuarastail agus Costais Oifig an Aire Oideachais (lena n-áirítear Forais Eolaíochta agus Ealaíon), le haghaidh Seirbhísí Ilghnéitheacha áirithe Oideachais agus Cultúir, agus Ildeontais-i-gCabhair.
—(Minister for Education.)

Just to wind up what I began to say last night, I wish to repeat that while all of us are awaiting the outcome of the Minister's statement offering free education to everybody who needed it, and while we are thankful for the effort which appears to have been made towards some improvement, the Labour Party are dissatisfied that a more detailed programme has not been prepared. We look on this document, which could have been far more detailed, simply as a statement of intention to do something and unfortunately our experience has been that unless we get down in black and white what is to be done, the position does not seem to improve very much.

I do not wish to decry the efforts the Minister appears to be making to have free education provided for certain classes but I think it is a misnomer to describe it as free education without a means test. In fact, there are several means tests woven through the structure of the scheme, all of which will cause a certain amount of annoyance and criticism if the scheme is ever put into operation. The thing that worries me most, and should also worry the Minister, is the big number of children who leave school without getting secondary education. What provision has the Minister made or does he propose to make to ensure there will be school places for such children in future? Because he is a man in touch with the people, he must be aware of the situation that secondary schools are completely booked out, and even where such schools are not completely booked out, I do not think there will be a warm welcome for children who will be adding to the overcrowding of classes.

Secondly, what does the Minister propose to do about university education? We know extra accommodation is being provided but this will not ensure that even a fraction of those who would like to have university education can in present circumstances be accommodated. The Minister must know that if extra facilities are not made available immediately—I believe they must be made available—the universities will not be able to take these people. I do not think it is fair that students who fail at the end of their first year should be shot down the way they are. I believe the reason for it is to reduce the number of pupils because of the lack of accommodation.

I know young men and young women who leave the secondary schools, where they have been under strict supervision in regard to lessons and everything else, and who go into the university where it is a matter for themselves whether they study or not. Very many of them do not get time to acclimatise themselves to the new situation until they are out on their ears. That is wrong and something should be done to allow them to do two years before this happens because in the second year they begin to work.

Secondly, the Minister might try to do something about the appalling situation that for many courses in the universities books are prescribed which have been out of print for very many years. It is deplorable to see university students going around from book barrow to book barrow trying to buy, at very exorbitant prices, the books prescribed for the different courses. This system should be changed. Either books which are available should be prescribed or the books which are prescribed should be made available. There is nothing wrong with that suggestion at all.

The third thing which I would like to speak about is something which the universities may dislike very much but the Minister must do something about it. It is a deplorable thing when students go to the university and go into a lecture in the morning, and sometimes they have to undertake a very long journey in order to be on time, they find no lecturer there. I know of some students who had to leave on a train one hour earlier than was necessary because of the fact that the lecture was timed for such an hour that the bus which should take them from the train would not get them in in time for the lecture. The lecture was timed to start at 9 o'clock and they could not arrive until 9.15. In spite of the fact that a lecture is timed to start at 9 o'clock, you very often find that the lecturer does not turn up at all. There are always exceptions. Some people always turn up on time but there are others who do not. It is wrong that a university lecturer should so let down his or her class.

People have gone to great trouble to get into the university, first of all, and then they have gone to great trouble to be on time, only to find that the lecturer is not there. If a lecturer finds that for some reason or other he will not be able to keep his appointment on a particular morning, he should inform the students the night before. Some notice should be given so that the students will be informed and will not have to sit for three-quarters of an hour, or even longer, awaiting a lecturer who has not turned up. If this were an isolated case, one could accept it, but some lecturers think it is all right to do this once a month or even oftener. This is entirely wrong and something should be done about it.

Finally, let me say that as far as improvement in education is concerned, we believe that if this country is ever to get anywhere, the pupils leaving school must be educated. The radio this morning described this as the Minister's plan for new education, giving the impression there was some kind of legislation being enacted which would give such facilities. All this is the Minister's idea of what he thinks should be done and what his Department thinks should be done. I shall be very interested to see how it works out. I mentioned last night—I do not know whether the Minister was here— the proposal about bus services.

Mr. O'Malley

I was here for that.

I will not repeat it so, but I honestly believe we must make a more genuine effort to try to give something to the children. I do not believe that in the present atmosphere the Minister's proposals will be taken too seriously by many people. Do not forget we are now on the eve of two important by-elections.

Mr. O'Malley

These were announced last September. The Deputy should be reasonable.

If the Minister says they were announced last September——

Mr. O'Malley

The outlines and the intentions were.

——will the Minister explain to me why it was not possible to fill in all the details which are missing from the proposed scheme? The Minister must admit that in relation to far too many matters in this scheme we find that the matter will get further consideration. Before September, there must have been a certain amount of talk about it. I believe this scheme has been dumped here in the hope that within the next 12 months, it may be possible to round it off. When our Party put forward a policy on education, it took months and months to prepare. Eventually, it was printed and published. I just do not like the idea of something like this being put out with all these built-in loopholes. I believe the Minister might be sincere in his requirements but I honestly believe the intention is to promise much and to give little.

Ba mhaith liom i dtosach báire comhgáirdeachas a dhéanamh leis an Aire Oideachais mar gheall ar an dtuarascáil a thug sé dúinn maidir le cúrsaí na Roinne sa bhliain seo caite. Tá áthas orainn go bhfuil seans aige cur in iúl dúinn gur tháinig méadú mór ar chaiteachas na Roinne faoi na cinn-teidil go léir. Molaim go háirithe go bhfuil méadú timpeall £5 milliúin idir an bhliain seo agus an bhliain roimhe seo. Ar ndó, tá breis agus £2 mhilliúin ar scoltacha nua agus ar dheisiú sean-scoileanna. Go háirithe, deinim comhgáirdeachas leis mar gheall ar na tairscintí nua agus ar an bpolasaí nua atá molta aige don Dáil agus a cuirfear fá bhráid an Tí seo. Mar adúirt sé féin, ní inné ná inniú a chuir sé in iúl dúinn go raibh ar intinn aige a leithéid a thabhairt isteach. I Mí Meán Fhómhair seo caite do chuir sé in iúl don tír go mbeadh a leithéid ar fáil. Tá sé ar fáil anois. Tá na tairscintí go breágh soiléir cé nach n-adhmhódh an Teachta Tully é sin. Deir sé nach bhfuil ann ach cur-igcéill agus go bhfuil chuile lúb-ar-lár sa scéim agus gur dalladh mhullog atá ann do na fó-thoghcáin.

The Minister in his Estimate deals mainly with the three branches of our educational system which are his responsibility. In general, I propose to comment on the activities of his Department under those heads. It was alleged here last night by Deputy Tully that very little had been done in regard to the programme of replacing unsuitable national schools and improving existing schools. It appears that Deputy Tully did not even read, not to say comprehend, the statement made by the Minister in that regard. The Minister stated that in so far as the replacement of national schools was concerned, 1965-66 was a record year, that 130 new schools were built in that year and 121 schools were either improved or extended. Both these figures constitute records. They have never been achieved before and that they were achieved in a year in which there were financial difficulties is indeed a greater tribute than ever to the work that has been done. It represented a 60 per cent increase on the average for the previous decade but that was not even referred to once by Deputy Tully who bemoaned the lack of progress, as he said, in the building programme of the Department.

I should also like to congratulate the Minister on the improvement that has been made in the teacher/pupil ratio. That improvement was begun by one of his predecessors and not alone has it been maintained by the present Minister but the ratio has been improved to the advantage of both pupil and teacher. I remember when I was teaching in Dublin some years ago around the month of May or June, children came to the school to be enrolled and I often had in my class—it was an infants class—up to 70, 80 or 90 children. This is no exaggeration. That was at the end of June before the enrolment period commenced on 1st July. That cannot and does not happen now. Successive Ministers for Education have lowered the figure for the recruitment of additional teachers and this year the figure has been reduced from 140 to 130 to enable a sixth assistant to be appointed. From an educational point of view, that is a significant improvement. Teachers will no longer be saddled with large classes to which they cannot give proper attention, nor will they have to try to control these large classes to the exclusion of their teaching.

Another development which has been mentioned by the Minister and on which he must also be congratulated is in regard to the steps taken by his predecessor and continued by him to get rid of the untrained teacher. There are many lady assistants, junior assistant mistresses as they are called, who have given excellent service to the nation. To become a junior assistant mistress, one had first of all to attain a fairly high standard in the leaving certificate and had to be eligible for a call to training, although due to the stiff competition, one might not have been successful in securing that call. Up to 1958, or 1956, junior assistant mistresses were recruited and the Minister has now arranged to have suitable junior assistant mistresses who are anxious to do so admitted to crash courses held during the summer, and attendance at which, subject to other conditions, will qualify them for recognition as fully trained teachers. It is a big advance and it is one that has been welcomed by the teaching profession, not to mention the junior assistant mistresses who are vitally concerned in the matter.

There is, however, one plea I should like to make to the Minister. An age limit has been fixed—I think it is 56 years—and junior assistant mistresses who have attained that age will not be eligible to be called to these crash courses. It is a hardship that many of these teachers who are more than 56 cannot be called and consequently will suffer a salary loss. Would it not be possible for the Minister in the case of teachers who have at least five years to go before reaching 65, who have good teaching records, who are recommended by the inspectors, and who are qualified otherwise, to have a de facto recognition given to them and enable them to be placed on an appropriate point on the salary scale? The Minister is a humane man and I feel sure he would not like to see these older teachers, with excellent records, deprived of an adequate salary scale and later of a pension appropriate to their years of service.

The statement made by the Minister in relation to secondary schools was very encouraging. That there should be practically 100,000 pupils enrolled in our secondary schools is a remarkable achievement. When a forecast of that nature was made here a few years ago, that there would be in this year nearly 100,000 pupils attending secondary schools, it was laughed out of the Dáil.

The Minister has also quite rightly mentioned the fact that there was nearly a 300 per cent increase in the number of qualified secondary teachers in our schools last year compared with the year 1950-51. Taken in conjunction, the remarkably high enrolment of pupils and the great increase in the number of teachers are a very encouraging development, and it must be heartening to the Minister to realise that this growth rate has been achieved over the years. It must also be heartening to him to realise that it will be an important matter for consideration in relation to the new scheme with which I shall deal later.

I also want to refer to the fact that in relation to the provision of new secondary schools and new places for pupils, a capital project in the region of £13½ million is being embarked on and that nearly 150 applications have been received from secondary school authorities who propose to provide many new places for pupils and to avail of the very generous scheme of loan repayments introduced by the Department's staff. A 60 per cent contribution to these loan charges is not to be laughed at and it also shows a very favourable trend.

The next matter in the Minister's Estimate is vocational education which is going through a very great transitional period, the most important factor being the introduction of the common intermediate certificate. Heretofore, children attended vocational schools in the realisation that the only certificate—and it was an important one—they could gain was the group certificate. Possession of it enabled candidates for nursing and other professions to have a certificate. It was not generally regarded as a very important certificate—why, I do not know. In its own way, it was important and it was something that the pupils could be proud of, but, for some reason, it was not regarded as on a par with possession of, shall we say, the intermediate certificate from the secondary branch.

While I understand that the group certificate is to continue, the introduction of a common intermediate certificate, common to the secondary and vocational schools, is a welcome step and one in the right direction because children who have an academic bent can proceed to the purely academic subjects and get their certificate for those subjects, but a boy or girl with a flair for subjects like drawing or engineering or metalwork, rural science, domestic economy or any other science catered for in those schools can get their certificate in these subjects and it will be of equal value and merit with the certificate secured by the child attending a secondary school and following subjects such as the ordinary academic subjects.

In that connection, I should like to quote from a book "Education for Tomorrow" by John Vaizey. It is pertinent and relevant to the common intermeniate certificate. On page 16 of the book he says:

Yet, in principle and in law every child now has the right to an education suited to his age, abilities and aptitude and a great deal of the effort of the educational psychologists is concerned in placing children in schools or in classes which appear suited to their talents.

In that connection the common intermediate certificate makes it possible to place children in schools and in courses suited to their talents and natural aptitudes and it is not inferior in any way to the intermediate certificate secured by the pupil of a secondary school where ordinary academic subjects are taught. That is a significant breakthrough.

