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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 24 Apr 1968

Vol. 234 No. 2

Committee On Finance. - Local Authorities (Higher Education Grants) Bill, 1968: Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time.

I feel privileged that one of my first acts as Minister for Education should be to sponsor this particular piece of legislation and to recommend it to Dáil Éireann as something that will go a long way on the road towards applying a finishing touch, to the structure of free post-primary education so ably and swiftly set up by my late predecessor, Donogh O'Malley. It is no denigration of Donogh O'Malley, however, if I associate with him as coarchitects of our educational advancement the names of Dr. Patrick Hillery, Minister for Labour, and George Colley, Minister for Industry and Commerce. It was during their terms of office as Minister for Education that the spadework was begun. I refer particularly in that regard to the OECD survey "Investment in Education". Once our course had been set and the road signposted, it was inevitable that we should reach the stage of development now being initiated. It was perhaps Donogh O'Malley's greatest achievement that this stage has been reached in so short a time.

As Deputies are aware, the introduction of free post-primary education in September, 1967, has rendered unnecessary the provision of scholarships at second level education, so that we may now tackle the problem of enabling deserving students to proceed to third level studies at universities and comparable institutions. The purpose of this Bill is to divert the flow of the existing financial provision for scholarships to that end and to make available sufficient additional money to enable all students, who reach the required standard and who satisfy the means conditions, to have the higher reaches of education thrown open to them. It will provide avenues of opportunity to students from a segment of our population who have hitherto been unable to go as far as their abilities could carry them. It will cater much more adequately than before for the particular bent of each student in making assistance available not only in universities but also in approved institutions which offer courses leading to a definitive qualification of university degree level.

Deputies will have noted from the explanatory memorandum that the standard of attainment has been set at four honours in matriculation subjects at the leaving certificate examination. It might be argued by some that this standard is too high. One answer to that is the fact that it was reached by over 1,900 candidates at last year's leaving certificate examination. Another is that no apology is due for putting a premium on attainment as far as higher education is concerned. Furthermore when we come to treat education as basically what it is, an investment, we have got to assess how much we can invest at any given time. By investing what money is available to us in the best brains we are making sure of the greatest return.

What is proposed under the Bill is of itself so substantial and represents such a departure from previous approaches that I see no reason why this piece of legislation should not commend itself to the House. Heretofore you had a position in which about 275 university scholarships were offered annually. In some of the less well-off counties, the number of scholarships available did not exceed four or five. Accordingly an accident of birth played an important part as to whether a student did or did not get a scholarship. Now a standard which will be applied nationally is being set. Students will know where they stand. There is no question of the competition being keener in one county than in another. In fact competition as such disappears. We anticipate that this will lead to a position in which over 900 students will avail themselves of the grants which will be provided under the authority of this Bill. Let me repeat that by any standards this is a very substantial advance.

The means conditions have been fully set forth in the explanatory memorandum. From a basic income figure of £1,200 they proceed to £2,600 depending on the number of children in the family.

The full rates of grant, £175 per annum to students living in or near a university town or other centre of higher education and £300 per annum otherwise correspond to the highest rates of university scholarship offered in recent times. Reduced rates are payable by reference to family income and the number of children in the family.

In the matter of the required standard of attainment and the means conditions the Bill does not propose any rigid requirements. In fact it is very flexible, allowing me with the consent of the Minister for Finance to make such changes from time to time as experience and circumstances may warrant.

As to the financing of the scheme generally, the county and borough councils will not be asked to contribute more than what they provided in the financial year 1967-68 for post-primary and university scholarships, a sum of about £280,000. The remaining moneys will be provided from State funds. It is estimated that in three to four years the annual cost will be running at about £750,000 of which the State will be contributing £470,000.

The form of the Bill itself is simple and straightforward. It is intended to repeal existing enactments so that the legislation now proposed will provide the foundation for all future aid to students in higher education. It is a genuine effort to harness the available resources to the task in hand. It will constitute a flexible instrument for further social and educational progress. It will benefit the community as a whole and will be particularly beneficial to the part of our community most in need of aid. It is a further earnest of the Government's commitment to education. There is no element of "mair a chapaill agus gheofair féar" about it. Yes, there is no question of "live horse and you will get grass". It is for these reasons that I confidently recommend it to the House.

I warmly welcome the Minister to his new portfolio, but I cannot extend the same warm welcome to the proposals he has just formulated. In spite of the lack of warmth which must necessarily accompany my recommendation, I still regard it as a step; but I doubt very much if in ordinary parlance it is a step in the right direction, that is to say, whether the sights have been properly set or whether the signposting is adequate. We object, from the point of view of our own policy on education, to the means test. We object further to the standard being set down, namely, four honours. I should perhaps have asked the Minister if these four honours are to be four honours in any four subjects, subject to the inclusion of Irish in one of the four.

No, if the Deputy looks at section 2, the requirement merely states four subjects.

If a pupil does four honour subjects and gets four honours, providing one of the subjects is Irish?

The Minister should have explained that. I am looking at the Rules and Programme for Secondary Schools, 1967-68. On page 15 of this is set out the recognised subjects for the leaving certificate. On page 29 are set out the qualifying tests for a pass leaving certificate and for an honours leaving certificate. I must confine myself to the honours leaving certificate because naturally a person who gets four honours will get an honours leaving certificate, provided Irish is one of the four. Of course, there can be four honours and a pass Irish.

The Deputy is on the point now. If a person gets four honours, full stop, that will be sufficient qualification for this scheme.

If Irish is included in one of these four, that person has not alone an honours leaving certificate but is qualified for a grant?

It applies both ways—if Irish is in or Irish is out.

That of course makes this scheme utterly outrageous, as I hope to show. There is a maximum inequality of marks attached to each subject in the leaving certificate. What I mean by that is that you have 600, for instance, for Irish, 400 for English, 600 for mathematics, 300 each for history and geography, 400 for domestic science, 200 for drawing, 300 for commerce, and 300 for art. Using these marks as a base, as they must be used, if my calculations are correct, you can have a boy or a girl taking Irish, English, mathematics, history and geography—not unusual subjects in the leaving certificate—and let that boy or girl get three honours, just a minimum mark of 65 per cent in Irish, English and mathematics——

60 per cent.

Then the thing is worse. No, it is 65 per cent. The standard for a pass in a subject is 40 per cent and for honours 65 per cent. It is on page 27 of the rules and regulations. Does anyone in the Department of Education know what the proper percentage is? It is now 65 per cent. That at least is a concession. If a boy or girl gets a minimum of 65 per cent in Irish, English and mathematics, and 60 per cent, which is a simple pass if the required 65 per cent is not reached, in two other subjects, say, history and geography, that constitutes two passes, and he or she will emerge with a maximum of 1,400 marks. If a boy or girl chooses to take four subjects and engages in cramming—and I am afraid this will lead to a lot of new cramming institutions coming into being—and if he or she takes art at 300 marks and gets minimum honours with 195, drawing at 200 marks, minimum honours 130, commerce 300 marks, minimum honours 195 and Irish 390, those four minimum honours in those four subjects will net a total of 910 marks and that pupil will qualify under the scheme now being formulated by the Minister for a university grant, whereas the pupil with 1,400 marks will not qualify.

It may well be argued that the aggregate of marks is not necessarily a standard of scholarship, but, in my view, a boy or girl who got three honours in Irish, English and mathematics with a minimum of 65 per cent and a pass in history and geography with 60 per cent and a total of 1,400 marks is, in our scheme of things in this country, more qualified to benefit from a university education than a person who would resort to cramming. There may not be many but the posibility is there, and once it is there it is an impediment to true scholarship. The first person is more qualified to benefit from a university education than the person who got 910 marks in subjects: like art, drawing, commerce and Irish. You could take five other subjects: Irish, physics or hygiene, domestic science, drawing and commerce, and you could pass in Irish which is necessary for the leaving certificate, and get four honours in the others, and a total of 1,005 marks, almost 400 short of the aggregate of the person who is denied a grant under the scheme, and qualify for a university grant under the scheme.

Drawing is out: drawing is not a university subject. I want to keep the Deputy right.

That is the trouble. Drawing is a leaving certificate subject.

It is not a matriculation subject. I will be making an order providing that you must get four honours in university subjects.

It is grand to hear that at this stage. I am delighted to hear it because the Minister did not make it clear at his press conference. He said four honours simpliciter.

Did the Deputy read the explanatory memorandum?

Read the bottom of the first page of the explanatory memorandum: "The standard of attainment initially proposed is four honours in university subjects at the leaving certificate examination."

What are university subjects?

I will get a list for the Deputy. Drawing is not one. I am only keeping the Deputy right.

You could leave out drawing and put in another subject. You could still get a total which would qualify someone for a university grant, whereas a person with a broad general knowledge and a high standard of scholarship could fail to qualify. If these four subjects do not include Latin or a continental language, you are not admitted to the university. English need not of necessity be a university subject and English could be left out of the four honours subjects and still a person could get an honours leaving certificate.

English is not a university subject?

Not necessarily. It is a medium of instruction.

The Minister will have to wait and he will have to recast this whole thing before we finish with it. Mathematics are a necessary medium for engineering and science. You could get four honours without any of these and still qualify for a university grant. The Minister will have to have another look at it.

This scheme is opposed to the scheme announced by the Fine Gael Party in 1966, and is but an extension of the existing scholarship scheme. It is a diversion of the money that was to be used in post-primary education by way of scholarships towards the university level. I suppose it is intended to get rid of the word "scholarship", but "scholarship" is what a university education means. Scholarship is learning. This gets rid of the idea of competition, as the Minister said. Unless there is competition, with a view to the establishment of the proper standards of scholarships, I do not think you will emerge with anything like what we understood scholarship to be.

There are very many people who agree that there is an extremely vital difference between a standard of examination and a standard of education. People who could not get four honours in any selection of subjects might be brilliantly good at one or two or three subjects. There are mathematicians who are absolutely hopeless at languages and make no secret of it. There are linguists to whom mathematics is a completely incomprehensible subject. The same applies to the sciences. There are medical men, outstanding in their own particular sphere, who really could not be regarded as having been brilliant leaving certificate or matriculation people. Accountants might fit into the same category; some chemists, lawyers —with all of them, you will find that— and, of course, in addition, there is the late developer. He is a rare enough bird, but, mind you, rare and all as he is, there are some of them well known to us all—different ones, I suppose— who are outstanding in their own field and to whom nobody gave a chance at the time they were thinking of entering university and entering, mind you, through cramming, through tutors and through all kinds of courses. Eventually having got there and as soon as they got in—into the engineering, legal or medical sections; probably it is more true of medicine than of anything else —they found their true forte and were able to go ahead. These are the kinds of people who could never be expected to get four honours.

