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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 28 Feb 1968

Vol. 232 No. 13

Private Members' Business. - Planning Appeals Bill, 1967: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I should like, first of all, to deal with a matter raised by Deputy P. Belton yesterday in relation to the omission from the compulsory purchase order in the Kilbarrack area of portion of the land in respect of which a planning appeal had been decided a year previously and in respect of which private developers proposed to erect something in the region of 1,000 houses. As I pointed out, this land was in their possession for over a year before the planning appeal was decided and everything was practically ready to go ahead. Deputy Belton raised a question with regard to some other land, land he seemed to imply which was in the same position except that a different firm of builders were involved. The fact is the position was not the same at all. The firm to which Deputy Belton referred had an option and objected to the compulsory acquisition of this land on the ground that they had taken an option on the land. The lands were still in the fee simple ownership of another party. The lands comprised some 49 acres. Obviously the position was quite different and, in those circumstances, it was quite right for the Minister to decide to confirm the compulsory purchase order. I detailed the considerations that applied in regard to the lands in respect of which he did not confirm the compulsory purchase order. The main consideration was that it was possible to provide the houses straight away on these lands; the houses were similar in type to those provided by the corporation and it appeared to the Minister they would be provided more rapidly if the private firm were allowed to go ahead. That has been borne out in fact. These houses are almost all in course of construction and they will be completed by the end of the year, whereas the municipal housing on the other lands has not started yet.

Last evening, at the special request of Members of both Opposition Parties, I was dealing with the organisation known as Taca. That seemed to be required by the emphasis laid on this particular organisation by practically every speaker on the Opposition side of the House and certainly by every interrupter on the Opposition side. Interrupters were numerous. There were insistent demands that I should deal with this organisation. Since it is apparently considered relevant by the two Opposition Parties, I should, I think, make the position clear. It is an organisation of a comparatively small group of people who support this particular Party.

They had a dinner last night.

They had not. The Deputy is out of touch altogether.

They are changing the name.

No, no, no. I will explain that particular body in a moment.

I heard a story that a man gave £2,000 to the organisation and he got plates for his lorry.

Deputy L'Estrange is trying to prolong the debate. Deputy L'Estrange wants to hear about another part of the Fianna Fáil organisation. We can deal with that too.

Cáirde Fáil.

I will describe the whole organisation and show Deputies opposite the reason why they stay where they are because I know they would not be capable of copying it.

We would be just as capable as Fianna Fáil, but not in the field of corruption.

These people know what the Fianna Fáil policy is and they support it. They know that our concern with economic development arises from the fact that, by fostering economic expansion, the total national income is increased and that gives us scope in the Budget to increase the amount for distribution to those people who are unable, for one reason or another, to provide adequately for themselves.

Those who subscribe to Taca—the chancers who are interested in graft and corruption.

The fostering of economic expansion provides more employment opportunities for the people and, by raising the national income, makes it possible for the Government to acquire some of the increased prosperity and utilise it to improve overall living standards.

There are 100,000 fewer people at work today than there were ten years ago and the Minister cannot deny that.

Acting Chairman

Deputy L'Estrange will have to cease interrupting. He can speak later.

These people have come together voluntarily to support our Party. They know that we regard the entrepreneur purely as a means to an end. We appreciate that the initiative of private enterprise helps to develop the economy. We have no interest in the entrepreneur as such.

Does the Minister tell me that the man who gives £100 to Fianna Fáil expects nothing in return?

£100 a year for six years.

He expects sound guidance of the nation's affairs and he gets it.

He could get it without subscribing that.

It is because he has discovered that our policy succeeds, even in periods of economic difficulty, in keeping the economy in a healthy state that he decides to support us. In general, these are people who, for one reason or another, have not got the same degree of enthusiasm to inspire them to give the same quality of high service as is given by our members throughout the entire country.

You get more by buying it. We control the county council in Westmeath.

They work on a voluntary basis for us because they know Fianna Fáil keep the economy healthy and provide them with greater stability, and so on.

It gives them extra contracts. They are builders, quantity surveyors and architects—90 per cent of them are.

People who knew that, for one reason or another, they could not give to our Party service of the high quality that these voluntary members of the organisation throughout the country do, decided to try to help in a small way——

By buying their way.

——by a certain amount of fund raising which is a comparatively small supplement to our main source of finance—the national collection.

£100 per year for six years.

I know that Deputy Belton has actually subscribed to the national collection but never subscribed anything like that. Our main source of finance is the national collection which consists of halfcrowns, shillings and six-pences collected, as Deputy L'Estrange knows, all over the country from the small people, the small farmers, the workers, and so on, and this is just a small supplement that these people provide. We are quite proud of the fact that although it is known that our policy is completely concerned with the workers and the less well-off section of the community, these people can see that our wise guidance of the country's economy makes it possible for economic undertakings to enjoy the stability that was so markedly absent under the alternative type of government.

You scratch my back and I will scratch yours—that is the type of thing.

This small supplement to our national collection enables us to measure up, or almost to measure up, in our election effort to what is possible by the other Parties but we can only do that, as I said, because of the vast amount of voluntary help that we can get and you never see the type of thing that you see with members of the Opposition Parties after an election—you never see anybody paying out the workers on the streets.