I am concerned that we appear to be making no great progress towards the provision of regional technical schools. I hope that these will become a reality very shortly because there is a very big demand for them. The technical colleges that we know are in Dublin: they are difficult to get into and it would be a great boon, for country children especially, to gain places in technical schools equal, in status, shall we say, to Bolton Street and Kevin Street, in their own localities. I urge the Minister to go ahead with his scheme to provide these colleges and make them available as soon as possible. I understand we are getting one in Galway and naturally there will be one in Limerick. I hope that within the next year or two something constructive will be done to make a start on these schools and provide the places so badly needed.

I regard the comprehensive schools as pilot schemes in so far as they will integrate the secondary and vocational school in areas where neither type is in existence now. I should like to know if the Minister is getting the full co-operation he desires from the secondary school authorities to whom he has appealed for courses designed to give children with the aptitudes I have mentioned previously suitable instruction. I am aware that he has approached many of these schools, some of them run by the Orders, some run by private individuals. I hope they have agreed to co-operate with him in extending the curriculum and in providing the courses and the subjects he would like to see being taught in these schools.

I now come to the Minister's newly-announced programme for free education. On October 21st last, there was a television programme in which the three major Parties were represented. The Minister for Education, and two other Deputies represented the Fianna Fáil Party; Deputy Mrs. Desmond represented the Labour Party and Deputy Lindsay and Senator Garret FitzGerald represented Fine Gael. That is a little over one month ago. On that occasion it appeared to me that neither Deputy Lindsay nor Senator Garret FitzGerald could explain to the public what the Fine Gael policy in relation to post-primary education was. That is a personal view but it is one, I think, that is shared by all the viewers of that programme "The Politicians". If Senator FitzGerald and Deputy Lindsay knew what the Fine Gael scheme was, they were very good in concealing that fact from the public or in announcing two different schemes; they were successful, too, in contradicting each other. Deputy Mrs. Desmond gave a very good account of herself, I must say, and of the policy of her Party which was published some time ago under the title "Challenge". It was significant that the Fine Gael people could not state what their policy was.

Now on the eve of a by-election campaign, Fine Gael come out with their new policy. Apart from the merits of the policy, which I will not discuss at this stage, the extraordinary feature of the Fine Gael policy is, first, that it is not to cost anything. They are to depend on the buoyancy of the revenue. That is a very nice way of saying that the Fianna Fáil Government, whom they have been accusing for the past two years of being bankrupt, useless, extravagant and what have you, are now going to provide the money out of this buoyant—non-existent, according to them—revenue. It is indeed a tribute to Fianna Fáil, which I am sure was not intended, that we have floating around in this country £3 million or £4 million which, due to the good management of the economy under Fianna Fáil, can be utilised to the benefit of the education of our people. It comes as great news to me that this can be done.

The Minister for Education has clearly said that the implementation of his scheme will involve extra taxation on the people. It is not free in the sense that he can get the money from this buoyancy in revenue, because the Minister for Education is a realist, and this is no time to try to fool or delude people into believing that these spare millions are knocking around somewhere. I know that Santa Claus comes once a year, that his traditional visit is paid on Christmas Eve, but, apparently, Santa Claus is coming this year earlier than usual, on or about 7th December, and that he has a gift for the electors of South Kerry and Waterford, a big Christmas stocking loaded with free education for all the children for which their parents have to pay. I do not know what chimney he is going to come down, but I do not think the people will accept this gift stocking which they know will cost them something and which they know is not realistic.

It has been very amusing to watch the antics of Fine Gael over the past few years in relation to education generally. I sat in here on numerous occasions, and I must confess I always do, if I have the opportunity, to listen to Deputy Dillon. He is a very good orator and while he might display exuberance of language occasionally and use flowery phrases, there is often-times a note of commonsense in what he says. Time and again since I came into this House, on the Estimate for the Department of Education, I have heard him advocate the abolition of small, one-teacher and two-teacher schools and the creation in a locality of a big school with four, five or six teachers to which the children from remote areas could be brought by transport and catered for in a class under the control of a teacher. He waxed very eloquent on this subject and I agreed with what he said.

When this proposal was mentioned by the Minister's successor, however, there was a natural reaction in the country. People like to keep their schools. They regard it as a status symbol to have a school in the locality. There were scenes of different kinds, at high level and low level, in which there were protests against this innovation. Immediately Fine Gael took fright, and we then had the spectacle of Deputy Lindsay and Deputy Jones backpedalling as fast as they possibly could so as not to cause offence either to the clergy or to lose votes locally. In their recent scheme they are full steam ahead again, brakes off, and they are in favour of the large school. How can anybody be impressed by antics of that sort? We went ahead full steam under Deputy Dillon and we backpedalled under Deputy Jones and Deputy Lindsay because votes might be concerned or because certain clerics might take a poor view of it. Now that the air has been cleared and public reaction has died down, they are full steam ahead again. The tandem is working as best it can to get the scheme as part of the Fine Gael plan. They do not even blush about doing it, whereas, if Fianna Fáil did a right-about turn like that, we would never hear the end of it from the benches over there.

They say they have a scheme. They had not got one on October 21st. On the eve of the two by-elections, we are getting instant education at no cost, with a very neat class distinction. We were accused last night by Deputy James Tully of introducing a means test—how he arrives at that I cannot say—segregating the poorer children and identifying them by label. But in the Fine Gael scheme we are to have places reserved in the big colleges, the Jesuits in Clongowes, in Castleknock, in Gormanston and so on. All these are to get very favourable treatment under the new Fine Gael education schemes. I am sure that will appeal to the majority of our people. They have a scheme which they produced recently, by a singular coincidence, and about their scheme the old Irish proverb can be used: "Muna bhfuil agat ach pocán gabhair bíodh sé i lár an aonaigh agat". If you only have a puck goat, have him in the middle of the fair and let everyone admire him. They have him in the middle of the hustings and they are calling on the electorate to admire this little pocán gabhair, born only a few days ago and not even thought of on October 21st.

The Minister for Education has announced a scheme. Whatever Deputy James Tully might say about what he called the gaps and the things unsaid, the Minister has given a clear and unequivocal statement of his intentions. I quote from his document:

My policy in regard to post-primary education in general has as its objective the providing of comprehensive facilities in as many centres as is reasonably practicable so that as far as possible our children will have a genuine option in the matter of choosing the type of education which best suits their aptitudes and talents.

He is providing grants up to £25 for children in secondary schools and providing free transport for the children to those schools. He has given an undertaking that, if a child has the ability, the talent and the desire to advance, that child will not be denied the highest position in the State if he is prepared to go ahead. I know big sacrifices are called upon from parents. I taught in schools and I have some knowledge of the matter. The parents of a poor family when they have a brilliant child, the eldest child especially, may want him to help the family by taking up a job, be it ever so small. They have to make a sacrifice if they want that child to go ahead and get the necessary education, when he or she could otherwise be working and bringing in a few pounds to the family. We have all had that experience of seeing those young people, either classmates of our own or students of our own, very brilliant and very talented, having to stay away from school to become a breadwinner, when, if they had the opportunity and their parents could afford it, they could become the "Village Hampden." If the Minister's scheme is allowed to go through, it will be possible for such children to make progress and to be assisted right along the line until they reach the profession or calling to which their talents and aptitude are suited.

The provisions for free post-primary education have been outlined by the Minister. They are soundly based and will be availed of by at least 75 per cent of the population. The figures the Minister quoted in relation to fees in secondary schools are realistic, because they have been provided by the authorities in question. There is one thing on which I should like to compliment the Minister, that is, the generous assistance he proposes to give to children of the minority faith. That is the right position. We in this part of the country should show that we lean over backwards to ensure that the pupils of the minority religion are afforded equal—if not better—opportunity with those of the majority faith. There are very few of them and they are scattered all over the country. They have to get special assistance. That the Minister recognises this problem is a credit to him and something on which he must be congratulated. He should make no apology for it, and I know he will not.

There is one big gap in the Minister's post-primary scheme. He has stopped short at what he proposes to do in relation to university education, apart from a general reference to it. That is not the fault of the Minister. We have had sitting here for the past six years a Commission on Higher Education. It is about time they brought out their report. We are fed up listening to replies to Dáil Questions that it will be out soon, that it will be out next month and so on. If they are not able to bring out their report soon, the Commission should be abolished. As far as I know, they are now on their seventh year. Many of the conclusions they will reach and the recommendations they will make will have been invalidated by the passage of years and will not be relevant to present conditions at all. I understand—I do not know how true it is—that the Minister was told either directly or indirectly that if he referred to proposals for university education in any form, the Commission would resign. I say to the Minister: Let them resign and be damned to them. We are tired waiting for them. If we have to await for these gentlemen to arrive at decisions and to make recommendations in regard to a task that was entrusted to them six years ago, then all I can say is that we are thoroughly fed up with their performance. I do not care whom I offend when I say that. Maybe Deputy T. O'Donnell is a member of that Commission for all I know. Is he?

We are about fed up with this dilly-dallying over an important matter that affects this Estimate and that is holding up, as far as I know, detailed proposals from the Minister in regard to what he will do about university education and helping the children——

Has the Parliamentary Secretary any idea as to the reasons for the delay?

I have not.

It is extraordinary.

It is the most extraordinary thing I have ever heard of that they should be sitting for six years. By the time the recommendations come, they will be out of date and we shall have to appoint another commission, if such a thing will be done, to bring them up to date. The thing is absolutely fantastic. I would prefer to see a commission of civil servants, inspectors and other such people appointed to deal with this problem. At least we could expect a decision and recommendations within a reasonable time. They remind me of a time and material job. They must be getting paid—well, I do not know what they are being paid.

There are a few matters to which I should like to refer which have been worrying me for quite a while. One of them is the type of Reader we have in national schools. I understand that in the Irish first class Reader in the national schools 200 or so new words are introduced for the pupil. He has to increase his vocabulary by 200 words. In second class, a further 200 words are added. In third class, a further 200 and in fourth class, a further 200. By the time the child has completed the fourth class Reader, he should have mastered between 800 and 900 new Irish words. That is absolutely ridiculous. It offends every educational tenet in regard to the acquisition of a new language. That a child, having completed the fourth class in a national school, should be supposed to acquire up to 900 new words is an unnecessary burden and does not conform with ordinary educational practice. I would ask the Minister to have a look at that. These figures were given to me by a teacher who takes a great interest in this matter and who went to the trouble of counting these words.

In English, for example, according to English Public Library Statistics, a child between seven and 13 years should acquire between 400 and 600 new words. That is in relation to English, which is the home language of these children, as this is an English report. But here in Ireland where children are acquiring the Irish language, they are asked to have 900 words by the time they have completed the fourth class Reader.

We are told, too, that there is a very close connection between illiteracy and juvenile delinquency. We have a scheme here, limited to £30 per school, for the provision of library books. These books are not suited to the juvenile classes. These classes have to improve their vocabularly by reading suitable books. If they do not do that when they are young, if they do not get a love of reading and a desire for books, they will become, when they grow older, uninterested in books, not inclined to read. They will have no facility in reading which is an acquired facility. As a consequence, if they read the racing column of a newspaper, that is as far as they go after school, if they leave school at an early age.

It has been proved statistically that people of that kind who do not acquire a taste for reading and are virtually illiterate, if they do not read frequently and often, become juvenile delinquents. It is a matter that should concern all of us. The Department should see to it that reading material suitable for junior and, indeed, senior classes is provided in national schools. I understand that in England they spend up to £500 in stocking libraries. Here, we are limited to £30 per annum. The books provided by that £30 are mostly reference books which young people will not read. The people who might read them are those in the sixth and seventh classes. We have no books suitable for junior classes in our libraries—or suitable for senior classes.

I understand that the reading material in English, which teachers have to provide out of their own pockets mostly, is limited to what they call the Ladybird Selection graded books, graded in difficulty, and so on, but costly because they are very well illustrated, very well bound and imported. It might be to the advantage of some Irish publisher to provide similar books for our children, suitably graded and catering for the tastes of youngsters. In the Irish school, they have their reading book—the book they read in class—and, outside that, they have nothing suitable, except, as I mentioned, this Ladybird Selection and the horror comics and their likes.