I know that a lot of people get four honours but, again, are four honours the test of suitability for university education? I do not think so. It is not the paramount test. It may well be part of the test. I do not think it goes the whole way in determining whether a person is or is not likely to benefit from university education.

In section 1 (b), the definition section of this Bill, we read:

...any other institution in so far as it provides courses leading to qualifications which are, in the opinion of the Minister, equivalent to university degrees.

I do not care who the Minister is—I am not being at all personal in this; I am speaking of the Minister as simply the political head of the Department; I do not care who he is; I do not care whether he comes from Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or the Labour Party—he is not, even with the advice of administrators, competent to determine matters of high scholarship of this kind. I regard that paragraph as an inroad on the autonomy of the university. The university should determine what is the equivalent of a university degree or the standard of scholarship required.

I am not satisfied about this standard of four honours. If the university has determined that a person with two honours in the leaving certificate, and with the leaving certificate, is a person who might properly be admitted to university, then I think this scheme of grants, however more costly it might be, would not be that much more costly because there will be an administrative cost in this, looking at these two Schedules, looking for rateable valuations and looking for incomes and, I suppose, determining whether you live in or adjacent to, and what "adjacent" means and whether it will be ten miles or five miles from a university town, whether there is a bus on the road, and so on. We shall be in fierce trouble with all kinds of regulations. I cannot imagine them being less than the carriage of children to primary schools at the moment, with age limits, and so on, but that is another day's work. All of these things will pile up and we shall have tremendous trouble with these tests.

There is one question—I suppose the Minister will deal with it when replying —in relation to the Schedules in the explanatory memorandum. The Minister talks about less than £1,200 a year and a rateable valuation, in the next column, of less than £60. Does that mean that you can have a holding, or a house with a holding, of less than £60 valuation in order to qualify? Take the second one—£1,200 or more but less than £1,300 and a rateable valuation of £60 but less than £65. Does that mean that you can have £1,200 a year and a holding of a valuation of between £60 and £65?

They are two separate categories—one for the income-earner and one for the farmer.

It is not clear, the Minister will agree.

It is as the income group is defined in the Health Act.

Very good. We must have that clear and that it will be £1,200 for the income-earner. How would you manage the shopkeeper or business man? Would he be on a valuation basis?

No—assessable income.

Will you have a second set of examiners of income? Will you have the Revenue Commissioners doing it, on the one hand, and an inspector of the Department of Education on the other?

You get it automatically from the Revenue Commissioners.

Then you will have far more grants.

That is a good thing, is it not?

Very good. I was impressed by the comments of the Union of Students in Ireland after the Minister's press conference. They certainly put it extremely lucidly, as reported on page 3 of the Irish Press of 23rd April, 1968. I think it is well that we should examine these points because we are living at a time not of angry young men but of angry young men and angry young women and of shockingly discontented students. It must be very comforting for a Minister for Education, as it is for me and for education authorities generally, to find a young body such as the Union of Students of Ireland sitting down to examine the Minister's proposals and to enumerate their points of comment or objection——

I agree fully.

——and to go to the trouble of submitting them for publication. It is for that reason that I propose to deal with them now in this House. They welcome, as I do, in a restricted manner, of course, the proposals themselves. They regret, as I do, the grossly limited nature of the scheme. The first point they stress is:

The assumption, which the scheme makes, that the leaving certificate examination is a suitable mechanism for the selection of students and that those with a four-honours pass are most suitable for higher education is highly questionable. The examination is designed to act as a terminal qualification; a higher education selection examination must be considerably different.

I have adverted to that point in a general way and I think it is a valid objection, in addition to the various comments I have made on how persons with a lower aggregate of marks can secure a grant while others with a higher aggregate must necessarily stay out of the scheme.

Their second point is:

The scheme will further accentuate the existing unfortunate competitive element in second-level education.

I think this is a very vital consideration. It goes on:

University entrance requirements already give rise to undue competition and an excess of specialisation, both of which are educationally undesirable. The tendency for students will now be to specialise in four subjects from the intermediate level onwards.

I think we shall see schools doing that—some, not all of them. I can see special selecting of pupils being done after the intermediate year in relation to their intermediate successes and I can see them being diverted into classes for four specially selected subjects so that they will emerge as specialists—for want of a better word—in these subjects. Can anybody say that is a suitable combination of scholarship and the necessary knowledgeable leisure that must accompany the pursuit of scholarship in a secondary school? Will these boys and girls have their noses to the grindstones for two years in a specially selected way in order to qualify for this grant, when, with very little extra expense, both the local and the other grant could be made available to all who qualify for entrance to a university according to the university authorities? I think that is the simpler and better way.

The Union of Students go on to point No. 3 where they say:

No provision whatsoever has been made for students at present in higher education.

I think that the present scholarship-holders may carry on. I think I am right in saying that those now in receipt of scholarships under the schemes being abolished by this Bill will carry on.

Then you come across cases—I have had a few letters about this—of people who are making great sacrifices at present and have gone on to pensions while their families are still dependent on them and some at the university. They are struggling along as best they can. Nothing is being done about that. I take it that is what the Union of Students has in mind when they say that no provision is being made for students at present at universities or technological colleges.

The statement at point No. 4 says:

The number of students who will be helped by the scheme is so small as to have little material effect upon the present restricted access to higher education.

One would, of course, need vastly more information before dealing with that. I presume the Union of Students had more information before they made such a material pronouncement because there is the means test and the matter of four honours. Assuming you have a certain number with four honours they will not necessarily qualify for the total grant. I do not know that this idea of the grant being related to the number of dependants is good.

The fifth point is:

Even the maximum amounts payable under the scheme are inadequate to meet the costs of the student. Where fees of £100 are paid —and many students must pay more than that amount—the remaining amount for students living away from home will not even cover the cost of lodgings for the 36 weeks which students on average must remain up at university. Thus even those who do benefit from the scheme will continue to have economic penalties imposed on them as a result of their participation in higher education.

That speaks for itself, and I think it is true and particularly so where the scheme operates on a sliding down scale. You are paying fees out of these grants. The Fine Gael policy was that the fees were paid and after that, maintenance grants: I know something about this and about the difficulties of having to pay fees out of the grant for university attendance. That does away with the grant in an extraordinary way. I had that experience myself with scholarships at the university. When you pay the fees out of the scholarship, it requirse a considerable sacrifice from one's parents to make up the balance. I do not know that my experience was different from that of anybody else in those times, nor that circumstances now are any different for any more people.

That is why I say I cannot give this measure the warm welcome I should like to give it and give the Minister on his first appearance with a Bill in his new Department. It is a typical example of stealing Fine Gael policy and failing to be fully inspired. I wish the Minister had our courage. He has the money but lacks the courage or perhaps it would be fairer to say that the Government lack it. I am sure the Minister has sufficient courage if he could persuade the Minister for Finance to do the right thing which is obvious in these circumstances, that is, to provide for all who qualify to enter the university the necessary fees and the local or rural grant, or whatever it may be called.

The seventh point is about the means test. We are perpetually talking about means tests, for pensioners, for widows and orphans and so on. The cost of the administration of these schemes is something that can never be determined and something we are never fully informed about. The Union of Students say:

The means test perpetuates the dependent position of the student— it also carries with it all the unfortunate social implications of such a test. The Bill does not indicate the way in which the means test will be operated but in general it can be said that a means test that would be just would be extremely expensive, and one which was inexpensive to operate would inevitably be deficient in flexibility and therefore justice.

I take it that the students did not have the explanatory memorandum when they were saying that because it is now clear from these two Schedules how it will be operated. Indeed, they are quite extraordinary when you come to deal with the means test. A man, say, a farmer, with £80 or £85 valuation who has one dependant at the university gets £25.

That is, living in the university vicinity.

Most farmers will not be living in a university town.

There are many farmers living around Dublin and Galway and Cork, but I think we shall have this business arising of how many miles they are from the university. Has the Minister thought about that? I do not want to turn this debate into a conversational theme but it might not be a bad thing to do. Has the Minister thought about how far out one must be before one is neither in nor adjacent to the university town?

A reasonable journey in the morning.

Again, it would depend on the transport available.

One mile?

You cannot get in Newcastle that way. This is something we will probably have to discuss before we finish with this Bill. I want to say now, in case I did not say it at the beginning, that I want to be as helpful as I can be in this regard, and to offer such advice to the Minister as he may deem it advisable to take.

At point No. 8, the students say:

There are some anomalies in the sliding scale as presented for the means test in the position of families from non-university centres vis-á-vis those from university centres.

That is exactly what I have been talking about. Point No. 9 is:

We understand that under the new scheme students from the Republic will be free to undertake their studies in Northern Ireland. We feel that the Minister should clarify this important point.

The Minister did not refer to it in his Second Reading speech.

It is not the case. They are under some misapprehension.

It would strike me as being rather peculiar that we should, at this stage, start financing people from the Republic——

It is a misunderstanding on their part.

What about the children of emigrant parents?

Our leaving certificate subjects would be the criterion.

The parents might be away but the children would be in this country.

If they have got the four honours leaving certificate subjects, it does not matter where they come from.

If the children are in school in this country, they will be doing our leaving certificate and such children as Deputy Coogan refers to are covered.

The last point the Union deals with is this:

USI regrets the absence of provision for post-graduate studies. The Union regrets the scale of priorities for investment in education which allows for such a restricted system of student grants. USI believes that there are other areas in which economies could more appropriately and more safely be made. However, despite the many disadvantages the positive character of the scheme is recognised and welcomed as an earnest of the Government's intention to give urgent attention to student financing in education.

That, I think, is a very fair comment from the beginning to the end. It is not argumentative; it is not destructive. It is full of carefully thought-out suggestions and ones which I think the Minister should examine before we come to the Committee Stage of this Bill.