Are you joking?

We have all voluntary workers.

I give up after that.

You never see that as I have seen it time out of number but I will not specify by whom.

Acting Chairman

I do not wish to interrupt the Minister but would he relate this to the Planning Bill, please?

The Acting Chairman was one of the speakers in this debate. Every single Opposition speaker, without exception, dealt with this subject at length, including the Leader of the Opposition Party, and yesterday I was not allowed to proceed until I dealt with this subject. The Whip—Deputy L'Estrange—left the House and went out to collect people to come in and demand that I would deal with the subject of Taca.

I never left the House yesterday while you were speaking.

As it was made so relevant by every other speaker on the Bill and as I am the principal speaker on the Government side of the House on this Bill, and also in view of the chorus of demands for me to deal with it here yesterday. I assumed, perhaps wrongly, that the same rules of order would apply to me as applied to Deputies who spoke on the other side of the House, including the present occupant of the Chair.

You spoke about Taca for half an hour yesterday and are repeating yourself today.

You are making a joke of it now. We all know about Taca. We can find out quite easily.

We cannot dream of spending the sums of money that Deputy O'Leary, for instance, can— £80,000 to £100,000. It is only people who have managed through branch unions of trade union organisations to get their hands on sums of money of this order who can think in these terms. That would do us for five general elections. We get this money in small voluntary subscriptions. There has never been an occasion, and I hope there never will be an occasion, that we got, as the Fine Gael Party did at the Presidential election, one single cheque for £11,000 in support of Deputy T.F. O'Higgins's nomination.

That is complete nonsense.

Did the Minister pull that figure out of his head or out of a sack?

We do not get a personal subscription of £3,000 at every general election, like the leader of the Opposition does.

Acting Chairman

Could we get back to the Bill?

I will get back to it by saying that the small group of members of Taca——

Two hundred.

——have no reason to be ashamed. We realise that their subscriptions are on the same basis as any other subscriptions we get.

I know a few in business who are a bit ashamed of it.

We are not ashamed of them.

They are ashamed of it. They have to do it.

We are proud of the fact that we have attracted this small group of people to our support but, of course, they have only one vote each and it is from the workers and small farmers that we get our votes.

£20,000 a year from Taca.

As I have mentioned, planning appeals can be of various types. There may be appeals from people who proposed carrying out some type of development which was rejected by the planning authority or there may be appeals by applicants against conditions imposed by the planning authority. There could be other types of appeal such as third party appeals against permission granted by the planning authority to somebody else to carry out a plan. So far we have been, in the main, discussing cases that were in the first category. There are other categories. I said that I had no qualms of conscience whatever——

We know that.

——about any decision that I made but, on thinking over it since, I think that when I made that statement I was thinking mainly of cases in the first category, mainly of cases in which the ultimate decision was that the permission was granted. Deputy Belton need not worry. I have no qualms about the case that the Leader of his Party mentioned. I think I was quite justified and when I come to it, I will substantiate that. I have no qualms. It is about the other type of case that I have some qualms. I sometimes feel quite worried about some cases in which I have accepted the point of view of third parties, organisations, custodians of the public weal, who objected to permissions granted by local authorities in particular cases.

There are two cases that I should like to refer to—two proposals to erect single houses in beauty's home, Killarney. In both of these cases, there were appeals and in both cases I accepted the technical advice given to me. I accepted the contentions of those people who, as I say, look after the public weal and I refused permission but I have serious qualms as to whether I did the right thing or not. I have doubts as to whether I may not have been unconsciously influenced by the knowledge that in the case of any disputation with regard to a development in Killarney, of all places, the granting of permission is condemned from the word "go" merely because of the fact that it is in Killarney. In fact, in one of these cases not alone was the proposal in connection with a site in Killarney, but the proposer was a German and, therefore, it was doubly condemned. The fact that valuable employment was being provided by the individual would not be of any relevance.

One case was an application for outline planning permission at Ballinlough, Killarney. In this case the planning authority granted permission, the local planning authority whose decisions, according to a lot of the people who spoke here, should be sacrosanct. However, they granted permission and an appeal was submitted to me by a third party, by Bord Fáilte. I was advised that outline permission should be refused for the reason that the proposed development would conflict with views and prospects and detract from the amenities of the area and that the change from agricultural to residential use would detract from the character and beauty of the area.

After a lot of consideration I accepted that view, and I rejected the application. I reversed the decision of the planning authority on the grounds that the proposed development of this site, which is located in an unspoiled and undeveloped area on the shores of Lough Leane, would seriously detract from the outstanding natural beauty of the area and would reduce the visual attractiveness of the views and prospects of Lough Leane which are to be obtained from its northern and eastern shores. That roughly was the case made by Bord Fáilte Éireann, and I reversed the decision on appeal.

One of the submissions that was made to me when I was dealing with this was that the site in this case was owned by a small farmer, and that the rejection of this permission that was granted by the planning authority, the upholding of the appeal, would mean a substantial financial loss to the small farmer who was struggling to earn a livelihood in the area. I accepted the view to which I have already referred, and with considerable qualms. I accepted it because I think the technical advice that is available to me is of the highest quality, and I appreciate that places like killarney are a national asset and that it is important in the national interest that they should be maintained.