Mar focal scoir, ba mhaith liom tagairt do'n óráid a rinne an Teachta Gibbons aréir nuair a luaidh sé na deacrachtaí a bhaineanns le foghluim na Gaeilge. Sílim nár thuig sé go ró-mhaith go bhfuil sé ar intinn ag an Roinn an Ghaeilge d'athbheóchan mar theanga— gur teanga atá i gceist agus líofacht chainnte—agus nach amháin gurab í sin atá i gceist ach go bhfuil an Roinn ag iarraidh gan a luí go ró-throm ar ghramadach agus ar na poinntí eile mar litriú a ndearna an Teachta tagairt dóibh aréir. Sílim go raibh dul amuigh air.

Ba mhaith liom, freisin, tagairt a dhéanamh do'n Saotharlann Teanga atá i nDáilcheanntar an Teachta James Tully áit a ndearna cruinn stuidéar ar labhairt na Gaeilge agus go raith Bunús na Gaeilge mar toradh air. Is mór an céim ar aghaidh é an t-eagrá seo Bunús na Gaeilge. Is deacair a creidúint na sár-thorthaí a tháinic de bharr múineadh na Gaeilge tré cursaí a bhí bunaithe ar Bunús na Gaeilge. Is do-chreidte é an dul chun cinn atá déanta ag na daltaí a fuair teagasc de réir Bunús na Gaeilge. Ní hamháin go ndearna an Teanglann maitheas don Ghaeilge ach feilfidh sí freisin do chúrsaí a bhuní i teangacha iasachta. Is maith an rud go bhfuil Dáilcheantar an Teachta Tully sásta leis an dul chun cinn anois.

Cén fá nach féidir é sin a rá i mBéarla?

Is i mBéarla a dubhairt mé é nuair nach raibh an Teachta anseo. Dubhairt mé go raibh an Teachta ró-dhian ar fad ar an Aire agus caithfidh mé a rá nárbh í an Teachta Mrs. Desmond a bhí i gceist agam ar chor ar bith. A mhalairt de phort a bhí aice sin, bail Dhia uirthi.

To my mind, the most extraordinary statement in the Minister's speech is one on which the previous speaker commented in concluding his speech. It is that the Minister finds himself in the difficulty of not being able to study the problem of university education or to formulate any new proposals because the Commission on Higher Education have not yet issued their findings, he now states, despite all the assurances that were given in 1956. The Commission on Higher Education are now about to reach another birthday; we are now going into 1967.

As a representative of a constituency which has a very great interest in the findings and the outcome of this Commission, I want to protest in the most vigorous way possible against the dilly-dallying and the manner in which this Commission have tackled the job they have been given to do. One finds it difficult—and I am not speaking in a political sense on this at all—to say what the reasons are for the delay and why an examination, not, mark you, of the entire educational structure in this country and not an examination of the whole field of education, but of one particular aspect of education should take six years and why there is still no likelihood of the report being issued.

The Minister is not able to say anything apart from the fact that he has been informed that the Commission will issue their report in February, 1967. We were told during 1965 by the previous Minister for Education that the report would be issued in 1965. We have been told on a number of occasions this year that the Commission would issue their report in the current year. Last spring when a large number of students from my constituency came to Dublin and were received by the Minister for Education—and they also visited the secretary of the Commission on Higher Education—they were given an assurance that this report would be available before the end of the present year.

I am sure there is no need for me to tell the Minister what the reaction will be in the constituency I represent. I do not want to be too parochial in my attitude to this particular question because the extension and the reorganisation of the whole field of university education is a matter of extreme urgency. It is a matter which will have a vital bearing on the future development of this nation. I now ask the Minister, who is my constituency colleague, to take what is the only course open to him. He should inform the Commission on Higher Education immediately that they should burn and destroy whatever report they have been concocting during the past six years. If the OECD study group can issue their report after a period of 12 to 18 months, then there is no reason or excuse for the Commission on Higher Education spending six or seven years examining this matter and they still have not come up with a report.

The Minister said his information was that he could hope to have the report in February. As I said at the outset, I have a particular interest in the report of the Commission on Higher Education. The Minister also has this particular interest because we both represent an area in which it has been estimated there is one-sixth of the total secondary school-going population. This House and the country are well aware of the efforts we have been making over a number of years with a view to obtaining university facilities for this large number of secondary school-going students in my area. We know that an agitation and a campaign for a university in Limerick has been carried on for a long time. I want to assure the House, and I want everybody to know, and I am sure the Minister will agree with me, that we in Limerick are quite serious in our demand for a university. I can well imagine the reaction there will be in our city, and in the surrounding area, to the announcement that the Commission on Higher Education have not yet issued their findings and the report will not be available, as the Minister said he expected, in February.

Before the Minister came into the House, I was referring to the failure of the Commission on Higher Education to issue their report. I made a suggestion that the Minister should disband the Commission because I believe they have no intention of issuing a report. I also believe that the findings when issued will have very little bearing on current problems because the number of pupils attending secondary schools has increased considerably in the six years during which the Commission have been sitting and the demand for accommodation in universities has increased. In fact, the present accommodation is severely taxed.

Having looked into this whole question of higher education, I see no reason at all why the Minister should wait for this body of individuals to report. I do not know what the dickens they have been doing. Nobody in my constituency knows what they have been doing. I do not think the Minister should wait, and I certainly hope he will not wait, for the publication of the report of the Commission on Higher Education before he formulates proposals for extending the facilities in university education. The accommodation at existing universities is being severely taxed. There is no reason why he should wait to tackle this problem of university education. There is no reason why he should wait for the issue of the report to take steps to provide facilities for university education for the large number of secondary school-going pupils in Limerick and its surrounding areas who have been crying out for university facilities in recent years. I protest strongly, and I have no confidence in the Commission on Higher Education. Nobody in the constituency I have the honour to represent has any confidence in this Commission.

As I am on this subject of higher education, I might as well finish what I have to say about it. There has been undoubtedly in the past six or eight years a tremendous increase in the demand for university education. The numbers seeking admission to the universities and to the various faculties has increased to an enormous extent. In view of the limited resources of this country and in view of the difficulties which have to be surmounted in extending the opportunity for university education to as many of our secondary school students as possible, there are certain steps which might be considered and which may temporarily, at any rate, help to alleviate the situation. I have in mind in particular the idea of extern courses.

I happen to be familiar with the extern courses provided by the University of London. I had the opportunity at one stage of doing a course from London University. London University, by means of these extern courses, enables students in any part of the world to study in their own time and in their own homes, without having to attend lectures. A student may reach the highest level of academic achievement by this means. Most faculties are open: certainly one can take a degree in Arts, Commerce, Science, Agriculture and many other fields through the extern courses provided by London University. I can never understand why our National University could not provide extern courses. I do not mean extension courses; there is a distinction between university extension courses and extern courses. I cannot see any reason why our National University could not provide facilities which would enable students who could not afford to attend wholetime courses in existing universities to study for degrees either by means of private study, correspondence courses or by a system of tutorial guidance.

In most of the large centres of population in Britain, and in some of the not so large centres of population, there are colleges, some of them called polytechnics, which provide a wide variety of courses. It is possible for a student to attend courses which are provided by those regional colleges and they can proceed to a degree of London University. It would be a relatively simple matter for our National University to provide this type of facility.

There are evening courses leading to the B.A. and B. Comm. degrees at UCD. These courses were re-organised in 1952. Prior to that, a student had to attend, if he was proceeding to a degree at night, the same number of lectures at night as a student who was doing the same degree course had to attend in the daytime. In 1952, UCD re-organised this course and it provided a course leading to the B.A. and B. Comm. degree to qualify for which a student had only to attend one lecture for one hour each week in his subject. It would be a very simple matter to extend this type of course so that students, no matter what part of Ireland they are in, could through their own efforts, perhaps with guidance from a local tutor or by means of a correspondence course, study for a degree of their own National University rather than have to study for degrees of London University. I do not say that in any malicious manner but I know the problem that confronts students. Many of those who have attempted to study for degrees of London University found the going too hard. I know a number of other students who have succesfully obtained their degrees.

I would say to the Minister: "Forget about the Commission on Higher Education and explore ways and means, in so far as the area which both of us have the honour to represent is concerned, to take steps to provide reasonable facilities for university education for one-sixth of the total secondary school-going population who are in the area which comprises Limerick city and a 30-mile radius". I sincerely hope that steps will be taken so that the students in those areas who are now in their leaving certificate class can look forward to entering and beginning their studies for a university degree in October, 1967. I certainly hope that the Minister will not be compelled to resign. I hope he will take the steps that are necessary and forget about the Commission. So much for university education.

It is, I suppose, a welcome trend to see such emphasis laid on education. It is a pity, I think, that education should be completely in the hands of politicians and civil servants. Planning for education and the organisation of our educational resources should be in the hands of the people directly concerned with education and our educators should have a far greater say in the formulation and implementation of educational policy.

The aspect of education which has sprung into the forefront of our consideration at the moment is post-primary education. This is a very complex problem. I spoke earlier of the difficulty in providing university education for all who wish to avail of it. Equally so, the provision of adequate facilities for post-primary education to enable pupils to study the courses of their choice is a problem fraught with many difficulties. A considerable proportion of our children leave school after completing their primary education. It is alarming to discover, according to the statistics furnished in the report on "Investment in Education", that some 8,000 pupils leave our primary schools each year without having obtained the primary certificate.

The Minister dealt in detail with his proposals for the provision of free post-primary education. As I said, this is a problem of very great magnitude. Apart from the fact that so many of our young boys and girls leave school at the age of 14, there is also the fact that 8,000 per annum leave without having taken the primary certificate. The Minister refers to this problem and, in the report on "Investment in Education," it is pointed out that, in 1963, approximately 11,000 pupils left full-time education before reaching the junior certificate level; 4,000 left secondary schools before completing the intermediate course; and 7,000 left the vocational schools without doing the group certificate. The Minister pointed out the gravity of this situation: pupils are leaving post-primary education at a time when they should be commencing their training as craftsmen, technicians and so on.

The Minister acknowledges that there is tremendous need for gearing up our educational system in order to provide an adequate number of craftsmen and technicians. The Minister cited a number of obstacles, as he called them, in the way of students, particularly students in the lower income group, proceeding to post-primary education. He referred to the inability of parents to pay school fees, their inability to meet the cost of school books and requisites. A third reason put forward is the need for an additional breadwinner in the family and, fourthly, the absence of motivation in the family environment, plus the cost of transport in rural areas.

The Minister proposes to overcome the first two obstacles by means of an annual grant per pupil to those schools which, at the moment, charge fees in excess of £30, and he suggests a flat rate of £25 per pupil. The Minister says this will cover 75 per cent of the secondary pupils. A number of Deputies on this side of the House have adverted to the system proposed by the Minister. Like previous speakers, I feel this will introduce class distinction in a very big way into our secondary education system. This is something which should be avoided at all costs and I suggest the Minister might, perhaps, have another look at this question and see if some other method could be devised to prevent this type of class distinction growing in our secondary school system. He might even consider the suggestion put forward in that excellent document produced by the Fine Gael Party in which a different approach to this problem has been put forward.

Mr. O'Malley

The Deputy knows what is proposed—class distinction of the highest degree.

The point I am making is that there is a distinction between the schools which will not charge any fees and the schools which will charge fees. The ability of the parent will decide as to whether a child will go to one school or the other.

Mr. O'Malley

There is no means test in my scheme.

I did not say there was.

Mr. O'Malley

I find difficulty in fully understanding the Fine Gael proposals with regard to one-third free places in fee schools. Would the Deputy deal with that? It will be of tremendous benefit to me when I come to reply. Does the Deputy follow it?

The Minister is putting words into the Deputy's mouth.

Mr. O'Malley

I am asking the Deputy does he fully understand it? I want to know because it is vital for me when I come to reply.

The Fine Gael proposal is that, if a school or college outside the Minister's scheme provides one-third of its places free, that school or college will come under the scheme. Of course, that is what it means—they will come under the scheme.

Mr. O'Malley

What will they get or what will happen; what will the schools get? Take a school charging a boarding fee of £300 a year.