For people living in or adjacent to a university town, the maximum grant is £175, out of which, of course, fees must be paid, and the maximum grant for students whose normal family residence is not in or adjacent to a university town is £300. Deputies who are interested in this should have a look at the sliding scale and see where there is, in many cases, a possibility, in fact even a probability, of genuine hardship. In the Fine Gael policy Towards a Just Society in connection with education, paragraph 150, page 46, says:

Fine Gael, therefore, propose to introduce a scheme of fee and maintenance grants for university students. We intend that these maintenance grants should be available to all who require them and who qualify to enter a university in accordance with the entrance standards laid down by the university authorities and acceptable to the Government.

This is where we differ from the Minister, when he talks in the definition section of what, in his opinion, are the suitable standards. The authority that is receiving the students should be free to lay down its standard of scholarship for them, and they should benefit accordingly. All students, in my view and in my Party's view, who qualify to enter a university in these times of educational change and in these times when the accent is on freer and freer education and equality of opportunity for all, should go in and qualify alike for the grants.

Paragraph 152, page 46, says:

The fee grants will be designed to meet the cost of university fees.

There is, as I am sure everybody here knows, a wide divergence between the fees chargeable in one faculty and the fees chargeable in another. That is understandable. I do not know what the various fees are at the moment, but I know they are considerably higher than when I last remember them. We go on to say.

They will not be at a fixed amount but will vary with the cost of the course being taken.

Paragraph 153 says:

We do not favour a means test because under Irish conditions the proportion of parents who can afford the full cost of university education for their children is so small that there would be little to be gained financially by excluding their children from participation in the scheme, a process which would involve the application of a cumbersome means test to all university entrants in order to segregate the minority of students whose parents are well-to-do.

Then we talk of local maintenance grants, the ones to which the Minister refers in respect of those who live in or adjacent to a university town. Our figure was £150, and the Minister has gone one better.

We always do that.

By £25. The Fianna Fáil Party are tremendous outbidders. Of course, our £150 would be a supplement to the fee, so that you have not really outbidded us; you are codding the people again that you are giving them more. It looks as if it is better than our £150, but our £150 was plus the fee, whereas the Minister's £175 includes the fee.

You have not got the money.

As regards the other maintenance grants, applying to those living sufficiently far away from a university to qualify, we say:

The amount of these grants initially would be up to £350 a year.

That, of course, would be in addition to the fees. When the scheme was first announced some little time ago, we made a statement about it, and it was a statement welcoming the Government's acceptance of the Fine Gael proposals but rejecting the standard they were setting, that is, the four honours. We did this before the Union of Students, and before the many other informed people to whom I have been speaking, stated the same thing, that four honours is not a true or proper test. It is taking the decision away from the university; it is simply an extended scholarship scheme as we knew the scholarship schemes, and it runs completely contrary to the principle of equality of opportunity in education, and to that principle we in Fine Gael are entirely committed. This scheme is one which prevents students who even surpass the university entrance standard from availing of the opportunity of a university education because of the lack of parental means, and a scheme of that kind cannot be regarded as socially just.

We also dealt with the question of paying the fees out of the grant, and we are still violently opposed to that, because in addition to fees, there are text books. Text books before the war, and even later than the war, were not too dear, but now text books are exorbitantly dear. When I say that they are exorbitantly dear, I do not mean that somebody is making a fierce profit out of them but they are dear because of the cost of production, when you can get a suitable person to produce such books, and they must necessarily be dear.

That is our view of these proposals. In recapitulation, I want the Minister to look again at the regulations and to do a few of these little sums that I did with university subjects and to see and recognise the unfairness of the result that would deprive a boy or girl, who had 400 more marks in four or five subjects than somebody else, of a grant. That is a valid objection if you are going to accept the total number of marks as being the thing that counts. We are always inclined to call things "a step", but this is a step, and, as I said before, I am not certain that it is far enough or that the signposts are adequate. But it is a halting step. I hope I can remember the proper term. I would like to think that this would not be the great educational blundering that might be referred to in later times as the great catalectic, the halting foot. It is not a bridge term——

I thought it might be.

——and Deputy Carty would not understand it. The halting foot which, while it was a sort of figure of speech, or a means of poetic composition, nevertheless left in its trail a certain impediment. I would not like a scheme of this kind to be that kind of catalectic that would leave in the minds of our students, not alone of the present day but of those to come, a sort of ill-informed and ill-defined Byronic discontent.

I should like to congratulate the new Minister on his appointment to this very challenging and exciting post, to wish him well and to hope that his term of office will be marked with the same degree of success as was that of his predecessor, the late Deputy Donogh O'Malley. We in the Labour Party naturally welcome any proposals, or the introduction of any Bill which will make education available to even one child to whom education was not available heretofore. We are conscious that this measure does not provide all that we would wish for in the sphere of higher education. I suppose that no measure will ever satisfy all sections of the community and no measure will be absolutely perfect, but we look on this as a breakthrough in the field of higher education which is welcomed by us who for so many years have been advocating the rights of all of our children to an education commensurate with their abilities and without regard to the financial ability of their parents to pay. We must welcome any measure which will bring that nearer to reality.

For the past few weeks since this scheme was announced by the Minister, there has been some confusion in the minds of members and officials of local authorities in regard to the extent moneys should be devoted by them to this scheme of higher educational grants. The House will recall that up to last year the local authority provided each year a certain sum for the provision of post-primary scholarships, and with the introduction of the free post-primary school scheme, all that was required in preparing for the coming year was that those scholarships already held by pupils should be maintained, that provision should be made to continue scholarships held by pupils until their post-primary education was completed. We, and I am sure many other local authorities, in accordance with the desire of the Department devoted the surplus of money not required for post-primary scholarships to university scholarships. In preparing estimates this year, local authorities were doubtful about the position. They did not know whether they should estimate for the total or only for the continuance of the post-primary and further education scholarships.

Cork County Council's estimate worked out at an increase of £15,000 but we finally decided to be optimistic and cut out the £15,000. It would appear from the Minister's speech that the county borough councils will not be asked to contribute more than they contributed for post-primary and further education scholarships in the financial year 1967-68. In Cork county, post-primary scholarships were discontinued which resulted in our being able to provide 50 extra university scholarships. We allocated that money and what I want to know is, is our contribution frozen at the new figure or, if we had not allocated the money——

The figure for last year, at the 31st of March, is the figure.

Including the £15,000?

That is right.

I am afraid then that it will mean that we shall have to bring in a supplementary estimate and perhaps other local authorities will have to do the same. I am glad the Minister in this scheme envisages the allocation of these grants to other institutes of higher education, apart from the university. This is very important in our present economic set-up. It is important, too, that some students should have the possibility of following technological courses and they should be facilitated in every possible way to do this. I would accept this measure in the spirit of the Minister's phrase where he said that these conditions may be varied from time to time as occasion arises.

Reference is made also to the admission standard required, but I am disappointed in regard to the difference that exists between the entrance requirement of the person who can afford to pay and the person who has to avail of this grant. It is a pity that some uniform requirement in regard to the entrance level could not have been worked out between the universities and the Minister on the introduction of this scheme. I know the universities are now building up to three honours and my hope it that, up to three, we, as they build will build down to three. That is my ambition. If that could be done, it would be very useful from the point of view of the entrance examination.

I do not know how the Minister arrived at some of his figures and I should be grateful for some enlightenment. He said:

It might be argued by some that this standard is too high. One answer to that is the fact that it was reached by over 1,900 candidates at last year's leaving certificate examination.

How the Minister arrived at his second figure puzzles me somewhat. He says:

We anticipate that this will lead to a position in which over 900 students will avail themselves of the grants which will be provided under the authority of this Bill.

How was that figure of 900 arrived at?

We assumed that some students would go to training colleges, into the Civil Service, or into business. All might not necessarily want to go on for higher education. We made the assumption on the pattern over the years.

With regard to teacher training, this is a matter, I think, that needs close examination. Heretofore the very cream took up teaching as a career. That was eminently satisfactory. It is all the more important that teacher training should be linked with university education and we should, I think, give it the same status as a university profession.

I fully agree with the Deputy.

Otherwise the best will not go on for teaching. On page 1 of the explanatory memorandum, paragraph (c) says:

The age limit will be that laid down for entrance to the institution at which the student proposes to avail himself of the grant.

I would appeal to the Minister to use his good offices with the universities in order to ensure a lowering of the age limit in certain circumstances. That may be an odd request, but, some years ago, the age limit for post-primary scholarships was reduced and some very bright boys and girls secured these scholarships at the age of 11. That means that they will finish their secondary school curriculum at the age of 16. I guarantee that they will get four, or more, honours in their leaving certificate, but, because of their ages, they will be precluded from benefiting under this scheme. We argued this matter with the university authorities in Cork and they told us that there was no way of measuring the age of mental maturity, and, while these bright boys and girls might be more mature at 16 than others at 26, they maintained that 17 on 1st January was the ideal. That will prevent some of the very best material we have availing of higher education. This problem will arise in the next three or four years. The result may well be that these children will take up positions for which they may not be really suited or in which they may not be able to use their talents to the full. I would ask the Minister to try to prevail on the university authorities to make some allowance in the case of these very bright children.

I am not as concerned as Deputy Lindsay about particular subjects. My experience is—it may be limited—that university authorities know what they want and they insist on getting what they want. They have their own system of marking subjects. I am sure that position will continue. I should like the Minister to ensure it will.

With regard to the grants, we are all aware, as Deputy Lindsay said, that means tests consume a great deal of money and we have no way of estimating it. However, until we alter the whole system, a means test will be necessary. We accept that it will. These grants will be an incentive to those who have a little money. They will be outside the scope of those who have none and these are the people about whom I am concerned. A widow, with one child, in receipt of a non-contributory pension in West Cork, or elsewhere, will be unable to send that child to university. Deputy Murphy, speaking earlier on the Budget, said that our interdepartmental system was defective because there was no co-ordination between the various Departments. This is a case in point. The child of this widow will cease to be treated as a dependant when he reaches the age of 16, irrespective of any scheme any other Department may be offering.