The second case was for the same area, the erection of a bungalow at Tomies East, Beaufort, County Kerry. In this case the appeal was by the proposer. Permission was refused on the grounds that the proposed development would be contrary to the objectives of the planning authority to preserve the views or the prospects of special amenity or special interest in the area since the prospect from the northern and eastern shores of Lough Leane would be impaired. The proposal would be a departure from the rural character of the area and would set a precedent for similar development which would detract from the beauty of the area.

On behalf of the appellants, it was suggested that this would not have this result, that the house would be located well back from the lake shore, would be well hidden by trees and shrubs. It was also represented by the appellants that this house would be situated on their own land, that they would co-operate with the planning authority as regards siting the house, landscaping and planning. It was also contended that the appellants intended to retire from farming, intended to hand over the farm to one of their sons and to use the proposed house for their impending retirement.

Again I turned this down, and I have no doubt but that from the point of view of maintaining the national asset I was right. However, I cannot help having considerable sympathy with the old couple who wished to hand over their farm and to build a house on what they considered the most attractive part of their own land. However, that is what planning is about, and I decided in this way. The fact that these decisions inflicted hardship on two individual landowners in this area seems to me to be justified, but it is in cases like that that I have some qualms with regard to any decisions that I have made. In regard to one of these, as I said, this was a reversal of a decision made by a planning authority, and the peculiar thing is that some of those who campaigned against the decisions made on appeals are also those who support the idea that the decision of the planning authority should be the final one.

The Association of Municipal Authorities passed a resolution to the effect that there should not be an appeal against a decision of the planning authority. This was taken up by various newspapers and by television, and secured a great deal of support. One of these cases was one in which, if the principle embodied in that resolution was in operation, the decision could not have been reversed. There is another such case which has not been mentioned on this Bill but no doubt will be, because it was brought up on my Estimate, and most of the cases that were mentioned on my Estimate have again been mentioned here. It is of the same type as this. It is a case in which a local planning authority granted permission for the development and a third party appealed against it. There has not been a lot of comment about it, and I think that is because of the fact that I upheld the appeal and reversed the decision of the planning authority.

This case involved the proposed erection of a hotel at Palmer's Hill, Cashel, County Tipperary, and the local planning authority, which was Cashel Urban District Council, granted permission for this. There was an appeal by a third party, who and as Deputy Hogan rightly pointed out, could be described as having a competing interest. It was a hotel owner, but Deputy Hogan forgot to mention that in addition to the other hotelier who lodged the appeal, there were also some bodies who interested themselves in this. There was Bord Fáilte Éireann again; there was An Chomhairle Ealaíon and An Taisce.

This was a proposal to erect a substantial hotel, a 60-bedroom hotel, in a position just opposite the Rock of Cashel. The local planning authority, who we are told are in the best position to decide on these cases, decided that permission should be granted for this. The permission granted was appealed to me. Some of the views expressed in the appeal were that a building on this site would be disastrous to the surroundings and amenities of the Rock of Cashel, one of the most famous monuments, if not the most famous, in Ireland. Another view was in relation to the

...adverse effect which a hotel here would have on the unique vision of the rock which presents itself when seen on the way in to Cashel on the Dublin Road. The rock was one of the most important ancient monuments in the country. It was singular in that it adjoined an arterial road and the town and its most aweinspiring view presented it as an isolated picture unchallenged by any other structure and in a beautiful rural setting.

It was also said:

The first sight of the Rock of Cashel from the Dublin approach, as one rounds the bend at about 1¼ miles distant, must be one of the most dramatic and exciting views in the world. As one approaches nearer it is cut off from view for a short time because of the topography and then it suddenly bursts into view again in all its detailed splendour when one rounds the bend at the proposed site; the words "fantastically beautiful" fail to do it justice. But its extreme importance architecturally is the extraordinary impact it makes because of its isolation. To allow any building or structure, no matter how good its design, architecturally to change this vision as appears from the approach road would be disastrous, so extraordinary is the impact it makes because of its isolation. It would be the same as putting a modern building on the Acropolis or beside San Michele or in close proximity to the Taj Mahal.

But the local authority, who are in the best position to judge, decided that this was the place for a hotel and this desirable project should go ahead. Members of all political Parties expressed their opinions. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Agriculture gave evidence at the oral hearing in support of the permission granted. Mr. P. O'Brien, chairman of Cashel Urban District Council, also supported it. Mr. A. Murphy, another member of the council, supported it. In a newspaper cutting about a protest meeting that was being organised to oppose the decision I made in refusing this permission, Mr. R. Wood, another member, is quoted.

These were all from the different Parties so that the political pressure in this case came from all sides, in this House from a member of my own Party. The chairman of the urban district council is a member of the Labour Party. Another member is an Independent member of the urban district council and another is a member of Fine Gael. I understand that the protest meeting was very fully attended and that they were very vociferous in their condemnation of the impertinence of the Minister in refusing the application.