And has accommodation for 150 boarders——

Mr. O'Malley

Say 600, for the sake of argument.

I am not very good at mathematics but I will try to give as clear an explanation as I can. The position there—with an attendance of 600—would be that this school, if it agrees to provide 200 free places under our proposals, would be recouped; the fees of those students would be paid.

Mr. O'Malley

That is not your scheme.

That is; what other interpretation can you take from it? Will the Minister give us his interpretation because that is my reading of it?

Mr. O'Malley

My reading of it— there was a lot of ambiguity—and what is very important, was that your policy there was to increase the capitation fee of the schools for every pupil. For instance, supposing you increase the capitation fee for the 600 at £17 10s 0d and you were giving 600 at £17 10s 0d; you were giving 200 free places—and the fees were £300 a year—you are asking the Irish taxpayer to give that school 200×£300.

That is correct.

Mr. O'Malley

We have not all gone nuts.

The actual financial mechanics of the system of payment might be done in a different way but the Minister is right in what he said in regard to capitation.

Mr. O'Malley

No one knows the unhappiness of a poor child who goes to one of these expensive schools—the environment—he has not the extra money for clothes, for flannels, for football boots and all those other things; he is unhappy there and is out of his element. This is the tremendous class barrier created.

You can apply that in the universities, for that matter.

Mr. O'Malley

That is completely different.

Deputy T. O'Donnell.

I acknowledge the fact that this is a difficult problem. Would the Minister agree with me there? It is a difficult problem. I agree with the argument the Minister has put up there regarding environment. In other words, the Minister is trying to say that the pupils—we will say from a certain level—would not be happy in one of these top schools. That is commonsense; I appreciate that fact myself.

Mr. O'Malley

I appreciate Deputy O'Donnell's constructive approach to this and I am trying to do the same. The difficulty then is how will these top schools, as he calls them—I have a different name but his is a more reasonable one—decide how the third of the free places will come up? Will they be looking for top brains again, and saying: "You will do an entrance examination before you get in"?

I am not too sure on this but I shall give an opinion on it. I understand that in Great Britain, in recent years, there has been a tendency to encourage the public schools to accept a certain proportion of scholarship holders every year. In other words, it is levelling out and it has worked very satisfactorily there, from what I have read about it. Harrow, Eton and all these other public schools each year take in a certain percentage of students whose parents normally could not afford to pay for them and they seem to have been integrated into the actual public school system quite well. The environmental obstacles do not seem to be as great as was expected. Again, I am relying fully on memory but it seems to be working out quite satisfactorily. Maybe this could be done by means of an entrance examination— the admission of the third.

I am not happy about this question of the free schools and the paying schools. The Minister should not allow himself to be rigidly committed to this idea. Perhaps there may be a via media, or a better way. Perhaps the Minister has spent months studying this problem and he may have conclusively decided there is no other way of doing it—I do not know—but I am saying I am not happy about this situation of free schools and paying schools, class distinction and so on.

On this question of obstacles in the way of secondary education to students from the lower income families the Minister lists, on page 22 of his speech:

Their inability to meet the cost of school books and requisites.

The Minister has agreed to solve that problem by providing free books. The only problem is the question of the headmaster having to make the decision as to what pupils are entitled to free books.

Mr. O'Malley

But who is more conversant with the family circumstances of the child than the headmaster of the school? Surely an official of my Department would not know the family background? There is the headmaster of the school who knows the family, meets them every day, knows their circumstances and, then, when I say 25 per cent of the books will be given free to pupils in certain very poor areas, it could be as much as 100 per cent. There could be other areas in the country where free books would not be necessary, because the students might be of fairly well off parents. I think it is a good thing to give the discretionary power.

Do the headmasters think it is a good thing?

Mr. O'Malley

Yes.

I think the Minister will find that it will not be so.

Do I rightly understand from what the Minister has just said, that this could mean that in certain poor areas a 100 per cent grant——

Mr. O'Malley

Yes.

——and then, of course, logically the other is also true.

Mr. O'Malley

That is how you would get the national average of, say, 25 per cent.

A system has to be devised, then, to determine who is most entitled, who is the most needy and who needs the assistance in the matter of providing books. I do know that in one religious Order which has played a tremendous role in providing secondary education for many of our population—who could not otherwise avail of it, through financial reasons— have a system and do help in the matter of the provision of books. But, again, it is possibly a loose system and is not comprehensive enough. The books are a very big problem. I have discussed this question and very often, I am sure, it applies to the Minister also who, like myself, holds clinics every week——

That is a nice name.

——and much of the work we do is helping parents who ask advice on the best educational courses for their children. Unfortunately, very often we are asked to make representations to obtain places in secondary schools for children.

Mr. O'Malley

In that is a desire by certain schools to get the top brains with a view to scholarships. That is going, thank God. You did not congratulate me on that.

I asked the Minister to make the position clear up to university level.

Mr. O'Malley

The Labour Party should get their priorities right at the lower level.

The Minister will not get away with that. He will have to do a little more homework.

Mr. O'Malley

The Deputy will have to come across here. He is tending that way. The social conscience of the nation is on these benches.

God help the nation then.

The question of providing free education for those who cannot afford it, and the question of providing free books for those who cannot afford to buy them, are basically two things upon which there will have to be general agreement. The need for an additional breadwinner is very often a serious and a big obstacle, particularly in the case of the working man who has a large family of perhaps six or eight children. By the time the eldest child finishes his primary education, the financial strain on the family can be very great. I hope the Minister will devise some means to help these people.

Mr. O'Malley

The point is that this is a very special problem. The tragedy is that the father can be unemployed or in receipt of disability payments. He may have a child of 14 years who has just left school. The father is in receipt of the dole, or a social welfare payment, or a medical payment, and it is essential that the child, even though he may be brilliant, goes into a factory to bring in £6 or £7 a week. We are asking this very poor type of person to make a tremendous sacrifice and to put his clever or brilliant child forward for further education. That is one of the great problems.

Will the Minister do something in that regard?

Mr. O'Malley

If the Deputy reads my speech, he will see that I acknowledge the problem. It is not open to easy solution.

I read the Minister's speech three times and I could not find what he proposes to do about it.

Mr. O'Malley

Read it the fourth time and you may see it.

It would be just the same.

Mr. O'Malley

I accept that a tremendous problem exists.

This is Committee Stage?

Mr. O'Malley

There is an awful lack of confidence, and sneering. If Deputy Tully does not want to cooperate and say that at least I am trying and doing my best, as Deputy Mrs. Desmond said—all these snide and sneering remarks will get the Deputy nowhere with me——

The Minister got the fullest co-operation from me.

Mr. O'Malley

I know the co-operation I get from Deputy Tully.

The Minister got co-operation from me a couple of weeks ago.

Mr. O'Malley

The Deputy was on a deputation from Navan in regard to free transport.

On a point of order, are you in the Chair, Sir? Deputy O'Donnell is being continually interrupted by the Minister. It is most unfair.

Mr. O'Malley

I agree.

I have been listening for the past 15 minutes and you have not called the Minister to order.

Because Deputy O'Donnell did not seem to be at all embarrassed. He was interested in what the Minister was saying. That was the reason.

Mr. O'Malley

I apologise to Deputy O'Donnell.

(Interruptions.)

I am confining myself to the Minister's speech, and I am trying to be as relevant as possible. One of the great tragedies is— and we have all had experience of this —when a pupil in a national school who shows promise of brilliance, has aptitude, talent and application, and would by any standard make the grade if he had the opportunity, has to leave school at the age of 14 years. That is a great tragedy of our educational system. I would support and welcome anything which would overcome that problem.

The absence of motivation from the family environment is a very important factor, and is perhaps of greater importance than it might appear to be. I understand that certain surveys have been carried out to determine the attitudes of parents towards post-primary education. I understand that a survey has been carried out in Limerick by some members of the Faculty of Sociology in UCC. I had hoped to get a copy of that report but it may not be printed yet. This question of motivation is very important. It is very difficult to assess it without examining the situation scientifically by means of surveys. Therefore, I cannot give any conclusive views on it, except to say that I am aware that motivation from the family environment is a serious matter.

The cost of transport in the rural areas is the next point. Transport is tied up very closely with the Minister's proposal to provide free post-primary education for 75 per cent of our pupils. Last night Deputy Tully went into the question of transport in very great detail. All Deputies have experienced the problems which he outlined as having encountered in his experience. The timing of buses, the diverting of buses off fixed routes on to other routes to pick up children—we have come across all those problems and they will require a lot of working out.

The provision of post-primary education facilities up to the age of 15 years for all who wish to avail of them will create problems other than the actual payment of tuition fees and payments for books. There is the problem of providing adequate accommodation to cater for the increased number of pupils who will be going to the secondary and vocational schools. I have seen some figures in a table in the report on "Investment in Education", in Appendix IV, page 242. On the question of the availability of accommodation in secondary schools, the age of the schools and so forth and the actual capacity of the schools are given and from the figures given, it would seem to me that existing accommodation in secondary schools is availed of to the extent of 80 per cent or more. Many of the buildings and classrooms are very old and it seems there will be a very big problem in providing adequate accommodation in our secondary schools for the increasing numbers who will be availing of secondary education.

There is coupled with this the question of the training of adequate teaching staffs for secondary schools. There is no scarcity of teachers for certain subjects—in fact, we have been exporting a number of arts graduates every year—but in the subjects of mathematics and science, there is a shortage of suitably qualified secondary teachers. I believe part of the problem is that graduates in mathematics and science can obtain much more remunerative employment in industry and that many of them tend to go into industry or fields other than teaching. Some system will have to be devised to attract the best qualified people to teach in the most important fields of mathematics and science.

On the other section of post-primary education, vocational schools, I am very pleased to note that the present system of appointing vocational and technical teachers will be done away with and that a special board will be set up. I welcome this because the system of appointment up to now has been open to too many abuses. It has been humiliating, and in many cases degrading, for newly qualified teachers to have to go out and canvass support from members of committees. The abolition of that system was long overdue.

Another difficulty to which I should like to draw the Minister's attention is the qualification known as the Ceard Teastas Gaeilge which every teacher in a vocational school must have before he can become a full-time, established vocational teacher. Irrespective of the subjects he has to teach, he must have the Ceard Teastas Gaeilge. I happen to have had a little experience of teaching in the vocational service and I can tell the Minister that this qualification, this condition of employment known as the Ceard Teastas Gaeilge, has prevented a number of suitably qualified people from coming into the vocational teaching service. I consider it completely ridiculous. In a school in which I was teaching I came across a teacher who taught English and no other subject right through the school and who, before he became established, had to do the examination qualifying him for the Ceard Teastas Gaeilge to show he was able to teach English through the medium of Irish.

Again in the vocational schools there is a shortage of teachers of certain subjects and this is another problem that must be tackled by the Minister. I think I have covered most of the points in the Minister's speech in which I was interested. In previous Estimates, provision was made for two subventions which were not mentioned in the Minister's speech on this occasion. The Minister will put me right if I am wrong but I think that previously there was a subvention to the Catholic Workers' College to enable the authorities there to provide the excellent courses in adult education which they have been fostering. There was a subvention to Muintir na Tíre, some of which has been devoted to the new rural leadership and adult education courses which the Minister opened in Foynes a couple of weeks ago. Can I take it that these subventions are still available?

Mr. O'Malley

The Deputy can.

I am particularly interested in the field of adult education and have referred to it here on previous occasions. Certainly the Catholic Workers' College has done tremendous pioneering work in the field of adult education. In this context I wish to pay a tribute to the trade unions and the employers whose co-operation has been responsible for the success of the courses. Another experiment in this field of adult education was pioneered some years ago by Dr. Alfred O'Rahilly, who was then President of UCC. He organised extension courses from UCC and in my constituency these classes have been providing——

Mr. O'Malley

Is the Deputy talking about the social science classes?

Mr. O'Malley

They drove half the population mad—a lot of the people who took them.

Is the Minister serious?

They realised how bad the conditions in the country were.

Mr. O'Malley

Half of the people who took them have not been the same since.

There would have been no point in taking them if they were the same.

This is a very interesting comment by the Minister. Perhaps he would care to elaborate it?

Mr. O'Malley

I have some of them in my cumann in Limerick.