I would ask the Minister for Education to ensure that the Department of Social Welfare will work in close liaison with his Department where the education of such children is concerned. The sum of £300 will not enable a widow with a non-contributory pension to keep her child in a university town. One cannot get lodgings under £5 at present. As far as I know, lodgings are not available in any town at under £5 a week. This scheme will be of wonderful benefit to many people who are reasonably comfortable but not sufficiently comfortable to afford university education for their children and who certainly could not afford it unless they were living in or near a university town. But there will still be at the bottom of the scale in regard to this scheme as in connection with all the schemes operating in this country, a group of people for whom we are not catering, whose incomes make it impossible for them to avail of the grants. These are people for whom I am very concerned. In this group there are very able boys and girls who deserve to continue their education and who would be an asset to the State if they were allowed to do so. As previous speakers have said, because of the cost of books, clothes and all that goes to maintain a child, it is reasonable to assume that there are people who will not be able to avail of the scheme.

I should also like to ask the Minister about the availability of facilities for the extra number of students. I understand that the Minister anticipates that 900 students will avail of these grants. I would not say that that means that there will be 900 additional university students because persons will avail of these grants who would in any case attend a university. Does the Minister believe that the existing facilities will meet the requirements of the increased number of students? I know that at the moment the facilities available are not adequate. The facilities that students require for successful study are not available in the colleges. That is a matter that should receive attention in order to ensure that when we are providing for higher education and making it more readily available to a great many more people, the education will be of the required standard and it will be possible for the students to benefit to the utmost from the money being expended on them by the State.

The Labour Party and, I am sure, all other Parties, will be examining this measure more closely before Committee Stage. We are all anxious that the Bill will be completely successful. Any criticism we have to offer is made with a view to making the scheme a success. We welcome it as a breakthrough in the sphere of higher education and we sincerely hope that any deficiencies we now see in the scheme will be short-lived and that it will provide in this sphere the justice which is long overdue.

I wish to join with Deputy Lindsay and Deputy Mrs. Desmond in congratulating the Minister on his appointment to the Ministry of Education and to wish him the same success as was achieved by his immediate predecessor in that office, the late Donogh O'Malley. In his introductory statement the Minister has paid tribute to the late Donogh O'Malley and also to Deputy Dr. Hillery and to Deputy Colley. He can go back to the Taoiseach, who was an occupant of the office. Every one of these left his own mark on education. Great strides have been made. I commend the Minister for introducing this measure and, like the other speakers, I welcome it.

I have a few comments to make about a matter about which I am not satisfied. This came to my mind when Deputy Gilhawley put down a question on the day before the Dáil recessed for Easter as to the number of scholarships being provided by county councils. I asked some supplementary questions on that occasion because Galway County Council had drawn up a scholarship scheme, of which I have a copy here. As Deputy Mrs. Desmond has said in the case of her local authority, we availed of the money saved on post-primary education and put into our scholarship scheme the sum of £5,400. There are over 50 post-primary and secondary schools in County Galway to which we sent application forms printed by O'Gormans Limited, Galway, and it was indicated that they should be returned on or before 22nd April, 1968. After all this trouble, this scheme is brought in which supersedes the scheme we formulated. Therefore, it is my contention that there was not proper co-ordination between the Department of Education, the local authorities and the local authority scholarship committees. I have been a member of the Galway scholarship committee since 1943. We met annually and formulated a scheme. We did that this year.

Last year we gave about 14 university scholarships and up to 100 post-primary scholarships. This year, the money to be saved on post-primary scholarships was to be allocated for university scholarships so that we would have 40 or 50 university scholarships in Galway. When Dr. Hillery introduced his scheme, it was optional to allocate 75 per cent of the money under a means test and to allocate the other 25 per cent for scholarships with-other 25 per cent for scholarships without a means test. That was done in order to provide an incentive for brilliant students. Having been in training college and being an educator, I know, as the Leas-Cheann Comhairle knows, that incentive and competition are very important in education. Incentive is better than punishment and I have never been a great believer in punishment. I believe it was in order to provide that incentive that under the scheme introduced by Dr. Hillery as Minister for Education we were allowed to allocate 25 per cent of the money for scholarships without a means test.

In County Galway, since last September, students have been working in the belief that next June they would be able to get a university scholarship, irrespective of their parents' means if they attained the standard required. They are now being excluded by this Bill. They may not have a legal right, but, at least, they and their parents have a moral right to these scholarships. That matter should be set right before this Bill becomes law.

I am not satisfied with the term "grants". There are housing grants, water and sewerage grants, in-calf heifer grants, and now we are to have university education grants. I think the term "scholarship" is more appropriate. The Minister seems to think that there is a poor law association with the term "scholarship", according to a press conference he gave. However, that is only a minor matter. I am not particularly worried about the terminology, so long as the money is available. I should like to repeat that under the scheme that Dr. Hillery introduced some years ago and which has been in operation up to the present moment, Galway County Council allocated 75 per cent of the money available on the basis of a means test and the other 25 per cent without a means test. Under that scheme, we would be able to give 35 to 40 scholarships on the basis of a means test and another ten or 12, without a means test to brilliant students. This option is not provided for in the Bill and I suggest that an amendment making such provision should be introduced.

I asked a Supplementary Question here on the day the House adjourned which was reported in the newspapers and in To-day in the Dáil that evening. Since then, I have received letters and telephone calls from all over the country. I even got a letter from a parent here in Dublin explaining the position in Dublin last year, where they had the same as we had in Galway— a smaller number of university scholarships. With the extra money they were hoping to have 250 under the means this time and 37 over the means. These are all being cut out now and the result will be much the same as we have in Galway if this grant scheme goes through.

I am not happy, as a ratepayer and as a member of Galway County Council, that the contribution of the county councils will be frozen at last year's sum. That means that the unprogressive counties that did not contribute much towards the scholarship scheme down the years will get off lightly, while the progressive counties like Galway and Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council will have to bear a heavier burden. Galway County Council has always been progressive in this matter. We gave up to £5,500 last year. We will be penalised. I am not going to say we will not get any of them, but there is a possibility that special classes will be set up in the cities and big towns geared to prepare people in these four subjects, whereas the small secondary schools like we have in Mountbellew and Castleblakeney may not have the same chance.

You have more brains than that in Galway.

I am only pointing out we will have to pay more in Galway than other counties which have always paid less. I have sent in a Question which has not yet appeared on the Order Paper but will, I understand, tomorrow. If I had the information I am seeking in that I would know more about what the other counties are paying. But I do know from private enquiries that proportionately we are paying more in Galway and we are going to be frozen at that sum. That is not right. It should be done on a valuation or some other basis rather than saying that those who were generous last year will have to pay that for the rest of their lives.

Those are the two big criticisms I have—one about freezing the contribution at the same figure as last year and the other that there is no incentive for the brilliant child of a certain means. That was in the old scholarship scheme we were operating since Deputy Dr. Hillery, now Minister for Labour, introduced the extra grant from the Government to supplement the rates. Otherwise, I am satisfied with the scheme. I congratulate the Minister on bringing it in and I hope he will improve it along the lines I am suggesting before it becomes law.

The scheme which the Government are now putting before us is both fraudulent and unfair. Typical of the arrogance and presumption with which it is presented was the Minister's declaration today that the spadework for the setting up of free post-primary education had to wait for the last few years of Fianna Fáil Government. Thanks be to God, we know the truth is otherwise. There are many people in this House and others holding high positions throughout the country who would not be there but for the Christian Brothers and others like them who did it long before the presumption, arrogance and theft of the Fianna Fáil Government tried to mislead the people into believing they were doing something for education.

We listened tonight to Deputy Kitt speaking from knowledge, from the heart and with conviction, and very properly condemning this outrageous proposal that the present Minister rushes in with so as to try to preserve for himself the reputation which his late predecessor had. If in doing so he trips over himself, knocks over people and brushes them aside, that is no concern of his. He still smiles, sneers and smirks and pretends to the electorate that he has done something wonderful.

The debate was on a high level until you came in.

The truth is that this is a most destructive scheme, destructive of some of the best elements which should be encouraged in education. It is destructive of initiative, destructive of planning, destructive of concentration. It is a discouragement to those who have made a substantial effort, as many have over the last two years, to get scholarships in the forthcoming examinations. It is extremely difficult to be patient with a Minister and a Government which, within weeks of the leaving certificate examinations, radically changes the whole basis of the scholarship scheme and deliberately sets back many young boys and girls who have been concentrating on particular subjects for the last two years and putting in tremendous effort in the study of those subjects in order to acquire for themselves scholarships which would give them a university education. Many of these pupils will now be ruled out entirely because of this scheme, which is to be paid for by local authorities, but local authorities are to have no say in its application.

Deputy Kitt said quite rightly that in Galway 25 per cent of the scholarships were allotted to people irrespective of means. A similar scheme has been in operation in Dublin financed by money contributed by the Dublin ratepayers. That contribution is made without regard to the ability of the ratepayers to pay it. It is contributed in many cases by ratepayers who find it a next-to-impossible burden to bear. That opportunity which people had to get some recognition for their endeavours and for their interest in Irish education is being entirely sabotaged by the Minister's scheme. To that extent we believe it is deplorable.

The Minister's scheme puts the smaller section of our community against the majority. The majority of our people are now wage and salary earners. They are people whose wages and salaries are easily ascertainable and cannot be watered down in any way. No expenses can be set off against their earnings so as to produce a net figure which might qualify for the scholarships which the Government are now pretending they are giving for the first time. The situation is that people of independent means—professional men, farmers and shopkeepers; people who are not in receipt of a specific amount by way of salaries or wages—can adjust their books so as to bring them within the scope of this privileged scholarship scheme. We think that that is grossly unfair and is hitting in particular the people of Dublin, who will be contributing the greatest amount to this scheme and who under the rules and regulations applied by the Minister are going to be deprived of opportunities which will be available to other people. In the name of the people of Dublin, I protest vehemently against this grossly unfair scheme which does a serious injustice to the boys and girls in Dublin schools.

The truth of the matter, as ascertained by me within the last couple of days, is that dozens of boys and girls in Dublin schools who are eligible to receive scholarships under the existing corporation schemes will not now get scholarships, no matter how brilliantly they do in their examinations in a couple of months time, because if their parents happen to have an income which sets them outside the limits fixed by the Minister, they will not receive any reward for their efforts. That is not a scheme which is likely to encourage students in the future to work for scholarships. It is not likely to encourage the schools to organise their programmes and the students to discipline themselves in order to benefit by scholarship schemes.