It might be no harm if I quoted what the chairman of the urban district council said:

He welcomed the present proposal with open arms and if it is a battle between beauty and local employment we are more interested in the latter. In cross examination Mr. O'Brien said that he would not object to development on any part of this road and in fact wouldn't mind if the Rock of Cashel were removed to make way for a suitable development project!

He was a member of the Labour Party.

As I said, all the political pressure on me from every side of the House was to allow it, but I did not allow it. I accepted the advice and the contention put forward by Bord Fáilte Éireann, An Chomhairle Ealaíon and An Taisce and I disallowed it. The decision I made was received with great disappointment by the professional protesters. They were obviously waiting, knowing, as they did, the strong political pressure from all sides being exercised in favour of this. They were waiting gleefully in anticipation of the result to pounce and represent this as a subordination of the national interest to the interest of a particular development. I know that Opposition Deputies were also waiting and they were disappointed, not knowing by whom the corruption was supposed to be exercised in this case.

The man who applied was not a member of Taca. If he had been, the hotel would be there now.

In any case that was rejected. I have dealt with planning appeals decided in regard to two of the squares in the city. There is another one pending now. Normally I think it would not be desirable to discuss it in view of the fact that it has not been fully processed yet, and has not actually come before me. Although this case took five days at the oral hearing it has already been dealt with summarily on television in a matter of 20 minutes. It is an application for an office development at 39 to 45 Mountjoy Square. The attempt made here was to make it appear that this permission had already been granted by the Minister. That was the first attempt made. In fact the permission was granted by the planning authority. At the oral hearing the granting of that permission was defended by representatives of the local authority. The false allegation that this was already dealt with by the Minister was promulgated mainly by Deputies who are themselves members of the planning authority which granted the permission.

I propose to read the report of the Planning Committee of Dublin Corporation on this matter. Apparently two sets of plans were lodged, one on 31st July, 1967, and one on 10th August, 1967. It reads:

Plans lodged on 31st July, 1967— This proposal envisages the demolition and clearance of all property extending from the corner of Mountjoy Place up to and including No. 45 Mountjoy Square South and including the properties at the rear, facing Gardiner Lane, and their replacement by a five-storey (over basement) concrete-framed building with brick facade. It is proposed to use the accommodation for offices with car parking at basement level. The elevational treatment consists of a brick-faced facade with windows of approximately equal height on the first four floors and of reduced height on the fourth floor.

Plans lodged on 10th August, 1967 —This application relates to the same property as the application dated 31st July, 1967, and comprises a reinforced concrete frame structure with Portland stone mullions and transomes on the main facade. The windows are of aluminium with tinted glass. The height of the proposed building is approximately 57 feet (i.e. 5 storeys) on the main facade with a set-back penthouse floor adding an additional 11 feet.

A recommendation was made that the application should be granted subject to certain conditions which I do not think it is necessary to read. This was adopted and the permission was granted. An appeal is now in course of being processed. This area is zoned in the draft development plan of the planning authority for residential and office use. The planning authority were represented at the oral hearing and defended this decision. In view of the agitation that has been going on about it and which, no doubt, will be raised here later on this Bill, I should like to read some of the opinions that were expressed. I am reading from the Irish Times of 13th February in which Professor Desmond Fitzgerald, architect for Leinster Estates Ltd, said that the company had gone to great lengths to try to make a modern building fit into the straitjacket of an obsolete form.

Eleven years ago, he proposed to Dublin Corporation that the Town Planning Scheme should include one Georgian preservation zone of Merrion Square-Fitzwilliam Street-Leeson Street-Hume Street, etc. The Corporation did not adopt it because, he understood, they believed at the time that the cost of preservation would be too great.

Even in 1956, he could not recommend the preservation of Mountjoy Square. In the intervening years this square and the other Georgian areas of Dublin had become more dilapidated.

Conservation of Georgian buildings would prove extremely expensive, and this country could afford only a limited expenditure. To achieve the maximum effectiveness at the minimum cost, one must be extremely selective. He suggested that zones which had been kept in best repair and were reasonably economically viable, should be selected for conservation, and that outside these, buildings which were of exceptional interest, in exceptionally good condition, and economically viable, should be chosen.

This man will ultimately get permission because he is a head member of Taca.

He might not.

I will have a little bet on it. The Minister is making the case for him now because he will be giving him permission shortly.

(Interruptions.)

The case is not decided at all yet.

The man is getting permission.

The Minister should be allowed to speak without interruption.

I have not decided this yet and nobody knows what way it will be decided.

I will have a bet with the Minister on it.

What I want to point out is that Deputies who are organising agitations might be better advised if they tried to deal with this matter through the planning authority, the body that made the draft plan and decided what parts of Georgian Dublin it would be advisable to try to preserve and which mentioned this particular area as an area——

Does the Minister deny that this man gave £2,000 to Taca and gave it because he wanted something in return and said he would get it?

Not at all.

(Interruptions.)

When Deputy L'Estrange speaks in terms of £2,000 he should realise that the regular personal subscription that the Leader of his Party gets is £3,000. I can assure the Deputy that in our organisation we have never seen a cheque for that amount. What annoys Deputies opposite is that——

What did Singer give to buy his way out of the country?