That explains it.

They would not be in the cumann otherwise.

What is the difference the Minister has seen? If a student goes two nights a week for two years to study social science, it is bound to have an effect on him. The effect I have seen is that such students are very outspoken. They tend to be very critical at meetings and seem to be able to put their finger on certain things which politicians might like to see covered up. To us, of course, they can be a bit of a nuisance. Perhaps that is what the Minister means. We politicians would have things a lot easier if there were fewer of these people about. I know the Minister is not serious in this. I think these courses are very good. For instance, there is the rural science course.

Mr. O'Malley

That, I agree, is an excellent course.

Deputy O'Malley is the third Minister for Education we have had since I came into the House in 1961. I shall suggest to him as I did to his colleagues that a good deal more could be done in this field of extension education. Certain courses are provided by UCD but when one compares the very little amount of work and the very small contributions which our universities are making to adult education in this country with the tremendous contributions that are being made by the universities in Britain, in co-operation with the workers, educational associations, our universities might be prodded into a little more activity in this field of adult education.

I dtosach báire, ba mhaith liom comhgháirdeachas a dhéanamh leis an Aire Oideachais as ucht an phlean nua oideachais atá curtha ar fáil aige. Tá athraithe bunúsacha déanta aige agus don chéad uair riamh tá oideachas le fáil ar aos óg na hÉireann saor in aisce. Is mór an dul chun cinn é sin. Go dtí seo bhí roinnt mhaith de dhaoine óga na tíre seo nach raibh ábalta fanacht ar scoil toisc nach raibh go leor airgid ag a dtuismitheoirí. Níl seo fíor a thuilleadh agus tá súil agam go mbainfidh tuismitheoirí na tíre seo lán tairbhe as an gcóras oideachais nua seo, mar uaireannta ní easpa airgid le caitheamh ar oideachas, ahmáin, is cúis le gan meán scolaíocht nó ceárd scolaíocht a bheith ag daoine óga.

Molaim an tAire, freisin, as an chóras nua atá aige i leith na Gaeilge. Bhí mé i gcónaí den tuairim go raibh an iomarca gramadaí á mhúineadh ins na scoileanna agus nár chabhraigh sin leis an phríomh-aidhm a bhí againn, sé sin, an Ghaeilge a chur á labhairt arís i measc phobal na tíre seo. Tá an modh múinte nua seo bunaithe ar chóras a chuir an tAthair Colmán Ó hUallacháin ar fáil. Is modh nadúrtha é agus do réir an méid atá cloiste agam mar gheall air chuireann na páistí suim mhór ann agus baineann siad taithneamh as. Má táimíd chun an Ghaeilge a athbheóchan, caithfidh deighilt a dhéanamh in aigne an pháiste idir na gná ábar scoile agus an Ghaeilge. Caithfidh an rang Gaeilge a bheith ar an rang is taithneamhaí agus sin mar atá sé fé an chóras nua seo. Cloisim go mbíonn na páistí óga ag foghlaim drámaí beaga ar an dóigh nua seo sa scoil ag gabháil do na drámaí céanna nuair a bhíonn siad ag súgradh sa bhaile um thráthnóna.

Bhí mé fein sa Teanglann i Rinn Mhic Ghormáin agus labhras leis an Athair Colmán Ó hUallacháin agus chonnaic mé na rudaí go léir a bhí ar siúl ansin. Tá a fhios againn go léir gurab é an tAthair Ó hUallacháin a chuir amach Buntús Gaeilge agus ba mhaith liom mo chomhgháirdeachas a dhéanamh leis mar gheall air sin.

I should like, first of all, to deal with the training of teachers. The Minister says that up to 1958 there were untrained teachers being inducted into our schools system. This has now ceased. He also points out that for the first time European countries have stopped taking untrained teachers into their schools. He has also made provision for teachers up to 56 years of age who have been trained to take a couple of courses per year. This is very good. It is a tragedy for the children and it is a tragedy for the parents that they should have been exposed, up to 1958, to untrained teachers.

I taught in England for a year as a teacher in the secondary modern school system and I saw the tragedy of exposing those children to non-trained teachers. It still continues over there. I consider that the secondary modern system in England is a total waste of money. Speaking of free education, I should like the State to take a deeper interest—I am sure the Minister will —in the running of the schools. The thing has gone completely out of hand in England, as I saw as a teacher.

As far as the Irish language is concerned, my position is very clear. We are all in agreement, as I said, as a result of an tAthair Ó hUallacháin's Buntús Gaeilge, and the very great research which went into it, that this should be the system which should come into being in our schools. I believe it is being implemented. My own experience of school some ten years ago was that, first of all, we had the cló Rómhánach. We were brought away from the cló Gaelach as it were. This complicated matters. On top of that, we had too much emphasis on grammar, too much emphasis on reading. Those are the barriers to a proper policy of ensuring the continuation of the Irish language.

As I say, there has been too much emphasis on grammar and too little emphasis on oral Irish. Again, we have to realise that it is about time we concentrated on the oral aspects of our language. Deputy Mrs. Desmond spoke as a mother and I agree with her observations in relation to young children of four years of age. I agree without qualification, with what she said on the matter. She speaks from experience.

The problem ten years ago—it is the same today—is that we have two different type sets in relation to the printing of the Irish language. We have the Roman, the cló Romhánach typescript, moving away from the Gaelic script, the cló Gaelach. If you go to an Irish library and pick a book from the shelves, you find it is written in the cló Gaelach. The next book you select is written in the cló Romhánach. This adds to the confusion. I hope the Minister will be able to bring some uniformity into the printing of the written word in Irish. Perhaps the Minister will tell us why the move was from the cló Gaelach to the cló Romhánach. It confuses me and I am sure it confuses young children.

Mr. O'Malley

It confuses me.

It confuses most people who want to read the Irish language.

The Minister is reading.

Mr. O'Malley

I am reading a speech by Senator Garret Fitzgerald on 2nd September this year.

The Constitution, to me, lays down that the Irish language should be our first language and the English language should be our second language. I see no reason why this should not continue. We should move towards a bilingual society. Nobody will deprive me, as an Irishman, of the pleasure of reading the works of Yeats, O'Casey, Joyce or my great hero, Brendan Behan. They wrote in English and nobody will deprive me of the right to read their works in the language they were written in. Most of the great literature of this country was written at the beginning of this century by people such as Wilde. If we are looking towards a bilingual society, we must not be deprived of the writings of those people. Of course, if we are moving into the Common Market—I assume we will without the help of the Labour Party——

The Deputy will want to give a little bit more help himself.

Is féidir liom an teanga a labhairt ceart go leor.

Ní féidir leat.

Is féidir liom go deimhin. French was mentioned in the Minister's report. He says that in 1960-61 37,041 students were taught French and that in 1965-66 60,956 students were taught French. This is a move in the right direction. We want to think in terms of Irish, English and the continental languages, particularly French. In Ireland, we are, in the nature of things, Francophile. This is why we should concentrate on more continental languages, as well as on Irish and English. In the constituency I represent, we have Irish classes. Those classes are conducted in a very civilised manner. Both Irish and English are spoken in them. If a person cannot complete a sentence in Irish, he continues it in English. This, to me, is a non-brutal approach to the Irish language. They supply English words where Irish words are wanting and as a result people are encouraged to speak Irish.

We are all in favour of free education and our Proclamation calls for equal opportunities for all our children. We have not yet arrived at that stage but we are arriving at it, and the Minister's document is a beginning. The report on "Investment in Education" stated that in 1963, 11,000 children left full-time education before reaching junior certificate level. It added that 4,000 more left before the intermediate certificate and 7,000 left vocational schools without doing their group certificate. In 1963, 22,000 children left school without qualification of any kind at all. Over the past 20 or 30 years, we have been listening to talk about crimes against humanity but this is a crime by this State against those 22,000 children. I am glad to see that the new Minister is trying, as it were, to rectify the situation. Twenty-two thousand human beings is a lot to have on one's conscience. We must think in terms of the loss to the country and the economy of these 22,000 human beings. We owe these people a debt.

In regard to post-primary education, the Minister says that 61,000 day pupils in secondary schools will have free education available to them. "Available" is the word and it is underlined in the Minister's speech, because you cannot force people in to school. It is available to these people and they must make use of it. I am very glad to see that the fees for the comprehensive schools have been abolished. The Minister mentioned denominations other than Catholic and I do not think we have anything to shout about in that regard. We should aim at having totally free schooling for all sections of the community, of all denominations. This is one thing we did learn and we have a lot to be proud of in that respect, and the Minister's Department has a lot to be proud of.

The Minister states that all the available schemes for the lower income groups may still not get all the children into school. This is so. I know that there is a lot of money involved in this plan but there will have to be more money available and this clearly indicates that the Minister is going to make money available for those who cannot avail of free education, free books and the other facilities available due to family circumstances. I would suggest that one of the answers would be to give a small allowance to the parents in addition to free education, free transport and free schoolbooks. The children of these lower income groups are entitled to education at all costs. I hope that the Minister will give this matter his urgent consideration.

In regard to post-secondary education, and university students, I have already publicly stated that there should be a scheme for those university students who cannot afford the fees. The people I am talking about are in the lower income groups As the Minister stated in Waterford recently, and I had the pleasure of listening to him, many of the students in the universities are not fit to have got past the front gate. I agree with that. There should be a scheme available whereby the State would give loans to students on qualification. Only those with the highest academic records from secondary education would have the scheme available to them. It would, of course, affect mainly the poorer sections who cannot afford to go to the university. To their undying credit, the Students Representative Council have initiated a scheme of this nature. It is a beginning and the Minister should look to it as a pilot scheme for giving grants to poorer students. There is an obligation on the State to provide this free education at university level and the thinking that has gone into the Minister's document clearly indicates that he is aware of the situation and that in time he will rectify it.

In a number of European countries, and in one Middle East country of which I have experience, Egypt, this State-loan scheme is in operation. For the Minister's information, there is in the Egyptian scheme a stipulation that on qualification there is an obligation on the student to remain in the State for five years, so that as well as repaying the money, he is repaying five years of his academic life to the State. The only problem here would be that it might be unconstitutional to restrict the right of a student to go to England or Northern Ireland. The social science students about whom Deputy T. O'Donnell spoke mainly leave the country for want of being inducted into either the Department of Social Welfare or the Department of Education, and this is a bad thing. There is not sufficient emphasis placed on this particular point.

The Minister, as Minister for Health, was always aware of the problem of providing schools for the mentally-handicapped. Enough could not be done for these schools. The report on "Investment in Education", in the annexes and appendices, states at page 35 that in 1963, 41 special schools were available to these children. The total enrolment at that time was 2,691 children. In December, 1965, the number of schools catering for the deaf, blind and partially sighted, orthopaedic, cerebral palsy, the mentally-retarded, and so on, increased to 52, with a consequent increase in enrolment. The many organisations catering for these people cannot be helped sufficiently or given enough credit for what they are doing. I would ask the Minister to continue in the direction in which he is going in regard to the schools for the mentally-handicapped. This is one section of our community to which we have a great obligation. The new social thinking and the commentaries given by such people as Michael Viney of the Irish Times, have really focused attention on the question of the mentally-retarded. As I say, we have an obligation to these people and with the Minister we have, we will fulfil it.

On page 10 of the Minister's speech, he deals with reformatories and industrial schools. He is dealing with these schools in a rather cursory manner. He says there is a decrease of £23,050 in the allocation for these schools. The report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Reformatory and Industrial School System was published in 1936 and a pamphlet was issued later by Tuairim which points out that many of the recommendations of that Commission were not implemented. I was impressed on reading the recommendations of the Commission. They are as valid now as they were in 1936 and I ask the Minister to look into them. Incidentally, this is mentioned in the annexes and appendices to “Investment in Education” at page 29, for the Minister's information.

One has an obligation to one's own constituency and one of the many problems that arise in my area concerns children leaving the school at lunch time and other times. Only recently I had a letter from the principal of the Hall School in Monkstown stating that a child was very seriously injured while running out on to the Monkstown Road. The Minister should get together with the Minister for Local Government to ensure that wardens are placed outside every children's school in the country. Alternatively, the various Departments should get together to ensure that there are controlled pedestrian crossings outside these schools. It is too dangerous to allow these children, who, naturally, are full of the joy of life, to cross the road unprotected. They must be protected against themselves, if necessary, and I ask the Minister to give this matter special attention.