The Minister and the Government knew for the past 12 months that this situation was likely to arise unless they took steps long ago to dispel the doubts which began to exist when local authorities saw that the Government were procrastinating. The truth of the matter is that most local authorities on their own initiative decided, when it was no longer necessary to have post-primary scholarships, to allocate the money previously used for that purpose to university scholarships. The local authorities who did that received encouragement from the Minister to do it. They prepared their own schemes for the application of that money in a manner similar to that in which they operated their earlier scholarship schemes. That was the situation in Dublin and, as far back as last October, the Department received from Dublin Corporation the plans which they had for the allocation of their scolarships in the June examinations of 1968. In anticipation of receiving approval from the Government, the details of the scheme were leaked to the public press so that people would be put on reasonable notice of what would be available to them.

Although it was common knowledge that that was the situation, and although the intentions of the corporation were well known, there was no reason why anyone should doubt that this would be the scheme which would operate this year until the Minister's outrageous and grossly unfair proposals were published last Saturday. If ever students got a kick in the stomach, and if ever schools got a kick in the posterior, they received it from the Minister for Education in a hurry last Saturday when this severe blow was given to the whole educational world in Dublin in particular, and all over the country in general.

The truth of the matter is that in the schools, and particularly those who dedicated themselves to giving secondary education to the less privileged section of the community, two years ago the students were geared to take particular subjects and concentrate their efforts on learning those subjects and on acquiring certain skills with a view to obtaining scholarships. The Minister may say this is not good education. It may well be said that the best education is not the one which is governed by scholarships and I do not think any good educationist would disagree with that, but the Minister's scheme is geared to putting that machinery into statutory form. The whole idea will now be geared to the student attaining honours in four subjects. This will certainly aggravate the problem of our whole educational curriculum rather than broadening it in the way in which we should like to see it broadened in this modern age in which we live.

It may be that until such time as university education is freely available to people irrespective of their examination technique, there is no reasonable alternative available, but we should all remember at a time like this that if we are to relate assistance for university education to those who display skill in examination technique, we may not, in fact, be giving assistance to the people who could be the best doctors, the best engineers, the best scientists and the best professional people in the future. Any person who had the unique advantage of being one of the small privileged minority who were at a university in this country in the past will know that it is not uncommon for students who were not particularly brilliant in the primary and secondary schools to blossom forth for the first time on entering the university campus. That is quite a frequent phenomenon, and no less frequent is the experience of the student who appeared to be clever and brilliant, the student who was successful in the primary and secondary examinations, and who failed miserably in university tests. Certainly if he did not fail miserably, he was less than brilliant. We are now to apply the test of one examination in four subjects. That alone is to determine who is and who is not to go to a university. I should not really say that alone will determine it. It will also be determined by income the child's parents may or may not have.

We believe that the local authorities should be allowed to exercise their discretion. All the local authorities I am aware of, and Dublin Corporation in particular, have exercised their discretion in the past in relation to scholarships in an exceedingly fair and acceptable manner. I have never heard any criticism offered by the people of Dublin about the Dublin Corporation scholarship schemes. They are the result of an exchange of views between the 45 elected members of the City Council in Dublin who come from all walks of life. They have had various educational experiences. Indeed, many of the members of Dublin City Council were not reared or educated in Dublin, but they contribute to Dublin life, and to Dublin public life in particular, quite an amount which is of value. These people pooled their wisdom in the past and produced fair scholarship schemes. Naturally, they now resent that it is proposed to take from them the money they levied on the rates and put it in a pool without their having any control over the manner in which it is to be used outside the pool. We think that is wrong. We think it is a negation of the very things which education should try to develop, a spirit of endeavour and a spirit of interest in matters educational.

We think it highly deplorable that the Minister and the Government are apparently incapable of devising an educational scheme tailored to our requirements and suited to our needs. Apparently they are incapable of accepting that the Irish people can devise schemes to suit their own needs so they ape the schemes in operation in England, America and the Continent. That is very bad planning. That is shallow thinking. This scheme is doing a disservice where it could have done good. The fact that more money will be available for university education is not due to any generosity on the part of the Government. Rather is it due to the continuing activity of the Government in taking from the local authorities moneys they had in the past and which they would be only too glad to give again in the future. I appeal to the Minister to look again at this matter and, certainly as far as 1968 is concerned, to provide that the schemes devised by the local authorities in the summer and autumn of 1967 will be applicable to the 1968 examinations. Common justice demands no less than that and it will not in any way jeopardise the future operations of the Ministerial schemes.

If the Minister is convinced his scheme is the perfect scheme, he is quite entitled to ask the Dáil and the Seanad to accept it. Even if it is the perfect scheme, I say the Minister is doing injustice to the boys and girls who have worked for the past two years in the belief that the accepted principles would be applied to the 1968 examinations and that those people now deserve something better of the Minister than to be told, a few weeks before the examination, that they wasted their time and might as well have been out enjoying themselves, for all the benefit they will get.

At the outset, I should like to offer a friendly word of advice to the Minister on his taking up of this massive job. I suggest he operate less by way of Press conference in the task before him and that he realise that we must now get down to the solid work of consolidation. Unless we understand that Irish education, as we know it at present, despite any improvements that may have been made of late, is still run on rigid class lines and that the higher reaches of our educational system are reserved for students from the managerial or high income groups, we do not understand the nature of the animal that is Irish education. If we are to achieve change and alter what is still, in effect, the "murder machine" that Pearse called it, we must understand the nature of the system we talk about, the educational system that we have.

The classrooms of our country at the present time reflect the snobberies of the economic conflicts in the outside world in regard both to the type of pupil they admit to the higher reaches of education and the manner of their selection. I do not think Members of any Party in this House can be content with a situation in which the majority of the nation's children are consigned to live their lives in that kind of subculture and intellectual twilight in which so many of our adults are condemned to live. It is a situation we must change. It cannot be done too easily if only for the reason that Irish education, for many years, has not been touched, that no innovation has taken place and no progress has been recorded until recently with the welcome change inaugurated by the late Minister for Education, Deputy Donogh O'Malley, in secondary education. I would say we now have the job of going further. Above all, we must not believe that, suddenly, the educational system has been changed by the improvements that have taken place. It would be to misunderstand the size of the problem before us if we consider that either this measure or the improvement as regards secondary education has drastically altered the class nature of Irish education.

We are shocked by examples of racial antagonism in the outside world. The press is full of accounts of them. We must understand that there is also in this country a discrimination which takes a child, from the type of education it gets, into the type of job it gets which, in turn, reflects the education it received. Children with a certain educational background are condemned to a certain minimum wage all their entire adult life because of the kind of education they receive. If this is not discrimination, I do not know what it is. If we are shocked by discrimination elsewhere, let us understand that we practice deliberate discrimination in respect of the majority of the children of our country because their parents come from a particular social background. If anybody thinks that this is mere propaganda, understandably coming from a Party which represents those who have been subjected to lack of suitable education, I would refer the House to the Lynch Education Report which talks about Irish education in the light of social groups and social backgrounds and which points the lesson of the low rate of participation of children of unskilled workers, and semi-skilled workers, unemployed people, widows, and so on, in post-primary and higher education.

Not to go too far back, let us remember that, before we go to the top of the iceberg which is university education in Ireland, we must find the drop-out rate according to social groups in other areas of our educational system. To think that we have changed anything dramatically because we hand out another few scholarships to those survivors of our educational system who are lucky enough to reach the university gates is to ignore the size of our problem. This casualty rate in our educational system is based fundamentally on the economic background of the parents of the children and occurs at the stage when the child has completed primary school and has reached the secondary school level. As many children do not go forward after the age of 14, never to be heard of again in our educational system, as go forward to the other spheres of our post-primary and higher education together.

Last year one political Party suddenly discovered that it is mentioned in the 1916 Proclamation that all of the children of the nation must be cherished equally. Last year, the year it was emblazoned on the billboards of the country that all of the children of the nation must be cherished equally, we provided 245 scholarships in the entire country. The Minister is stretching the credulity of this House if he asserts that substantial progress can now be made in educational matters because 900 scholarships will be provided. Let us not mistake that this is a very modest step along the very arduous road we have to tread if we are serious about changing the nature of Irish education which, substantially, has changed little from the thing that Pearse called the "murder machine".

We must tackle in depth the matter of the participation rate of pupils in our educational system. The Minister and the Department said we may calculate, from those who did the leaving certificate examination, that, last year, only 1,900 received four honours and, therefore, this scheme envisages 900 pupils participating in it. We make a big mistake if we think that figures for students who managed to survive to the university gates, because of the position of their parents, the kind of secondary school they attend, and so on, is an adequate gauge of the entire country's need for higher education.

In beginning, in order to appreciate what greater participation by social grouping means, it seems to me there is a far greater figure than the thinking behind that 900 envisages.

On the amount of cash before us at the moment, it would be quite embarrassing if we had more than the figure envisaged by the Minister. It will take far more revolutionary changes than the puny things we have done so far to alter the nature of our educational system. For example, there is free secondary education. The people we are talking about who will participate in the scholarship scheme are the products of the secondary schools. We have repeatedly made the point that the fee portion of secondary education is only one of the costs involved in the matter of greater participation in secondary education, an important matter but only one. I was speaking to a man last week who spent something like £30 in the current year on textbooks for a child at secondary school. Under the scheme for help in the provision for such books he would, at the discretion of the local school principal, have to prove that his family had only £X if he were to cover the cost of this number of textbooks.

There is another matter that we have repeatedly pointed out and the drop-out ratio is large enough to suggest that it is valid in all walks of education. This is the problem of doing without the earning power of the children. This is a big problem in relation to the continuing of children in our educational system. As educationists in other countries have recognised, the social background gives certain children advantages over other children whose parents possibly have not themselves received higher education. We must agree that an intellectual plimsoll line is necessary if our university education system is to operate in this manner. There must not be one law of intelligence for the rich person's child and another for the person who must participate in a scholarship scheme. We should have a uniform intellectual attainment level for all students in our universities.