Order. If Deputy L'Estrange cannot restrain himself, I shall have to ask him to leave the House. We cannot carry on a debate in this unruly and disorderly fashion.

We would like to know what Singer paid——

That has nothing to do with the business before the House.

According to the Irish Times report,

Mr. Dermot Walsh, Law Agent to Dublin Corporation, said that the Corporation had received the application from the developer on July 31st, 1967. In the previous May, the Corporation had passed its Draft Development Plan which indicated that the houses in Mountjoy Square were in a list which comprised buildings which the——

On a point of order, is the Minister entitled to deal with a case which is sub judice and on appeal before his Department at present? I want a ruling on this.

I am not going to decide the case——

This case is not sub judice and the Minister is entitled to refer to it as he would refer to any other case.

Is it not true that this case is on appeal at the present moment and before his Department awaiting decision?

But it is not sub judice.

It must be; it is awaiting decision.

I am only dealing with what is in the newspaper.

We want a ruling for future guidance.

I am not giving any indication of what the decision might be but what I would hope is that since there are Deputies in this House, some of whom are members of the planning authority that gave this permission, who are organising protest marches and so on, they would accept the view that they would be better advised to direct these protests to the proper quarter, the quarter that decided on this Draft Development Plan.

The case is not before any court and is not sub judice.

The report went on to say:

Play had been made of certain phrases in the Draft Development Plan that piecemeal development would not be allowed in Mountjoy Square, and that the Corporation were making further studies in relation to the Square. This was contradicted by the fact that the buildings in the Square were scheduled in the list, which presupposed that there might be applications for development before the study had been completed. This had to be dealt with. It was not legally open to the Corporation to refuse the application on the ground that it was piecemeal development, or that it had further studies in hand.

The Corporation had to deal with the application within a period of two months. Going on the advice it received, the Corporation came to the conclusion that the proposal was within the zoning provisions of the Draft Development Plan as the area was zoned for office or residential development and that the buildings could not be preserved at a reasonable cost or expense or that it would not be justified in asking developers to restore the buildings as individual houses in the Georgian idiom.

It had imposed conditions which were stringent and had the aim of making the proposed development fit in harmony with the character of the Square. No one could deny that this was a genuine effort to salvage something of benefit to the Square.

It went on:

... however much they liked to retain the heritage of the past in dealing with statutory regulations they had to be realistic. If this appeal was allowed, it was the Corporation's intention to build workers' flats in the square. He was not instructed to say what type of flats they would be, but every effort would be made to fit them into the surroundings.

The report continued:

It was a pipe dream to suggest that the enormous amount of money required for restoring the square could be got by voluntary effort.

Apparently, I am intended to insist that every piece of Georgian architecture in this city be preserved. I am a native of the city and I think I appreciate its special character, perhaps not as much as these professional protesters do, but I should like to retain it if I could. But I have no money to preserve these buildings. If the Minister for Finance only allocates 25 per cent of the total State capital expenditure for Local Government purposes, I cannot afford to devote any of it to this purpose. What I am asked to do then is to compel private individuals to maintain at their own expense all these Georgian buildings in Dublin and in the face of the evidence that the cost would be——

You have £100,000 to abolish PR.

It would not retain one of them.

It would go a long way on it.

There is some idea given here of the cost. It says:

The total cost of rebuilding seven houses and repairing seven houses would be £440,430. In this rebuilding, seven of the houses would be new with a life of 200 years and seven would be repaired with a life of 40 years.

The question is: who is going to live in them if they are provided or repaired? I appreciate there are a number of people in this city and in this country who see these Georgian buildings as reminders of the days of gracious living—gracious living that was made possible by the fact that there were available to them as slaves the mere Irish who were living in insanitary and overcrowded hovels in the back-lanes or in the damp, concealed basements of these gracious houses. It was possible to live graciously in them. I can appreciate that these people have their nostalgic memories and would like to see these things retained. But apparently they are only prepared to dream their nostalgic dreams from outside these buildings, not from inside. If the only people available to inhabit these buildings now are people who are not able to provide themselves with more suitable accommodation at the rate generally of one family per room, I have not any great hopes of retaining them.

Other people have.

As far as I can understand from newspaper reports, these houses are available at cost price. If Deputy L'Estrange wants them, I think he can dispose of a certain amount of capital. I believe he had a fairly successful financial transaction in regard to some land he possessed, land no longer in the possession of an Irish national.

It was my own money, thank God. I never had to rob a bank to get it, like some of the members of the Minister's Party.

I would like to facilitate these people who want to retain our glorious national Georgian heritage but I have no money at my disposal to assist them. I cannot see that it would be just to compel other people to do this unless it can be economically justified.

Why do you not turn the Viceregal Lodge into flats?

It would be a good idea. Of course, the Viceregal Lodge no longer exists. That is one of the things that annoy the Fine Gael Party.

It annoys the country.

The Viceregal Lodge has not existed as such since you were first put out of office. This campaign for the preservation of our national Georgian heritage would be much more impressive as far as I am concerned, if in many cases the people who are conducting it were not also activists in the campaign to destroy what the majority of the Irish people look upon as our real national heritage. I have no doubt it would be very pleasant if they could contemplate from outside the pleasant facades of these Georgian buildings and dream of the days when the lower orders knew their place and when it was possible to live graciously in these houses as a result of the financial resources supplied by the serfs on the land.