Much has been done in the replacement of old schools. I have made many representations and I have received great co-operation from various Departments in relation to Booterstown national school. The history of that school goes back to the middle of the last century. It was put together in bits and pieces from time to time up to 1964 when a new schoolmaster came there. It is interesting to note the development that followed. As a result of his teaching methods, the school roll has increased from 40 pupils about three years ago to over 200 pupils this year. This was a school set up for 20 or perhaps 40 children over 100 years ago. It is now catering for over 200 children. I ask the Minister to ensure that the Booterstown national school building project is put into his Estimate for next year. We must have a new school in Booterstown. The present situation has been brought about by this teacher for whom I have the greatest admiration and children are coming from all over the constituency to him. At present he has to turn them away, which is a tragedy. If we had facilities there, they could be accepted in the school.

I agree with the speakers who have said that this Estimate is a historic document. No matter what is said it is the beginning. Let me say about it and the Fine Gael and Labour documents, that it opens, as President Johnson is wont to say, a consensus. It is a beginning. We are achieving something by criticising their documents and by their criticising our document. This is important. We shall arrive at some sort of comprehensive agreement on education generally. It was observed that education should be taken out of politics. I find that difficult to understand but education, let us say, should be made as a-political as possible.

To come back to the Irish language, I should like to pay special tribute to two programmes which I consider are the finest television programmes in the Irish language, "Labhair Gaeilge Linn" and "Amuigh faoin Spéir". They do much for the language and their creators and commentators are to be complimented.

What about "Murphy agus a Cháirde"?

Ní féidir liom é sin a fheiscint. Tagaim isteach ro-dhéanach um thráthnóna. This document is the beginning of free education for all those children who cannot afford it and I think we shall have achieved much of the ideals of the men of 1916 and that period when we do give equality to all our children.

Finally, I should like to congratulate the Minister on his appointment as Minister for Education. As Minister for Health, he gave much hope. There has been a good deal of criticism of his Department, to which I do not subscribe. In my capacity as a public representative, I have to date received every co-operation from the Department. When I stop getting that co-operation, I shall be critical.

Ba mhaith liom cúpla focal a rá ar an Meastachán seo, Meastacháin in a bhfuil go leor airgid. I regret to note the absence of reference to career guidance in the Minister's report. This is a very important aspect of education and one we cannot overstress. The importance of avoiding putting square pegs in round holes is obvious and in sending out our children into the world, we must fit them as best we can for what is before them. The Minister may, however, approach this from other angles.

We must face a challenge in the Common Market. Are we gearing ourselves for this by first introducing the decimal system in our schools? Are we thinking in terms of continental languages? These are very important aspects of education today and we should be on our toes in regard to them. I was glad to hear and note the Minister's reply when questioned by other Members about the allocations to the different universities. For the record, I should like to repeat these: UCD, £187,990, practically £188,000; Cork, £246,000; Trinity College, £311,000; and the cinderella of them all, Galway, £56,620. The Minister says that certain proposals were not put to him by the powers-that-be in Galway but I must remind the Minister that proposals were made in the past and nothing was done. I am glad that the Minister said that this is the cause of what may be described as the poor allocation.

Reference has been made to the condition of our schools. Great headway has been made but there is a lot of leeway to be made up in parts of the country. There are certain schools that can only be described as insanitary hovels. I wonder if our county medical officer were to make a report on them, how they would measure up to what has been said about the achievements in this regard. Many children have happy memories of schooldays, but some of the schools I have seen children go into will not provide happy memories for them. The fireplace is up behind the teacher. The teacher did not put it there but it is there. They can see the fire but they will not feel it, even though they come into school wet and cold after long journeys along the road. They do not all come in motor cars or buses. A lot remains to be done in this regard. I am chary about this question of the provision of free schoolbooks. There is a touch of free beef about it.

Mr. O'Malley

Then cut it out altogether. Is that what the Deputy wants?

It is not free; it is only partly free and available only to some of the people.

Mr. O'Malley

What does the Deputy's Party propose?

It is the Minister's duty to listen. That is what he is there for.

I would remind the Minister that he is in the dock. He is responsible to the people. If the Minister does not hold his head a little more, many parents will start to worry about who is guiding the destiny of their children. There may be a lot to be said for this proposal. I said I was chary about it. I did not condemn it outright by any means. How will it be approached? Will there be a certain stigma attached to it? I know something has to be done in that regard. The cost of schoolbooks is a big impost on the pay packet of the man with a big family, but are we to have class distinction arising from the Minister's proposal?

I would not like to let the occasion pass without paying tribute to the great work of the religious Orders, especially in my own town, in providing educational facilities. We are blessed in having these people who are dedicated to the teaching of our children.

The last Fianna Fáil Deputy who spoke started off by saying we must put the Irish language first. He spoke a few words in Irish to colour the picture, but before he went very far, he wanted bilingualism and before he finished, he wanted all the languages in the world spoken. He wanted the best of all worlds. I find myself in agreement with him up to a point. One thing we must all face up to—and I say this with full knowledge of what I am talking about, coming from the Gaeltacht—that the Irish language policy is a dismal failure. Why? First, the greatest exports we have are Irish speakers. When I say "Irish speakers", I do not mean those who acquired Irish for the purpose of making something out of it, the people who have flogged the language for one purpose only, who have no greater love for it than one dog has for another. The Government approach to this question is wrong. You may be able to lead an Irishman but you will not drive him, and that is the attitude that has been adopted in regard to Irish. I have great respect for the fáinne, but I have never seen a fáinne wearer or a fáinne nua wearer—I am glad to see the Minister is sporting one, and I hope he will improve——

Mr. O'Malley

I hope I will some time.

Le cúnamh Dé. I have never seen one of these fáinne wearers that did not speak perfect English.

Mr. O'Malley

I have no pledge badge either.

That is no harm at all. It might do the Minister good. I am speaking for the people who got the Irish language from the cradle. I see some of this thing day in and day out, and the suitcase brigade can tell you the story. Bhí beirt fhear ag caint i nGaillimh cúpla mí ó shoin agus chualas an scéal seo. Bhí duine acu ag dul ar ais go Sasana agus d'fhiafraigh an fear eile dhe, cathain a bheadh a dheartháir ag teacht ar ais mar ba mhaith leis dul go Sasana in éineacht leis.

To the Members of this House that may mean nothing, but I know what it means. Here was a young man from the Gaeltacht who by virtue of the fact that he got nothing else but Irish from the cradle, could not go beyond Westland Row station. He was asking this friend when his brother would be back so as to guide him and so that he could join the suitcase brigade in England. That is happening after every holiday season. They go away in groups. They are soured against the national language because they cannot face up to the challenge put before them.

That is our greatest export. That is why our national language is going down the drain. Those are the real speakers of Irish who did not just acquire it for a job. I am not saying there are not some sincere speakers of Irish. There are, of course, but it is this other group who have done so much harm to the language and soured people against it. I have said this before and I want to repeat it: we have young men from the Gaeltacht—all the brains of the country are not centred in Dublin—who passed all their examinations with colours flying through the medium of the national language, and I know of several cases where they were turned down for the Garda Síochána because they had not enough English.

Too far east is west. No wonder the people of the Gaeltacht are crying out to learn the English language. They realise what it means to them. When children from the rest of the country go to the Gaeltacht to learn Irish, the opportunity is taken by the children of the Gaeltacht to learn English from them because they realise what they are up against when they have to emigrate. If we want to create a love for the Irish language, compulsion is out. Let it not be said there is no compulsion. In my own town people are compelled to send their children to learn through the medium of Irish. There is no English taught in any of the schools.

In that connection I would like to stress the importance of parental rights. We boast to the world of our Constitution. Article 40 of that Constitution states in the first paragraph:

All citizens shall, as human persons, be held equal before the law.

This shall not be held to mean that the State shall not in its enactments have due regard to differences of capacity, physical and moral, and of social function.

Now I turn to Article 42, paragraph 3, which states:

The State shall not oblige parents in violation of their conscience and lawful preference to send their children to schools established by the State, or to any particular type of school designated by the State.

The State shall, however, as guardian of the common good, require in view of actual conditions that the children receive a certain minimum education, moral, intellectual, and social.

In my town they have not a choice. Parents are supposed to have rights. No wonder we have new organisations rising up, call them LFM or anything else you like. When children come home from school and have to do their homework through the medium of Irish, parents who may not have had the opportunity of learning Irish cannot help them. However, a clique who have had such an advantage are going to push their children at the expense of those less fortunate. That is where the sourness is being created.

We have the Gaeltacht being set up like an Indian reservation. Inspectors are running around watching them to see are they talking English. If they talk English, they get a rap in regard to grants and what-have-you. These are the things that are souring the people against the Irish language. Gan teanga gan tír: I heard that said long ago. I want to relate now a story I told in this House before. It happened in the Irish Centre in Camden Square, London. I went in and asked were there many from Galway there. I was shown a young man sitting alone at a table, apart from all the others. I went over to him. He had not one word of English. He was glad to hear somebody speak a few words to him. It is a sad day that the priest has to go over to England to hear confessions in Irish, so great is the export of the Irish language.

We pay lip service to the language here and begin our speeches with a few words of Irish. I do not hear much of the Irish language spoken here; yet this is the testing-ground so far as the language is concerned. People are beginning to get their backs up at the kind of approach being made. I have stressed the importance of trying to win people to the language instead of driving them away. I feel it is about time we had a new look at our approach to the language. Take it out of the hands of those who are making a good thing out of it. Forbid the teaching of Irish, and we will learn it then. We learned it when the British were here for pure spite. If we continue on the lines we are going at present, not only will we have the LFM but a dozen other organisations. The whole approach is wrong.

If you want to save the Irish language, save the Irish speakers, make it worth their while to speak the real Irish in the Gaeltacht areas in Galway, Kerry, Mayo and so on. Then you will have the national language respected and spoken. But, as it is, the people are being soured. I am glad that one of the points in the Fine Gael educational programme is that children will be taught through Irish only if the parents wish. It is ridiculous to be trying to teach Latin through Irish. When the children come home to do their homework, the parents cannot help them. Unless we have the co-operation of parents, all the lip service we pay to the language here is no good and all the money spent on certain elements will be money down the drain.

Deputy Andrews spoke about the lack of facilities for backward children, not necessarily children who are mentally retarded but children who find it somewhat difficult to keep up with the average child in a class. This presents a very real problem to parents which the Government have made no serious attempt to solve. A situation exists in Dublin city where we have anything from 40 to 50 and even 60 children under the care of one teacher. I do not say "under the care" loosely. I believe a teacher asked to impart knowledge to 60 children finds it absolutely impossible to do so. At best, he or she can only be described as a baby-sitter. It is not possible for a teacher to carry 40, 50 or 60 children with him, children who have not all the same mental equipment. Some are brighter than others; some are quite slow.

We have failed to cater for these children who, with proper instruction, could benefit from education just as much as the bright child. I know the Minister is personally concerned about this problem. We had opened in Ballymun recently a school for backward children. The Minister performed the opening ceremony and during the course of his visit, was sufficiently concerned to make a personal contribution to the school. This is an indication that the Minister is concerned as an individual. But that is not enough. Generous though it may have been, the Minister's personal contribution will not go very far towards solving the great problem confronting the parents of backward children.

The last speaker quoted from the Constitution and said that all the children of the nation are entitled to equal opportunity. These children find that through no fault of their own, under the present system, it is impossible for them to digest the standard rate that must be maintained by teachers under the existing regulations. A teacher with a very large class just has not got the time to devote to children under his care who may be somewhat slow and particularly slow in certain subjects. He is given a certain amount of work to achieve during the school year. He must go along at the pace at which the average child can keep up with. There is no allowance for the children who may be somewhat slow in learning. This is something the Minister could very usefully look into.

The Minister has been open to certain amount of attack by Opposition speakers, including members of my own Party, regarding his announcement at some function—I think it was a journalists' function in Dún Laoghaire—of this new plan to provide what he described as free education. I believe the Minister was sincere. I believe he was concerned enough to put himself out on a limb.