At his press conference a week ago the Minister said that we could consign the scholarship idea to the scrap-heap, that it was no longer considered necessary. The thinking and the cash provided in this Bill do not even seem, in its most generous terms, truly to reflect the costs involved if one is to depend solely on the scholarship. It does not seem to reflect the costs involved for the student on the average university course in this country. It seems we have the paradox in scholarships at present that one must practically belong to a certain income group in order to be able to participate in the scholarships available. These scholarships, if the student were lucky enough to survive to that level in our educational system, are not sufficient really to enable a child of a general worker or a semi-skilled worker to do a full university course. In other words, the cash involved in the scholarships at present amounts practically only to pin money in the case of families in certain circumstances. They must themselves have sufficient cash to be able to augment the scholarships available from local authorities. The cash grants given in this scholarship scheme do not seem to be realistic for children coming from homes such as I have described.

I should like to ask the Minister who referred to the extension of the scheme to places other than recognised universities, to technological colleges and so on—a widening of the scheme, therefore, to certain institutions—if this includes physical training colleges. This is a pretty important point. Evidently, we do not accept the importance of physical training in our educational system nor do we give any proper status to our physical training colleges. My point is that if these scholarships are available to technological colleges and higher technical institutes they should also be available to higher institutions specialising in physical education.

In answer to a question of mine some time ago the Minister said there were only 45 qualified teachers of physical training in this part of the country. Is it any wonder that we have a teenage population that must have the lowest standard of physical training of any country in the world? We are supposed to be a sport-loving people, but I do not know any country, in Europe certainly, which is so careless of giving its youth physical training. This stems from the fact that we give no status to teachers qualified in physical training. The position is far different in the other part of this country and it is quite apparent to anybody who has been through any Northern Ireland school that the general physique of the students there is far superior to that of our students. It is about time that we tackled this problem seriously because there is a problem there to be tackled. If the Minister is widening the scope of the Bill to include the technological colleges he should also include the Ling College and Sion Hill which, in Dublin, I understand, deal with physical training.

There is another problem to which the Minister might shortly address himself in connection with university scholarships. The Taoiseach recently said that it was important to relate the universities to the communities around them and to relate the training in the universities to the needs of the country. The first year arts classes in the universities bulge with students who do not know exactly what they will work at in after life. This, in itself, speaks of the lack of vocational guidance. I suggest that if the State is going to be increasingly involved in greater cash commitments in our universities the State must make an inventory of what professions and skills are most necessary for this nation. If more money is to be spent on educating students who will then go to the developed countries and this expenditure comes from the taxpayers there is a question to be examined. The usual excuse may be made that it is part of our free gift to the world, that we train people and send them abroad and that we must maintain our reputation of being the foremost exporter of men and women in Europe in the professional field also. I suggest that we should look at the situation in which we are producing professional people that the Irish taxpayers have paid to educate and exporting them to fully developed countries.

We must question the wisdom of this course. If the universities are to be subsidised and helped by the State the State is entitled to ask the universities to give us more men and women qualified in the professions that are needed to build up our economy. Those who are educated in excess of our needs by means of the taxpayers money, it should be understood, are our conscious contribution to the under-developed countries and we should not be producing qualified people for the capitals of the different countries of Europe, the US or Britain.

I began in a friendly fashion by advising the Minister to avoid this feeling that there should be a loud hurrah for higher education. Anything we have done yet does not provide a basis for any self-congratulation, and our educational system is still substantially a Victorian edifice largely untouched by the passing of years, and the fact that we have begun to wake up recently is no reason to think that the whole system has been utterly changed. The universities at the top are the icebergs and we must reach down into every area.

We must understand and tackle the problem as to why we have drop-outs at primary school level, why the children of this country are split into two sections, one section going to dead-end jobs, low-paid work with no future and all the frustration involved.

Even if we were not committed to end this state of affairs by our ordinary democratic feelings, we should realise that it is not good economically, that there is a close connection between the kind of education undergone by the majority of the people in a country and the rate of development of the economy. If the majority of our people undergo an inferior education or at least one that gives them no more than a passing acquaintance with education, we cannot expect to build a secure economy.

We must tackle the drop-out from our secondary school system and the fact that only a very lucky few reach university. We must also tackle the question of the drop-out from our vocational schools, involving half the students in the system. Again, I would suggest that, while it is a generalisation, there is a great deal of truth in this; that the economic facts of life, the position in the home, the earning power of the parents, is the clue to the massive drop-out in Irish education.

Not always.

I agree with the Deputy that it is a more complicated matter than pounds, shillings and pence, but until we have banished the problem of pounds, shillings and pence from it, we cannot say it is not an important factor.

It is the main contributory factor.

I would ask the Minister to look into the matter, at university level, of up-grading social science as a subject. Seeing that we are assisting people through scholarships, it is only just that the State should declare a priority of subjects in accordance with the needs of our economy. We must end this free trade in education under which one is entitled to do any course one feels like. The needs of the community must be met. We do not know what talent and brain power we are losing under the present wasteful educational system. The few people who finally come to university do not represent the genius or the talent of Irish people. They represent the uppercrust of the Irish people, and not the true talent or genius. It should, therefore, be our aim, even in the interests of our economy, putting it at as low a level as that, to see that there is greater participation in our whole educational system, irrespective of the background of the student.

This problem will call for investigation of the home background, because it has been discovered in other countries that pounds, shillings and pence, while a major part of the problem, will not solve it completely. However, we must appreciate the fact that the child coming from the secure middle-class home has a far greater advantage than the child coming from the workingclass home. I ask anybody to consider the situation of the brilliant child in the city of Dublin, the child who is an Einstein, in embryo at least, who belongs to a family living five in one room. How is he supposed to study?

That is more than a mathematical question.

It is a very serious question. How is that child going to study, and what incentives are there in that child's background to encourage him to struggle through our educational system and overcome all the class prejudice and snobbery in his way? We have already seen some of these obstacles in secondary education, because we already see there the gates of privilege closing up again. We see sprouting up all over the country new schools devoted to the principle of being outside the free secondary education system.

Irish education is in great need of a genuine crusade, one that will not end this year or next year but will be a continuing process over the next ten years; one that will push back vested interests, which must be done before we can say there has been any real progress in Irish education. Above all, it is one that will call for courage in this House and in this Government and succeeding ones.

Once more I must express my admiration for the effrontery of Fine Gael in the attack made by Deputy Ryan on the Minister's scheme here tonight. It equalled any performance he ever gave in the past, and goodness knows, he gave a lot of them, in trying to damn with faint praise this advance in our educational system, which he sets out to do. I cannot recall here in this House ever hearing any Deputy mount such an attack on an educational expansion. He spoke about the generosity of the Government in giving this paltry increase in scholarships. That comes very well from Fine Gael, the Party who no later than yesterday voted against everything connected with social welfare and education.

That is wrong, and the Parliamentary Secretary knows it.

They even voted against the old age pensions.

They did no such thing. Speak the truth in the House.

I do not intend to philosophise on our educational system a task that was carried out in depth, to quote himself, by the philosopher from the Labour Party, Deputy O'Leary. I shall confine myself to the Bill that has been presented here by the Minister for Education. I have for most of my life been engaged in teaching. I have served for over 20 years and I am still serving on educational committees at vocational school level and at university level. I am a member of the Governing Body of University College, Galway, and of the committee on county council scholarships in my own county. I hope what I intend to say will be relevant to the Bill before us and that the criticisms I offer will be practical and will have a bearing on the subject matter of the Bill.

The Minister has laid down as a condition for securing one of these university grants the gaining of four honours at the leaving certificate examination. It is well known that if a student so likes, he can pick four subjects in which it is not so difficult to get honours in the leaving certificate. The marks allowed for these subjects by the Department would tend to show that educationally some subjects are regarded more highly than others. For example, if you present honours maths in the leaving certificate, you have a maximum of 600 marks to play around with. The same applies to honours Irish. If you take subjects like English, chemistry, biology and so on, the maximum in these cases is 400. As regards history and geography—I speak from memory and I may be wrong— the marks used to be 300 for history and 300 for geography. There may be some variations in these marks now.

When we in Galway, in consultation with the Department, were devising a university scholarship scheme, we had a more realistic approach to this problem than the four honours requirement. We had a notional maximum of 2,000 scholarship marks and students were allowed to present subjects and had to take the honours paper in the subjects up to this 2,000. You might take four or five subjects, or shall I say, five and a half subjects. I should explain this. If you took Irish, you had 600 marks and if you took mathematics, you had 600 marks. That was 1,200. History and geography would bring this up to 1,800. Now you had to make up the 200 for the notional maximum so you might only be credited with 50 per cent of the marks you obtained in the other subjects, whatever they might be. I suggest that the four honours of themselves are not a fair criterion to work on. I assume, of course, that you have to get your leaving certificate and that presupposes passing Irish, English and mathematics, if you have taken them, but you can pick four subjects which are regarded as easy subjects. I will not say what they are—everybody knows what they are—and so get such high marks that you could be in the running for one of these grants. I am just putting that forward as a minor criticism.

I agree with Deputy Kitt that counties like Galway which strike rates from time to time which for us are fairly substantial, in order to defray the expenses of our scholarship schemes will be at a disadvantage compared with counties which do not put forward big sums for scholarship schemes. Now the whole country will be in the one pool, so to speak. We in County Galway will have no say in the allocation of scholarships. Heretofore we made it a condition of our scholarship scheme that the parents or parents of the student had to be residing in the county for at least a year or two. That was our residential qualification. The money which we would have provided, £5,000 or £6,000, has been frozen and theoretically it is now possible for a student from, say, Westmeath to collar a scholarship we would have earmarked for the son or daughter of a Galway resident.

Having the country in one pool might lead to the creation of specialised classes in large urban areas. You could have a big attendance at a secondary school and the cream of the scholarship class, or the grant class, as it is now called, could be syphoned into another class where they would concentrate on four or five subjects. Cramming could become the order of the day. It has not been unknown for this to happen in the national schools in the past before free post-primary education came into being. I am afraid this may happen. We in Galway in our own way, when we were designing secondary scholarships, made it a condition that a certain number of scholarships were reserved for the two-teacher schools in which the pool of students was very small, and a certain proportion was reserved for the bigger schools of up to seven, eight or nine teacher schools. In that way we made it possible to programme out the allocation of these scholarships, so as to benefit children who were placed at a disadvantage in having only one or two teachers to cater for them. This might happen in Dublin, Cork or Galway, and you might have classes being crammed and teachers serving for the purpose of securing these university grants for their pupils, to the disadvantage of children who are not so well placed schoolwise.