There is a certain gentleman living in one. It is costing £92,000 a year and there is not a word about it.

Apparently, they are not in a position to maintain them themselves and I do not think it is feasible to compel private people to do it. The corporation have adopted what I think anybody would consider a reasonably ambitious programme for the preservation of these areas of the city and I do not think it is reasonable to expect them to do any more. I understand an offer has been made of these houses to anybody prepared to preserve them in their present state. If it is taken up, the problem will be solved. If it is not, there are three possibilities: first, that the owner be compelled to maintain them; or that permission granted by the planning authority be upheld or that it be rejected, in which case apparently there would be a possibility of municipal housing being carried out in this particular area.

I promised Deputy Belton I would deal with the case which his leader utilised as his contribution to the Opposition campaign in this regard.

Could you give us the reference?

Yes. Column 651, in which Deputy Cosgrave stated:

I am aware of one case in my own constituency where at the junction of two roads there was a petrol filling station already established which had access to both roads. Although the residents objected and the local authority refused permission, on appeal, permission was granted to build another petrol station. Justification for decisions of that character is not obvious.

I propose to explain to Deputy Cosgrave why I considered it was justified to give this permission.

This site has quite a long history. It starts in 1953 when one Dr. R. Belton appealed against refusal by the planning authority of permission for four shop dwellings, a garage and a cinema. The Minister for Local Government at the time was the Fianna Fáil Minister, Deputy Smith. He gave permission for the shop dwellings and refused permission for the remainder on 28th April, 1954. A further appeal was submitted regarding the cinema and garage. First of all, a further proposal was submitted to the planning authority. It was rejected in accordance with the previous decision of the planning authority and the decision of the Minister for Local Government on appeal. A further appeal was submitted. Refusal had been accorded to the submission by the planning authority and the then Minister at this stage, by order dated 6th January, 1955, granted permission.

That must have been a Coalition Minister.

That was Deputy P. O'Donnell.

Now, subsequent to that, in respect of the same site, a proposal was submitted for the erection of a bowling alley and service station instead of the cinema and service station in respect of which Deputy P. O'Donnell had granted outline permission. This was again rejected by the planning authority and an appeal was submitted by Glenageary Estates. The decision in this case was made by me on 4th January, 1967. Deputy Cosgrave may not know who were the principals of Glenageary Estates Limited but he has only to look at his own front bench to find out. When he was making his allegations, there was on his Front Bench a member who could have refuted them but chose not to do so. As I say, I dealt with this appeal on 4th January, 1967. It was a further submission made for a modified proposal by Glenageary Estates Limited, no member of which, to the best of my knowledge, is a member of Taca.

Are you sure? You could not tell us who the man in Mount Pleasant is, and we know——

I know that this man is a member of the Fine Gael Front Bench. He may subscribe to our annual collection but I do not think he is a member of Taca. My attention was drawn to the fact that the previous Minister, one Deputy P. O'Donnell, had given permission for this type of development.

Was there anything wrong with that? You gave further permission afterwards so there must not have been anything wrong with it.

I decided in view of the fact that the previous Minister had granted this that I should honour the approval given and because of the case put to me. It was largely because of the fact that, unlike Opposition Deputies, I can differentiate between a man and his brother. I do not think they are one and the same person. When the case was made to me that they were not the same person and that certain hardship would be involved, I decided that as the actual proposal was now modified, the permission in principle granted by Deputy P. O'Donnell in 1955 should be honoured. It is true, as Deputy Cosgrave says, that there were protests from the local residents and it may be true, as he implies, that they are always right, though not everybody would agree with that. Not everybody would agree that they were right in the case I quoted in Cashel.

I decided to grant the permission and my main reason was that permission had already been granted on appeal by a Coalition Minister, Deputy P. O'Donnell, who no doubt was not influenced by any wrong consideration, and at a time before the Taca organisation existed. At the same time, I felt in view of the fact that it was represented that the property had been acquired on the basis of that, I should give this permission. I do not think I did anything wrong, although Deputy Cosgrave does but that is a matter between himself and members of his own Party because the application was in effect from a member of the Front Bench of his own Party.

I should like to deal with some of the cases raised by my own colleague for County Dublin, Deputy Clinton, and also some cases that he might have raised and did not raise. I will deal with one of those first. It is a case of an application for permission to build on a site at Keelogues, Newcastle, County Dublin, owned by a particular person. I do not think he is a member of Taca. Deputy Clinton knows this man better than I do and he will have a better idea. This is a case in which permission was refused by the planning authority and an appeal was submitted to me. I certainly did not receive any representations to try to persuade me to allow it. But I decided to allow it. Maybe I was wrong and maybe I was right, but I granted the permission and Deputy Clinton will know whether his implications that these things are done at the behest of members of Taca would apply in this case.

What is that proving?

It is disproving——

It is not. It was never mentioned here.

It is disproving Deputy Clinton's allegations.

He never mentioned the case.

This is one he did not mention. He mentioned others and this proves that they are not made on the basis of political considerations.