Whatever else may be said about the Minister, I think it should be acknowledged that he knows how to deal with his colleagues in the Government. It is my opinion that this announcement was made by the Minister in the full realisation that, once he had made it, his colleagues would find it very difficult not to implement it. The Minister is entitled to credit as being somewhat unique in his progressiveness amongst his colleagues. If this is the only way to advance with the Government, we welcome it. If it is necessary for the Minister for Education to put the Government on the spot in order to advance somewhat, I am prepared to give him full credit for his courage in doing so. However, there is a considerable amount more to be done.

I hope the Minister was not discouraged by whatever repercussions there may have been on his last venture. I hope he will not be discouraged to the extent that he will not introduce some more progressive ideas into the field of education. God knows, it is not very difficult to find out what these progressive ideas are. We, in the Labour Party, produced a document in 1925 on education and we produced a further document in 1963. If the Minister is prepared to take another chance with his colleagues, I would recommend him to look up these documents where he will find clearly marked out for him the path on which he can further put his colleagues in the Government on the spot and make some other little advancement in the field of education.

I represent a Dublin constituency. I was born and reared in Dublin but I have some knowledge of the conditions that prevail in many rural schools— the very dilapidated buildings; the lack of proper toilet facilities; in many cases, the lack of water; the lack of proper heating; the general unsuitability of these schools for children. We have seen, over the past few years, a tremendous reaction by the parents of children attending these schools to the conditions that prevail. We have seen parents refusing to send their children to school. We have had instances that were described in the press as strikes by school children against these conditions.

I do not think that any responsible parent—and, out of a whole school one must assume that the majority if not all of the parents are responsible —lightly keeps his child away from school. The conditions must be absolutely appalling. The representations to the Minister's Department to try to have these defects remedied must have been long and persistent because only as a last resort will parents deny their children the right of education. It is wrong that, after nearly 50 years of native government, we find ourselves in the situation that people will keep their children at home sooner than expose them to the conditions that prevail in schools where they are presented with the choice that if they want their children educated the price they must pay is to endanger their health. That is the choice that has been presented to very many parents in this country and it is one which, to all appearances, will continue to present itself to some parents for a considerable time to come.

I do not intend to speak much longer on this Estimate but I should like to make just one further comment on the Irish language. I am not by any means a fluent Irish speaker. I have a very nodding acquaintance with the language. There are many reasons for this. There are parents who are not Irish speakers, playmates who are not Irish speakers, and there are various other reasons; but I do believe the Irish language is something that is dear to the hearts of all Irish people.

Hear, hear.

The vast majority of the people, even if they do not speak the language, have a regard and a love for it. Under the present system of teaching the Irish language, this natural love is being killed, to my mind. As a result of the methods which have been pursued over the years, and which undoubtedly have proved to a very great extent a failure, parents have become antagonistic to the language. One of the most important contributory factors is the attitude of many of our people to the language and the attitude of the parent to the child. When a child finds it difficult to learn the Irish language, in many cases that child receives nothing but sympathy when he returns home in the evening. The same sympathy is not extended to a child who does not learn, or finds it difficult to learn, catechism, arithmetic or English. For some reason, immediately the child returns home from school and starts complaining about the difficulty he finds in learning the Irish language, in very many cases the reaction of the parent is: "Ah, sure it is only a cod anyway."

If a child hears this from a parent, it has a tremendous effect on his attitude to the language. A child should get the same reaction from the parent regarding the Irish language as the normal parent's reaction is towards any other subject being taught, which is: "Everybody else has to do it; you are no different, so get down and learn it."

This would be a normal parent's attitude towards catechism, arithmetic, and so on; but, for some reason there is this antagonism towards the Irish language on the part of many people. This may be so because when people who are now parents were going to school there was, in many cases, no assistance to be got at home because their parents had no opportunity to learn the language. It is reasonable to say that it would be very difficult to find a parent of young children today who has not got at least some knowledge of the language and who is unable to assist a child to some extent. I would say to parents that they should continue with the attitude of sympathising with the child. If they dismiss the language as an unnecessary, cumbersome subject that the child should not take too seriously, all they are achieving is making it far more difficult for the child at school.

As a different approach, no matter what you think privately—and let us face it, we are not always so truthful with our children; we have different opinions on many things that we do not come out with in a forthright way to our children—we should sympathise with children in their difficulty with the language. If we were to encourage them and try to instil in them a pride in their national language, an appreciation of the great heritage the language is, and the vast field of culture and literature that can be opened to them by becoming fluent in the language, we would find after a very short space of time that the child's attitude, as in many other cases, could be shaped and developed towards a love of the language.

Whatever the teacher may do at school or whatever the official policy towards the language may be, there is no greater influence over a child's reaction towards anything than the influence of the parents at home. I would appeal to parents, not only in the interests of the language but in the best interests of their children, to adopt this attitude towards the teaching of the Irish language in our schools.

The Deputy is to be complimented for his most sensible approach to this matter.

At the outset, I should like to compliment the Minister on his very realistic approach towards the implementation of his policy statement on free tuition in post-primary education. I agree with a previous speaker who has said that this is a major breakthrough, but I also agree with him when he says this is only the first step. The Minister could have gone further but I think it would probably have been dangerous for him to do so. He has gone carefully and realistically into this whole question and I think he has done quite a remarkable job. It is easy to criticise him and to ask for more particulars on matters of detail but a scheme such as this is one which will have to develop as it goes on and we all will have to learn by experience.

I am particularly grateful to the Minister for his appreciation of the special position of the Protestant community because up to now it has not been officially accepted that there is a very particular problem here. This is due to the fact that Protestant children are not living in large communities with their fellows but are very often living in isolated homesteads all over the country. Consequently, it is absolutely necessary to send them to boarding school where facilities for teaching, as well as other facilities are much more effective. The Minister has gone a long way towards meeting this special problem by guaranteeing the additional grant of £25. I feel that the initial grant of £25 and the supplementary grant of £25 is a step in the right direction. I do not believe for a moment that these amounts will be sufficient. It may seem ungracious to say this but it is better to say what is in my mind. He is going in the right direction, and I only hope I am wrong, but I imagine that as time goes on and in the very early future, these grants will also have to be reconsidered and increased.

There are many matters on which we would like to comment but I shall try to restrict myself to two major questions. The first is the question of the whole examination system. I have been doing a considerable amount of reading on this whole question. In particular, I have been reading of the experiences of schools in England where the examination system is under very critical review at present. I have seen particulars of one school which had the option of sending its pupils for examination by either of two regional examination boards. I gather that in many cases in England secondary school examinations are carried out in this way by regional rather than national boards. In this case, which was quoted in the newspapers, the school decided to send the answer papers first to one examination board, to get the answer papers back, having been marked, and send the same answer papers to another examination board. The result of this experiment was that there was revealed a wide discrepancy between the markings of the two examination boards who were working on the same examination paper and on the same answer papers in each case. So great was this discrepancy that in one case one examination board placed one pupil in first place with an honours certificate, while the other examination board, working on identical answer papers, placed the same boy last and stated that he had failed the examination.

That may be an extreme case but I personally feel that I cannot have absolute confidence in a national examination system. I know that the Department and the members of the teaching profession who are engaged as examiners do everything conceivably possible to achieve some standard of uniformity in marking but it just is not possible. Human nature being what it is, I do not accept that an examiner can accurately and fairly assess the result correct to one per cent. It may be slightly easier in a mathematical subject where the answer is either right or wrong, but there are many subjects in which there is no clear-cut answer or for which there should be no clear-cut answer, but our present examination system seems to be geared to ensure that children, when asked a certain question, will all produce an acceptable pre-ordained answer. That, to my mind, is the absolute negation of education. What we should be trying to do is educating our children to think, not just to reproduce set answers to set questions. In view of the system as we have inherited it and as we have maintained it, it is quite impossible to expect teachers not to try to forecast what the examination questions will be and not to try to instil into their pupils what they believe will be the acceptable answer.

Another system which has been tried out in England is that of regional examination boards working in conjunction with the teaching staff of the various schools. A class is put in for an examination by a regional examination board. The results are, first of all, notified to the school and the grading of the pupil is set out in that way. This grading by the examination board is then compared with a grading prepared before the examination by the teaching staff of the school and where there is a discrepancy between the grading of the teaching staff and the grading of the examination board, the grading of the teaching staff prevails.

Yesterday Deputy Mrs. Desmond commented with some approval on the issuing of some certificate instead of the primary certificate. She said that it was possibly too much to ask the teachers to shoulder this responsibility. I do not agree with her there, though I do agree that it is a very serious responsibility. I do not believe that anyone can judge the ability of a pupil better than the teacher who has been working with him or her for a complete school year. It is only a teacher who really knows whether the child has been listening, whether the child has been imbibing the instruction and, above all, whether the child is allowing his or her mind to develop and become the basis of a full personality. I feel, therefore, that the only thing we can keep as an objective before us is the complete abolition of the examination system as we see it, up to and including the leaving certificate.

I am not the slightest bit impressed by the leaving certificate as a qualification for employment. I have people coming to me looking for employment and some of them will say: "I have the leaving certificate with so many honours". Some come and say they either did not get as far as leaving certificate, or tried it but did not get it. I do not feel in the slightest degree more inclined to accept an applicant with the leaving certificate than an applicant without it. As an employer, I want to see what sort of boy or girl this applicant is and I will not give priority to a person who has got one more honour or one more pass in a leaving certificate examination. I would much prefer to trust my own judgment as to whether that boy or girl will be able to absorb fresh instruction in business methods and so on and become a useful member of the staff. I do not think we have anything to lose and I think we have everything to gain by removing these examinations altogether.

It can, I know, be argued that an examination is a sort of threat which can be held over a class during the year to force them to keep working. I am not greatly impressed by that idea at all. There should be, I think, continuous tests right through the school year; to pin one's faith on the results of answering eight, ten, or 12 questions in a matter of two hours on a certain date at a certain time is, to my mind, absolutely unfair. Anything may happen. A child may fall sick and be unable to take the examination, in which case a complete year's work is wasted.

I plead with the Minister to give very serious consideration to the award of intermediate and leaving certificates by the school authorities alone. People may argue that the school authorities would tend to give too many. I do not think they would. I think that would be to regard the teaching profession as being basically irresponsible and I do not believe that for a moment. Every school would be anxious to keep up its own standard. The main purpose of completing four years' work for the intermediate certificate and two years' work for the leaving certificate is not to produce certain answers to certain questions on a certain day but to exercise the mind of the child over as wide a syllabus as possible so that the child will then, having completed the syllabus, be able to go on and qualify further in adult life.

If we were not bound down to this examination system, we would, as other speakers have suggested, be able to increase the number of subjects taught as a matter of routine. When it is an absolute necessity that the maximum number of children should secure a pass in a certificate examination there is a temptation to reduce the number of subjects and any additional subjects not strictly necessary for the certificate examination are regarded as an intrusion and a waste of time. That is not right. We should be spending more time on subjects like civics, art and as many modern languages as possible. By diversifying our efforts too much under the present examination system we make life completely impossible. I hope the Minister will keep his eyes wide open to the developments in England, where some very interesting experiments are being made. In particular, he should keep his eye on the possibility of laying far more stress on the final recommendation of a pupil's own teachers rather than on the result of a spot check by an outside examiner.

The other main point I wish to touch on is the problem of the restoration of the language. Here we must try to get down to reality. First of all, we must accept that there is a problem. We would not be spending so much time discussing and thinking up new methods if a problem did not exist. If the majority of the people seriously wished to restore the Irish language, there would be no problem. The trouble is the majority do not wish to put themselves out in any way in order to restore the language, though they are prepared to pay lipservice. There has been an advertisement in the public press over the past few days asking people to join in the revival movement. The main headline is: "In a recent survey 76 per cent of those interviewed would like to see Irish commonly spoken throughout the country." That sort of remark is apposite in relation to Deputy Cluskey, who said that, in his view— I believe he is sincere in this—even people who have no knowledge of the language have a deep love for it and pride in it. The tragedy, to my mind, is that Deputy Cluskey and others believe that, because everybody is prepared to pay lipservice, but no more. That is particularly noticeable in the city area. People are, however, very nervous about speaking out because they have a quite——

For fear of the mob that Deputy Carty, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach, says is going to restore it.