I do not see in the Bill any reference to conditions which must be fulfilled in regard to the renewing of these scholarships. If you secure a scholarship, or a grant, as it is now called, in the first year, and we will suppose you are doing commerce in the university, in what conditions will that grant be renewed for a further year? In my part of the country, you had to produce a certificate of satisfactory attendance from your professor or professors, or the president of your university college, and of course you had to pass your examinations. I do not see in the Bill or in the explanatory memorandum any conditions laid down for the renewal of these grants. Does it mean that if a student gets the grant in the first instance, it is automatically renewed for a period of years? For how many years will it be renewed? In Galway normally, we used to give scholarships for three or four years, but in the case of special students who were taking long courses, such as those for medicine or dentistry, the council saw fit to renew them to help out the students. I should like to see something about these conditions in the Bill.

The sum of £300 has been mentioned for students who are living a fair distance from the university and £175 is the maximum for those living adjacent to the university. I hope no one has the idea that the State will pay only £300 or £175, as the case may be. In the university I know best, the State is subsidising each student to the tune of £200 by way of capitation grant, non-recurring grant and so on. It is only right that people's minds should be disabused of the erroneous idea that the cost to the State will be £300 or £175. It will be much more than that.

I would suggest to the Minister that there should be some scheme of bursaries or exhibitions based on merit, and merit alone, irrespective of means. In the old Intermediate, the Department of Education used to award first-class and second-class scholarships. A priority list was determined based on results. In all, I think there were 72 scholarships and there was no regard paid to the means of the parents. Regard was had only to the excellence of the student. Such a scheme might meet the objections raised by Deputy Kitt and Deputy Ryan.

Another matter that arises is the position of the present holders of university scholarships granted by the different local authorities. There is a difference of £25 or £30 between the scholarships they hold and the grants proposed under this Bill. I should like this difference to be made good by the Department.

I should like to raise the question now of financial aid for students who wish to go to university and whose parents, or some responsible person, will guarantee the repayment of such financial aid. During the past week, I met a young man who had returned from Britain, having saved a certain amount of money. He told me it was his life's ambition to become a secondary teacher. He thought he had enough to put him through university. He is 24 or 25 years of age. He would like, however, to get a guarantee of some kind of help from the State to enable him to complete his course. Otherwise he may have to interrupt his studies, go back to Britain to earn more money, and come back again here to finish his course. Assistance of the type I mentioned would be invaluable to him, or to any young man or woman in that position. He gave up a farily good job in Britain in order to achieve his life's ambition.

Another point of interest is the provision of free transport for university students. In my town a certain number of children travel every day to Galway University, a distance of some 23 miles. Their parents would like an extension of free transport. I think it would be an excellent idea.

I trust the Minister will give attention to the points raised by those who have served on scholarship committees. I hope he will be able to resolve the difficulties.

First of all, I should like to compliment those Opposition Deputies who approached the Bill in such a constructive way. One Deputy resorted to destructive criticism. Listening to him, one would imagine we were going to put the children into jail instead of trying to improve their lot in life. Our great ambition is to give our children a good education and I hope I will live long enough to see that ambition realised.

The scheme for post-primary education was well received. The only way in which we can improve the lot of all our people is by education. I deplore references to class distinction. Only those with inferiority complexes would indulge in such references. I suppose they cannot help their complexes. We have people today at the top of the educational ladder from all walks of life. That is due in large measure to their parents. Parents who have the right outlook send their children to good schools. That is the pattern all over the country. That is one of the notable advances in our time. Our economy is a Christian economy and we try, as far as possible, to spend money to improve the position of the citizens of the State as a whole.

This Bill represents a wonderful advance. I compliment the present Minister, his predecessor, the late Donogh O'Malley, and his predecessors, and the officials of the Department of Education, on the work they have done. This year we will send 900 leaving certificate students to university. That is a big advance. The Minister has assured me that in the case of persons above the £1,200 ceiling, he will bring in a scheme. That category were provided for in the city and county of Dublin. Other Deputies have referred to similar schemes in operation in Galway and other places. I am very grateful to the Minister for meeting our request. It is great encouragement for a child to be able to go to the university on a scholarship attained by his own merit. That provision should be continued even if only a certain number of scholarships were provided for that category. I shall not suggest to the Minister the number of scholarships that should be provided but I do urge that scholarships should be continued for this category.

I welcome the Bill as being an intelligent step forward. I hope the state of the economy will allow a great deal more to be provided for higher education next year. During the past few years, wonderful advances have been made. I hope that God will bless the economy and that progress will continue. Those who have engaged in destructive criticism are hardly worth mentioning. I wish good luck to the Minister.

I welcome this Bill wholeheartedly. It is a clear indication of the firm commitment of the Government to cherish all of our children equally. In the case of university education, we are going as far as is financially possible in this year, but the big breakthrough has come and must be welcomed throughout the country. This scheme, we hope, will be expanded. We know that great use will be made of it and that very many children who are deprived of higher education at the moment through lack of means will be able to attend university.

There are a few questions I should like to ask the Minister which he may reply to when he is concluding. First, I should like to ask about the qualification for these grants. There is the question of four honours in the leaving certificate examination. We all know that in the leaving certificate examination different subjects carry different marks. The Minister says that any student who gets four honours will qualify. I am wondering if the Minister means that all subjects will be regarded as of equal standing. Has he given this matter any further thought? I am thinking now of a subject such as drawing. Honours in drawing cannot be compared with honours in mathematics. Perhaps that is a sufficient comparison to illustrate the point I wish to make.

The next point on which I should like clarification is in connection with a student who studies privately for the leaving certificate examination. A student may have left the secondary school last year in his fifth year. Now, when he sees this grants scheme being introduced, if he studies privately and undergoes the leaving certificate examination and gets sufficient marks, will he qualify? Such a student will get only a statement of his marks, not the certificate. The certificate will not be officially presented to him by the Department. Will such student qualify for the grant on attaining four honours in the examination even though he may not receive the certificate to qualify for which a student must complete two years in a secondary school after the intermediate examination?

Another point I should like to make is that, when the scheme is introduced, at the start of the next academic year, those students who qualify for the grants should have it made quite clear to them before entering the university that they have, in fact, qualified. I make that point because there has been a certain amount of confusion about a scheme announced last year for pupils on islands off the coast. Because of the fact that secondary education was not available to them on these islands, the then Minister for Education, the late Deputy O'Malley, introduced a scheme whereby these pupils could attend boarding schools whose fees did not exceed £120 a year.

As far as I know, none of the island children attending boarding schools under that scheme has had his or her fees paid in the boarding school. There is some confusion about the matter. Therefore, I would hope that when the scheme now being introduced is in operation, it will be quite clear from the start as to who has qualified and who has not and to whom payment will be made and how it will be made. A great deal of worry has been caused to parents and to the schools concerned as a result of the fees for island children not having been paid. They do not know whether or not the full fees will be paid. Perhaps the Minister wil clarify that matter when he is replying to the debate? I approve of this step forward in the provision of university education.

First of all, I should like to compliment the Minister on introducing this Bill which is the first of its kind and which represents a big breakthrough. As in the case of all "firsts", it will have teething troubles. We envisage quite a few, at any rate for this year. The Minister has used the word "flexible". A great deal of flexibility will be required in the first year of operation. The main point that I want clarified is as to the manner of operation this year. We are now in the middle of the school year. The terms of the scheme have just been published. In Sligo, there was a scheme in operation whereby university scholarships were given on the basis of the best three honours papers. Naturally, students anxious to obtain university scholarships concentrated on three subjects which carried the highest marks— mathematics, Irish and English. I think I am correct in saying that pupils taking the leaving certificate examination this year have already nominated the honours subjects which they will take. I know at least three pupils in Sligo who have selected only three honours subjects and have notified the Department to that effect. They will be ineligible for scholarships this year under the new scheme. Such snags are bound to arise. I should like the Minister to exercise the flexibility he has mentioned.

In my view, it would have been a better idea to have allowed local authorities to continue this year as previously and to have increased the number of scholarships and the amounts of them within the framework of the money carried forward as a result of the abolition of post-primary scholarships and to have started the new scheme next year. That would have been a great deal easier on the Minister. There are many pupils in Sligo who have nominated three honours subjects under the scheme which I have already explained.

How many scholarships were being given in County Sligo, as a matter of interest?

Four a year.

There will be a great deal more than that now.

I expect there will. I am talking about the pupils who have already nominated the subjects they will take. If that difficulty can be overcome, I will be very grateful.

I should like to make one other point about special cases. Deputy Carty mentioned a case of which he has knowledge. I have in mind a similar case. I know of a brilliant young boy who got an honours degree in Galway University. He is anxious to study languages. At the moment he is in Germany studying German. He is paying his way by teaching English. He is anxious to come home and do a master's degree. He comes from a poor family who would not be able to afford the cost. Special cases like this should get some consideration. In spite of the fact that only a limited number of children will benefit at the moment and we do not appear to be cherishing all our children equally, nevertheless I welcome the Bill.

I should like to thank the House for what was on the whole, apart from, I might say, Deputy Ryan's contribution, a very constructive debate. Deputy Lindsay, on behalf of the Fine Gael Party, and Deputy Mrs. Desmond and Deputy O'Leary on behalf of the Labour Party, and other Deputies made a number of constructive remarks on what is after all a matter which should be outside the partisanship that sometimes characterises our debates here. Education is too important a matter to be made the subject of partisan debate. For that reason I am very grateful for the constructive suggestions made not alone on the Bill but with regard to education generally and what we need to do to improve Irish education.

The Bill marks a new breakthrough in education, although I am not going to say it is the be-all and end-all of higher education grants. However, it is the first step we have taken in this direction since the formation of the State and is a logical follow-on to the introduction of the free post-primary education scheme. It was imperative, once we had taken that step, to ensure that the children who participated in free post-primary education and were brilliant enough to achieve the standard we will set out by order under the Bill would have an opportunity to go to university if their parents were not so well circumstanced as to afford to send them to higher education. In practical terms, this is in effort to give reality to the social principle of equality of opportunity.