We do not know what the man's politics are.

Deputy Clinton might know them.

It shows that you know the political affiliations of everybody when you are making your decision. Is that the first thing you inquire about?

Whether I do or not, this case was allowed. Deputy Clinton raised the question of a factory at Knockmeanagh Road, Clondalkin. This was a case in which permission was refused by the planning authority as the site was outside the development area for Clondalkin zoned for housing and the proposal would injure the amenities of a residential area. That may or may not be. The appeal claims that this was a large site that would allow for adequate fencing and screening to preserve the amenities of the area, that the traffic generated by the proposal would be one van per day and one heavy truck per month, that the business was expanding and necessitated more accommodation, that the capital resources available to the firm were small. It was also claimed that most of the workers in the factory lived in the Clondalkin area and it was necessary that it should be there. The appeal was supported by Córas Tráchtála, by the Furniture Adaptation Council and by the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards.

Now, it could be described as not being in a residential area but adjoining a residential area and maybe it could be more suitably situated, but I think that the question of a business like this being allowed to develop is something of some importance and the question of employment in the area is of some importance. Perhaps it might suit Deputy Clinton better to hear that unemployment was being created in his constituency. I do not think so. I think it was desirable to facilitate these firms to deal with the expanding business which was available to them. The appeal was supported by these bodies which were interested in the promotion of industry generally.

I can remember similar cases like this where local residents objected to industrial developments in their vicinity. If all these objections were upheld, it would be difficult to have industrial development anywhere. I can remember another case in my own constituency where people on one side of the road objected to a light industry being established on the other side of the road. I was not Minister for Local Government at the time but I refused to make any representations on their behalf because I considered that the establishment of the industry in the area was more important to the community in general than any inconvenience or grievance the people in the vicinity would experience. That was Tallaght, and I considered that in this case permission should be given and I made an order in June, 1967, with the safeguard that the factory should be restricted to a light industry. I believe the decision made in that case was the correct one.

Deputy Clinton also made a statement about filling stations on the Naas road. He alleged that in a short stretch of the Naas road in the county of Dublin there were about 16 petrol stations, that only four were permitted by the local authority and that the other 12 were allowed on appeal. I had an investigation carried out into this allegation and it cannot be substantiated. As far as I can ascertain, there are 12 filling stations on the Naas road between the boundaries of Dublin city and the boundaries of County Kildare. Of these, five were erected before permission was necessary, seven were given permission by the local authority and permission for four, not 12 as stated by Deputy Clinton, was granted on appeal to the Minister.

He did not say inside County Dublin.

I assumed that he was dealing with his own constituency. There are 12 in the County Dublin area and permission for four of these was granted as a result of an appeal. One was granted by Deputy P. O'Donnell when he was Minister and three by other Ministers. Even if we assume that they were all granted since the present Fianna Fáil Government took office, that comes to three in the space of 11 years and one by Deputy P. O'Donnell. I cannot see, in the face of this, that this allegation of Deputy Clinton's that this allowing of appeals was more widespread under Fianna Fáil than under the Coalition stands up, particularly in view of the fact that there are many more appeals now. As a matter of fact, over the past ten years, appeals relating to ten proposed filling stations on this stretch of road were turned down by the Minister and I cannot see that there is any great case for the argument made by Deputy Clinton in this particular regard.

Another point he made was with regard to housing development in Castleknock, County Dublin. He referred to the development of farm lands for housing because where the local authority allowed one house to three acres, it was changed by the Minister on appeal to three houses to one acre. I cannot trace any such case. I can find a case of 27 acres where the land was acquired by the county council for two houses per acre and that was changed on appeal to three houses on one acre.

He did not mention Castleknock.

This is the only case approaching what Deputy Clinton was talking about. The Minister decided to allow three houses per acre instead of two houses per acre in 1965. There was a subsequent appeal on the question of density and it was rejected, and I understand there is a further appeal pending now.

He made further charges.

I could not identify the other one at all. It was so deliberately vague that, in my view, he may have been making the whole thing up. He gave no indication that would enable me to identify the situation he was talking about. I did my best in this particular case and as far as I can see, this is the case he was talking about. If it is not, perhaps he might be more specific and then I might be able to help.

There has been a case made here that there should not be any appeal, that the local authorities should have the last word in this matter. At the same time, there have been a number of cases in which people who felt aggrieved did not get an opportunity of appealing and who were agitated in regard to this when it was too late. It seems to me that the people who are agitated when the appeals are outside the statutory time limit are also the people who complain that there is an appeal at all in these cases. One of these that comes to mind is Skiddy's Home in Cork. Deputy Barrett tabled a Parliamentary Question in respect of this Home in the following terms:

To ask the Minister for Local Government if he will make a statement in respect of the intended demolition of Skiddy's Home in Cork which is some 300 years old, with particular reference to the possibility of preserving the Home, whilst at the same time providing a new nurses' quarters for the North Infirmary, Cork.

The reply given was:

This is a matter for Cork Corporation, as planning authority for the area, and I have no functions in relation to it. An appeal was made to me against the planning authority's decision to grant outline permission for the erection of the Nurses' Home in accordance with plans which involved the demolition of Skiddy's Home but the appeal was not received within the statutory period and it was not, therefore, possible for me to consider it.