I do not want to get involved at this stage and I hope Deputy Dillon will not distract me because there is a very real fear. There is an unreasonable fear in the minds of many that, if they do not pay lipservice to the language, they will be penalised in some way.

Hear, hear.

Sometimes this is a reasonable fear; more often than not, it is unreasonable. It is due, I think, to a fear in people's minds of being nonconformist. I do not use that in any ecclesiastical sense. It is a fear of being out of step, they feel they will be regarded as anti-national and a bit second-rate. Everybody, therefore, says that he is in favour of the language, by all means. This survey was probably right that 76 per cent did say they would like to see Irish commonly spoken throughout the country, but that was not the question that should have been asked.

A referendum would lead to complete confusion because the referendum would depend on how the question was phrased. If the question were: "Are you in favour of the Irish language?", I believe the answer would probably be, as to 80 per cent, "Yes". If the questions were: (a) Are you an Irish speaker; (b) if so, do you speak Irish; (c) if not, are you prepared to spend a regular period of time learning it; (d) having learned it, are you prepared commonly to use it in your daily life, the result might be very interesting. Now those questions would be far too complicated to put to a referendum, but I know perfectly well it is the final two questions which would make the real crunch.

As Deputy Cluskey says, people will say they have a nodding acquaintance with the language if one asks them do they know it. If one asks them are they in favour of it, they will say "Certainly". If one asks them are they prepared to learn it, the answer invariably is: "I am very busy at the moment and I just cannot find the time, but I feel more people should learn it." Everybody feels that everybody else should learn it and speak it, but I defy anyone to get a favourable result in a referendum in which the question is: "Are you prepared to learn the language and use it constantly?" No question of secrecy of the ballot: "Are you prepared to come out and sign something in the open to show that you will learn it and use it?"

But the people say "let the language live"—at least they are supposed to have said that.

They are supposed to have done it but what they propose is that everybody else should look after it, everybody else should restore it; "not me, I am too busy;""not me, I am too old." There are always excuses about me; everybody else should do it. This is the basic hypocrisy of the whole position which is bedevilling the whole question. This is something we have got to say out and say out frankly. Many people who make claims about love for the language do so with passionate sincerity but, if there are a number, they remain a very tiny minority of the whole population.

Quite correct; but there is another element.

Irish must cease to be a mere qualification. That is another thing which has damned it right from the outset. I know of a young lad who went to school here; he got a very good honours leaving certificate in Irish; he then qualified as a doctor; he went abroad and acquired additional training and experience in another country. He wanted to come home and eventually he did get a very good professional job back here under the Local Appointments Commission. He was selected on merit. He took up the job and was then told: "Of course, you must have an oral Irish test." It was about ten years since he had got his honours leaving certificate in Irish and he failed the oral Irish test for this job, which he badly wanted and for which he was badly needed. He went to his prospective superior and asked: "What am I going to do now?" His superior said: "Do not worry, you will get a re-exam." He replied "When will I do that?" and the superior said: "I am waiting for my re-exam for the last 25 years and I have not had it yet."

Now, whom are we fooling with that sort of regulation? It is absolutely essential that you be able to pass an oral Irish test in order to take up a medical appointment but, if you fail it, we will go through the motions of saying: "You will have a re-exam but you need not bother your head about it." Is it necessary or desirable that the passing of an oral Irish test should always be essential? If it is, let us stick to it. I do not believe it is, but let us be honest about it, if, in our hearts we believe it is not necessary, even though some may think it desirable.

That is fresh policy, is it not?

I fear both threats and rewards have been tried, with disastrous results. I agree with Deputy Coogan, you can lead our people but you cannot drive them. The very fact that people have been told—unless you pass Irish; unless you can qualify to a certain extent, you will be penalised gets people's backs up and they will say: "I am damned if I will learn it on that basis." I did not learn Irish at school simply because—this dates me a bit—it was not a compulsory subject at that time. I was just outside the age limit.

With the best will in the world, I dare not learn it now because people would ask "What is he up to; is he trying for a job; is he trying to be a Minister, or is he trying for some Civil Service job?" Nobody would ever give me credit for wanting to learn the language for the language's sake, because it has been reduced to a mere qualification for a Civil Service job.

Hear, hear; I have been saying that for 25 years.

On the law of averages, I think Deputy Dillon and I must meet occasionally on the same ground.

I never despair of converting anybody however abandoned.

Well, I never felt abandoned on this but these are things which cannot be said too often.

Hear, hear; but I say them in public before general elections. I do not hear Deputy Booth saying them in public before general elections.

No, because there is a time and place for doing these things. Also, I want to make it perfectly clear, I am not going to say this as a way of getting votes, though I do know that if I did say this at a time of a general election, I would get a lot more votes in my constituency than I got last time. But that is not the way I want to act; I do not want to play politics; I do not want to play vote catching. I have been waiting for the time I could see the tactical moment of public opinion becoming more honest with itself, people beginning to think these things out. It would be very easy to write me off as a dead loss. People would say: "Look, that fellow has not got any Irish; he is frightened to try to learn it, therefore, he is bound to be against it." Nowadays, when public opinion is beginning to waken up, I can say that and, I hope, with some effect. It was not because I was afraid to say it before but because I thought it might have looked like vote catching and would have had the opposite effect to what I wanted.

An bhfuil tú ag éisteacht leis an méid atá á rá ag an Teachta?

Táim. Do chuala mé tusa ag caint sa Daingean.

Tá áthas orm go raibh tú ag éisteacht.

I do not want to intervene in this private conversation but I wonder could I get back to my speech? Even if you were speaking in English, I would rather I had the floor and was allowed to say what I have to say.

There has been this stress—and I think a very correct stress—on the use of oral Irish, rather than written in the schools. I wish I had the benefit of a full report on a recent speech—I think it was two days ago—by Reverend Brother Ó Súilleabháin, Professor of Education at St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. The very brief report we got in the papers and on Telefís Éireann gave me reason to believe that was a rather important speech by a man who could hardly be written off as being anti-Irish and, as Professor of Education at St. Patrick's College, he is obviously a man who is an expert in his own line. He was very keen on this question of teaching oral Irish only and he was also pleading for a reduction in the time to be spent on the language. I gather he recommended not more than 30 minutes per day and—almost more important than anything else—an appreciation and an acceptance of the fact that we are living in a multi-cultural society and not a unicultural one. That means you have not to deal with people of different backgrounds; it is not a question of just dealing with Protestants as against Catholics.

Douglas Hyde was a Protestant.

Yes. I would be the first to claim that; that in actual fact as far as the revival movement was concerned——

In those days we were all together in it—Sinn Fein, Unionists, Protestants, Catholics, everybody. Is there not a terrible change?

We are living in a multi-cultural society now and we have got to take notice of it. Now we are coming to the time when this question has got to be discussed openly. I had in mind the point Deputy Dillon raised earlier. This is a time when we must discuss the matter openly and quietly and there must be no question of a stiffing of comment.

Hear, hear—tell that to the mob in the Mansion House.

I was not at the Mansion House and I would have been scared stiff. I am being perfectly frank. If there is one thing that frightens me——

It is a mob.

——it is a mob. It is terribly frightening not only from the physical point of view but because these people behaved in a way they did not intend to behave when they went into the hall. Things happened in the Mansion House which are a disgrace to any civilised community.

Hear, hear.

There has been a consistent effort subsequent to that meeting to ban any meeting at which there is any question of the sanctity of the language movement.

Freedom, how are you!

I agree absolutely with many of Deputy Dillon's comments on the Estimate for the Department of Justice. This is something which we cannot allow, and cannot tolerate.

Hear, hear.

Good man.

It is the sort of attitude which is damning and will eventually and finally damn the language movement beyond hope of recovery.

Correct.

Unless people are prepared to discuss something, they might as well throw it in the ashcan. This has been a constant movement, and now it is worse than that. I am afraid it is a movement of panic by people who feel that the ground is being cut from under their feet. It is a small minority—and let us be perfectly clear that it is a minority—who are trying to enforce their views on the rest of the community. All of us who believe in free speech and free discussion have a tremendous responsibility to bear.

In conclusion on that matter, I want to say that unless and until the majority of our people actually want to speak Irish themselves, and to use it in their daily lives, we are bashing our heads against the wall, and that is a profitless undertaking. Even as a school subject, as it is for most of our people at the moment, it will be dropped as readily as Latin or something else, as soon as it becomes of no immediate necessity or value. We have already wrecked the language by our stupid lipservice to it, and by our basic hypocrisy. We chant our love for our culture, but most people who chant about our sacred culture have no conception of what they are talking about, none whatsoever, but they still keep at it because they believe that in that way they show they are Irish. I question that with every fibre of my being.

This is a multi-cultural society. We have a great tradition of reasoned discussion in our comparatively young democratic system, and we must never let it perish. I believe it is desirable that our children should at least have an opportunity of learning the language, but it should be a matter of opportunity. It should be a pass subject in the intermediate and leaving certificates. Let it be an honours subject for those who have the gift—and there are those who have a gift and a love for the language and wish to study it up to the top. Let them study it as a written subject, and as an honours subject, and let them be the guardians of the language for posterity. The average person who scrapes a pass in Irish in the intermediate and leaving certificates, is the greatest enemy of the language that could be produced, because he will say: "Thank heavens, I just managed to get it. Now it goes in the ashcan once and forever."

It is "mise, le meas" after that.

We should get rid of the examination system and make it a school certificate subject. A certificate could be issued by the schools to the pupils. The schools could easily issue a certificate in respect of the pupil, saying that he had reached a reasonable standard in spoken Irish. That should be quite sufficient. If a child has the enthusiasm to go further, by all means let him go further. If he has not got that enthusiasm, there should be no more beating over the head, or dangling of carrots of extra grants or an extra five per cent. That will not help. We have to face this. Above all, let us face the fact that at the moment a majority of the people do not wish to restore the language by any act of their own. Unless and until they are prepared to say: "I am going to do this or that to restore the language", they would be much wiser to keep their mouths shut.

This new attitude on the Estimate for the Department of Education is a healthy one. The Minister deserves to be congratulated. I am delighted he is in this Department. He is an exciting personality and a courageous personality. In some ways it is his unpredictability that makes things more hopeful. In our educational policy we have been too predictable up to now. It is time we had more adventuring. We are going to have it now, and more power to the Minister. I wish him the very best of good luck.

I have heard many tributes being paid to Ministers in my day, but perhaps the most dramatic one is that he should be complimented on his unpredictability. I am sure Deputy Booth will share my interest as to whether his predicted resignation—is it at the end of this year or next year; I cannot remember—will in fact take place. He said that if his policy was not implemented by a certain date, he would resign.

I was speaking recently to a body of university students and they praised this valiant man who had set his career upon the vindication of his beliefs. I said to the young students that I shared their admiration of this valiance, but as to its validity I would be convinced when the time came. Yesterday when Deputy O'Higgins was discussing the Minister's opening statement, I spoke to the Minister across the floor of the House about his inability to meet this charge being due to the Minister for Finance, and he nodded his assent. I wonder is this the occasion when he will declare his intention to redeem his undertaking to resign. I said to the students the other night that I had heard men make these declarations before, but that very few of them stuck to them.

Deputy Booth has complimented the Minister on his unpredictability. I wonder will he depart from the uniform pattern in this matter and prove ultimately that he meant what he said? I doubt it. Perhaps Deputy Booth was more farseeing when he spoke of the Minister as being ambitious as well as unpredictable. I will agree with Deputy Booth about the ambition. The unpredictability I will believe in when I behold it. I am sorry the Minister was not in the House when his colleague, Deputy Booth, was talking, because I think he would have learned from Deputy Booth when he spoke of the grim and, to my mind, horrible fact that his Party are sponsoring a policy which is killing the Irish language. The most dramatic observation which Deputy Booth unconsciously made was that all classes and creeds in this country went to make up our common pattern of society, because these words throw my mind back to the time when I first started to learn Irish. It was a characteristic of the Gaelic League at that time, when this country was riven with passionate dissension on political issues, that that element of our society combined in the Gaelic League for the benefit of the language.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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