It is, as I say, a substantial step; but we have made the Bill flexible so that we can improve it as the years go on. Such matters as the standard set down, four honours, and the means categories set out in the schedule to the explanatory memorandum will be the subject matter of ministerial orders which can be varied from year to year, can be expanded and amended to suit the particular requirements of the pupils and the educational needs of the particular day. I want to stress the importance of this, because, within the flexible framework of this Bill, we can expand the opportunities and improve the categories to whom they will be open. We can adjust the means levels and thereby keep pace with changing values in regard to money and salaries and wages and also keep pace with the requirements of the future. I want to emphasise that this is the first substantial step. It is a breakthrough, but it is only the beginning. As far as the resources of the country allow and as far as we see the educational requirements in the future, we can amend and adjust both the means test and the standard requirements.

It is fair to say that this is a very substantial step forward and marks a breakthrough when one considers the figure of 275 pupils in the current year who secured scholarships last year. We are jumping that figure from 275 to somewhere between 900 and 1,000 boys and girls who will now participate in this scheme. This is a substantial improvement in one year.

The grants will now be given to every student in the country. The standard to be applied is not the particular county in which the child lives: the only standard is the standard of achieving four honours and the requirement of being within a particular means category with regard to income. This will apply to all the children of the nation equally. Those people who spoke about some counties being progressive should remember that mere residence in a county is not the criterion that should be applied to a basic social need such as the education of a child whose talents are fully fitted to further education. It has been a fundamental weakness of the scholarship system heretofore that it has been administered by local authorities and that local authorities had to make a contribution from the rates to it. As a result, the poorer counties did not have as many scholarships as the richer. Deputy Gilhawley's county of Sligo had only four scholarships, while places such as Dublin and Galway had many more. In counties such as Sligo and Leitrim the local authorities, due to the pressure of rates on small holders and small business people, could not face the prospect of raising the rates to provide for sufficient scholarships. That very fact meant that some of our children, because of the county in which they were born, were more privileged than others.

We will do away with that county caste system in regard to higher education in the future. We are setting out here, irrespective of the capacity of the county to contribute towards a child's higher education, that every child, no matter where he lives, will come in under the criteria which will be set out by way of order under the Bill. This is a substantial step forward. For that reason alone, we can call the Bill a substantial breakthrough in regard to higher education.

A number of points were made in the course of the debate. Deputy Lindsay was concerned with a point in regard to marks. I think it was also mentioned by Deputy Molloy that some subjects are more important than others. I want to assure the House— it will be written into the order I will make in regard to the qualification standard—that the four honours requirement will be related to four university subjects, important subjects in any department or faculty of a university. Drawing, for instance, is not a university subject and therefore will not come into this category. The whole purpose of student grants is to equip the child for higher education and logically the only subjects that should count as regards the standard should be subjects to which the child will be devoting himself or herself in the university.

The point was also made that our standard of four honours was in some way too severe. Yet if we examine the whole structure of higher education not only in Ireland but throughout the world, we find that it is not at all severe. Already the universities have decided to limit the fee-paying students to two honours at least. Indeed, the Provost of Trinity College said he was thinking of raising that figure to three honours in the leaving certificate as a requirement to getting into Trinity College. The university authorities not only here but in Britain and throughout the world are moving towards more stringent qualifications of entry for fee-paying students. Is it not reasonable that in regard to a free grant scheme we should propose four honours when the university authorities are thinking in terms of three honours for fee-paying students?

Again, this is wise thinking, because, as was mentioned during the debate, of the amount of wasted resources from the point of view of the universities and from the national point of view in the matter of educating children who are unsuitable for the courses they are pursuing and who drop out after one or two years. They are not suited to what they are doing and yet they get in easily. If we had stringent standards, these children would not get into the universities and they would probably get into some other stream of employment more suited to their needs. So the whole thinking is to make qualification for entry into higher education as stringent as possible so as to ensure that children who are equipped for it will go into it.

There is always the difficulty of the late developer. That is not a matter we can budget for. We cannot budget for everything. We have to do the greatest good for the greatest number. If our universities are to be crowded out by having a low level of entry, to the detriment of people with high standards who are prevented from going to their fullest extent in higher education, is not the obvious thing to do to raise the standard of entry and secure that in most cases the people who are equipped for higher education can go into the faculty they choose?

Deputy O'Leary raised some very interesting points and indeed I go along with him in much of what he says. I think he was over-critical of Irish education. He was over-critical of the drop-out rate which is not quite as serious as he suggested. Indeed, this is a factor in which there has been a tremendous improvement in recent years. It might surprise the Deputy and the House to know that over 50 per cent of the 16-year age group are in whole-time education. That figure is on a par with the figure for every other country in the world from which we could obtain figures. Again, it is not perfect. We have a long way to go, but it is not quite as bad as Deputy O'Leary suggested. I agree that we have not by any means seen the end of the problem in regard to Irish education.

Education today has become an explosive issue. Everyone is interested in it. The class barriers are disappearing. Parents now rightly feel that their boy or girl is entitled to go as far in higher education as their talents will bring them. The whole idea that higher education was for a particular class and that people did not look outside their class is disappearing. Every boy and girl now feels that he or she is entitled to a place in the sun. Every category of society feels that there has been a tremendous improvement in recent years. I would say that at present in our society education is the most talked of subject and the one in which the greatest interest is shown. That is a good thing because we are coming to the very roots of living when we place a high premium on education. Equality of opportunity is a basic social impulse. We are seeking to provide it in our State. I see emerging from this not only the betterment of the children concerned who wish to make progress, but the betterment of the nation as a whole because if the best talents come to the top, no matter in what class of society, in trade, commerce, industry, the professions, business of all kinds, techniques of all kinds, technological skills of all kinds and so on, society as a whole is the better for it.

Deputy O'Leary raised the question of people getting into blind alley occupations to which they were not suited. I regard that aspect as being very serious. We have all seen human tragedies arising out of the fact that people were in the wrong jobs. One's daily work is a very important aspect in one's life. We have seen the tensions and troubles that are caused by people being in unsuitable jobs, jobs from which they derive no personal satisfaction. If there is a lack of job satisfaction, tension is created which is reflected in the person's attitude at home and throughout his life. We want to ensure in so far as possible that we can guide our boys and girls along lines of education which will lead them to jobs for which they are equipped and jobs which will be available.

At the moment in conjunction with the Minister for Labour and the Department of Labour, we are accumulating data with a view to publishing within the next 18 months a comprehensive document which will set out for the years ahead up to 1998 the jobs that will be available in our community and set out the various streams of education which will lead to the jobs which we will project as being available in 1998. This will be a detailed analysis and we may have to engage outside consultants. The projections made may not be perfect but they will be projections within the limitation of the knowledge and data available to us at the moment. Subject to the inevitable limitations of our present knowledge as regards making forecasts, I feel this will be a worthwhile exercise in giving a broad outline of where we are going in regard to education and in regard to manpower requirements for the future, where the jobs will be, what categories of jobs will be available and how the parents can now make mature decisions on how to plan their children's future.

It is within that context that I will be announcing within the next few days a whole new structure in regard to the leaving certificate which will come into operation from September, 1969. The idea is that we should have five separate groupings within the leaving certificate, ranging from the academic, on the one hand, to the scientific, on the other. Within these five different groupings there would be three subjects in each group. Students coming from the intermediate certificate can specialise in some degree—not to a total degree because there are evils in over-specialisation—towards a type of leaving certificate which will enable every boy and girl to go ahead into technological or university higher education. If we plan out the whole educational system now on the basis of where the job requirements will be and how we should train our children towards the job requirements, looking at education from the primary to the higher education level, I think we will be taking practical steps along the road towards having a community in which talent is used to the fullest extent. In saying this, I do not want to take from the other object of education which is that of education as an end in itself.

It is important that we should have education geared to job requirements. At the same time, education is also an end in itself. I do not want, in any way, to seek to take from the fact that not alone is education an end in securing a job for a person but is also for the purpose of enriching one's personality, of improving one's life and one's appreciation of the quality of life and of developing a capacity to utilise leisure in the best possible way. I want to emphasise again the totality of education in that primary education, secondary and vocational education and higher level education, both university and technological, all form part of a whole. This is the thinking behind the new comprehensive approach towards the new kind of secondary education. We would wish to see the secondary and vocational education streams coming together in a comprehensive stream. Along with the five groupings we have in the leaving certificate, we have the first streaming at the Intermediate stage between technical and non-technical education. This is helped by the abolition of the primary certificate, thereby giving a broad education in the primary school which would gradually be streamed between technical and non-technical in the post-primary stages and then on to university level.

I hope, in the near future, to be in a position to announce the proposals for the total rationalisation of all our higher educational facilities. I wish to emphasise that the merger discussions between UCD and TCD are, again, just part of this total hope. We want to rationalise all the higher educational facilities in the country and not alone the place UCD and TCD must get but the place, for instance, Kevin Street Technical Institute and Bolton Street Technical Institute must get, the place Galway University will get, the place Cork University will get and the place the university in Limerick might possibly occupy. Viewed in that connection, we shall have proposals to announce in the near future on the whole structure of higher education.

It is in this context that I should like to have this Bill regarded by the House, the context of its being considered as a contribution towards ensuring equality of opportunity in higher education, the context of free post-primary education, the context of our system of primary education and the context of the rationalisation of all higher education. We should be able to say, shortly, to the Irish people where we are going with regard to Irish education. We should be able to present the total picture soon. Once we know the road ahead and once the people appreciate precisely what we are planning in regard to education the question from then on will be one of continual supervision of the over-all system and the allocation of more resources to it.

One other matter I should like to mention is the question of publicity. In regard to this scheme which has been set out here in the explanatory memorandum, I propose to publish a booklet inside the next few weeks that will show, in graphic terms, precisely what is meant here in regard to the means test and to the categories of people who will qualify under it. I propose to circulate this booklet to the principal of every secondary school in the country. In regard to further education proposals, I think we should do this and we propose to have it done.

I propose to have any of the innovations to which I have referred in the course of my speech, such as the new structure of the leaving certificate examination, proposals in regard to higher education and the streaming of our students towards job opportunities in the future, circulated to the public in attractive booklet form. Apart from those of us here who are parents, the people who will make the decisions in regard to Irish education are the parents of the future. They are the people who will be taking the mature, responsible decisions and they should have the information on which they can base these decisions presented to them in an attractive, readable form so that they can get the message and know precisely where they are going. With this consciousness at the moment of the importance of higher education, it is up to us not alone to pass the legislation to make the finances available but also to inform the people fully of the progress we are planning along the road towards complete equality of opportunity.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 8th May, 1968.
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