Under the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act, 1963, the Corporation have power to include in their development plan objectives for the preservation of buildings of artistic, architectural or historical interest. In the period prior to the making of the plan, they can declare by resolution that the preservation of such buildings is an objective which they propose to include in their plan and if such a resolution is passed such buildings may not be demolished or altered without their permission.

This case aroused considerable public agitation. There was a demand that the decision to allow this development to take place should be reversed. Simultaneously, we have the very same people making the case that there should not be appeals against the decisions of planning authorities at all. I do not know what exactly Deputies want. The suggestion here is that this should be taken away from the planning authorities and that boards, and so forth, should be appointed to deal with planning appeals. At the same time, the same people support resolutions passed by municipal authorities demanding that there be no interference with their decisions or that, if there is to be an appeal, it should be from the decisions of the manager to the elected body of the local authorities. It is argued that they know best. I have given cases to show where public opinion, so far as it could make itself heard, seemed to be that the last people who should decide these matters were the elected representatives. That was very obvious in the case of the proposal to build a hotel in close proximity to the Rock of Cashel. It was the unanimous opinion of the urban district council and of the people of Cashel apparently that this development should take place because of the effect it would have on the economy of the town. Simultaneously there was this appeal by Bord Fáilte, An Chomhairle Ealaíon and An Taisce and also, of course, by the prominent member of Taca who owned the other hotel in the town.

Which hotel was that?

The Cashel Palace. Deputy P. Hogan (South Tipperary) alleged that it was this interest that influenced me and not the case made by the other bodies claiming to be interested in the preservation of an important national asset, the Rock of Cashel.

Is it not usually the Taca interest that succeeds?

According to the Deputy, yes, but I have shown that that is not so in a number of cases and, if that is the position, I wonder what were the influences operating on Deputy P. O'Donnell in the case I mentioned. I can mention others if they are required. The fact of the matter is—this is known by Deputies and by members of our organisation also—political influence is not a factor in coming to these decisions.

Where has the Minister got his tongue?

Not under the present Government anyway and I have no doubt that Deputy P. O'Donnell was not influenced in that way either in, for instance, the case of the garage in Kenilworth Square; I am sure he was completely uninfluenced by the fact that the appellant had been one of those who took part in the historic operation which created the first Coalition Government. I am sure he put that completely out of his mind.

Then would the Minister warn architects, engineers and private individuals, who hold themselves out as having influence with the Minister and his Parliamentary Secretary, that they have no such influence?

Hear, hear.

That is what I have been trying to do. I have been trying to point out that this is not so and that it is represented as being so only by the Opposition Parties——

And the people themselves.

——in pursuance of their campaign of slander on this Government. I have been trying to point out that this does no good to public morale generally. Our organisation are well aware that these considerations do not operate, but the Opposition try to pretend they do and possibly succeed in convincing some people.

Is the Minister not aware that private individuals ask for, and sometimes obtain, relatively large sums of money?

On the pretence, or otherwise, that they can get planning permission.

I am certainly not so aware and I do not believe it. But I do know that there is in the Fine Gael Party a committee concerned with fabricating allegations such as that and, very likely, Deputy Lindsay is one of them.

They do not produce 100 guineas a plate for nothing.

This is a fabrication by the Fine Gael Party. I do not believe it happens. If it does, I should certainly like to know the individuals who are doing what Deputy Lindsay alleges they are doing.

Gallagher, etc. He brags of what he has given and what he is able to obtain.

What has he obtained?

He has obtained a good deal.

I dealt with one of the allegations made about this particular gentleman. I presented incontrovertible facts to show that the decision made was completely justifiable. If Deputy L'Estrange knows of any others he can present them. I wonder would Deputy L'Estrange like to make the same allegations about the case the leader of his Party raised, the case of an appeal by a member of his own Front Bench against a decision made by a planning authority. Does Deputy L'Estrange think the same thing obtained in that particular case?

No. In one particular case, it was worth a couple of hundred thousand. In the other case, it was not worth one thousand.

Ask the individual concerned was he going to suffer any hardship.

You will always have one from our side to justify it.

I do not believe that. This is an invention by Deputy L'Estrange in order to damage the reputation of a person who is outside this House.

Hotels in the city—

Will the Deputy cease interrupting?

Is the Minister absolutely satisfied that there is not even one instance where a person has sought and obtained a sum of money on the understanding that he had the influence to get planning permission?

How could I know whether that has happened or not but I do know this: there is no such individual who has influenced any decision made by me or my predecessor.

Or by your predecessor? Will the Minister stand over that?

I am perfectly prepared to stand over that and certainly will.

All right.

If Deputy Lindsay will produce any of these cases, I will deal with it here.

It will be produced by a much more important source than I.

Produce it. Deputy Lindsay is only concerned with making allegations which he knows cannot stand up, in pursuance of a deliberate policy decided on by his Party and which was carried on here by various members of the Party, including the Leader.

Will the Minister move the adjournment of the debate?

Then you will do what the Taoiseach did today, the same as the Controller of News, stop the PR debate.

Debate adjourned.
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