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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 4 Jul 1972

Vol. 262 No. 4

Committee on Finance. - Vote 26: Local Government (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration.
—(Deputy T.J. Fitzpatrick (Cavan).)

There are just a few comments I want to make. I am sure that the Minister is as anxious as anybody else to get the business concluded. Earlier today we discussed a matter which came under the heading of the Department of Finance with the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance, Deputy Lemass. I commented that there was not much point in voting extra money to the Local Loans Fund if it was impossible to get the Minister for Local Government to use it for the purpose for which it was needed. I referred particularly to a number of schemes which seemed to have got lost in the Department, having been submitted there some time ago by Meath County Council. If the Minister has an opportunity when replying, perhaps he would let me know what has happened to them. The Minister might prefer to let me know in writing later what has happened. It is unfair to ask the Minister to give a reply tonight on these matters.

I wish to refer to the sewerage scheme for Mornington, which was on the priority list submitted by the Meath County Council and timed to start in 1971. It is well into 1972 now and it has not been found possible to sanction the working drawings in the Department of Local Government. The result is that the county council have found it impossible to advertise for tenders. This can only be described as ridiculous. There is no reason why the working drawings should remain unattended in the Department of Local Government for such a long time.

A housing scheme for Donore, County Meath, was submitted. The Minister has short-circuited some of the housing arrangements by allowing groups of less than six houses to be built, provided they fit into the general pattern of finance which he sanctioned for local authorities. The Minister allows such small schemes to be proceeded with without specific sanction from his Department. This in itself is a help. It is no help when the schemes are held up for a considerable period when they are first submitted, or when contracts have been sent to the Department and are held up. The Minister has agreed that the schemes can be proceeded with once they reach the contract stage. The Donore scheme is one of about 20 houses. It was submitted to the Department and everything was prepared for the financing of the scheme.

Is there any good reason why there should be a delay of several months in the Department of Local Government? I understand that two queries were sent back last October. They were simple queries and were dealt with quickly. The Minister appreciates more than most people that, if a contractor gives a price for a scheme in September or October, 1971, and does not get permission to go ahead until September or October, 1972, he cannot be blamed if he says that prices have risen so much in the meantime that he is not prepared to agree to do the job at the original price. The variation clause allows him to collect a substantial amount of money. This extra money will eventually come to be paid by the taxpayers of the county.

I was under the impression that the Local Loans Fund allocation must have been spent and that there was no leeway. I felt that the Minister was possibly waiting for a Bill such as the one which passed through here today before making the money available. Deputy Lemass pointed out that that was not so and, in fact, that there was a further £37 million which had not been dealt with. There must be some other reason. Perhaps the Minister would let me know why he has not sanctioned the Donore scheme and why it has been necessary to leave it so long while people are badly in need of houses. Is it not an idle boast to talk about the efforts of the Government to house people while this sort of thing is delayed so long?

The Donore scheme is the biggest one we have in Meath. There are a number of other schemes at various stages. A report from the Meath county officials says that the schemes are awaiting sanction from the Department of Local Government. When we asked the officials what was happening we were told that they wrote to or phoned the Department and were told the matter was under consideration and a reply would be given soon. Is that not a ridiculous way to do business? Is there anyone in commercial life who could carry on business under conditions like that? Schemes are going to be sanctioned or they are not going to be sanctioned. There is no reason why anybody—and here the Minister must take the blame whether he is responsible or not—should prevent people being rehoused, people who badly need houses, while somebody in the Department says he has not got time simply to put the document on the Minister's table so that he can sign at the bottom of the page and let the scheme proceed. Maybe I am being unfair to the Minister.

An over-simplification.

I agree the Minister may have to read it, but I do not think he would go into the technical points. There should be enough officials in the Department to do that for him. There is no reason why it should be held up for so long. The whole question of housing and re-housing has been debated by so many Deputies that I do not want to go into it again. I know Deputy Timmons will talk about Dublin city as soon as I sit down, and whether it is 10,000 families or 10,000 people who are awaiting houses is an issue on which many people seem to disagree.

10,000 people.

All right, 10,000 people. What is a few thousand people, here or there, who are badly housed? We are not; we are all right.

The Deputy's spokesman and himself could not agree on it.

The lovely thing about Deputy Timmons is that he can have his figures exactly right but he cannot put one person into a house any quicker, and by supporting the keeping of Dublin Corporation out of existence he and his party are ensuring that nobody else will help them. However, the Deputy can make his contribution later on and deny that if it is untrue.

Deputy Timmons can be quite proud of the fact that 12,000 families were housed in Dublin in the past five years while his party were in power.

While his party were in power where?

Earlier on someone was trying to make the case that it was not the Government who were responsible for these things, that it was those who were responsible for the running of the local authorities. The local authority in Dublin is being run by one man because the Minister and Deputy Timmon's party want it that way. They do not believe in democracy any longer. Dictatorship is good enough for them.

Deputy Tully's party just got up and walked out.

The Minister will get plenty of time to reply later on.

They reneged on their responsibility in Dublin Corporation.

Our people in Dublin Corporation were men enough to stand for their principles, but, of course, principles do not matter very much in some quarters of this House. Several Ministers, including the Ministre for Local Government, have over the last few days been giving the number of houses that have been built and talking about the records that have been created. Somebody tried to excuse the drop in housing earlier this year because of the bank strike a couple of years ago. Somebody else attributed it to the cement strike. One excuse is as good as another. I should like to put this on the record. In 1967-68, in the Republic, the local authorities built 4,045 houses; 7,972 other houses were built, giving a total of 12,017 houses; in 1968-69, 4,613 local authority houses; 8,420 others; total, 13,033; in 1969-70, 4,706 local authority houses; 8,938 others; total, 13,644; 1970-71, 3,875 local authority; 9,796 others; total, 13,671. That is the Republic.

The really extraordinary thing about this is that while we criticise what is happening in the North and the unfair treatment given to people up there, in the year 1971 in the Six Counties 13,916 houses were built, which was 2,082 more than the previous year; and while 4,701 were built for owner occupation, 9,213 were built for renting. This means that there were more than twice as many built for public renting than there were for private, while here it was the other way round in the ratio 3 to 1. We are told that the people in charge of housing on this side of the Border are doing their share to house those who are unable to house themselves. This I find very hard to believe. It is only fair to give the figures for 1971-72: 5,106 local authority; 10,815 others; total, 15,921. This is a big increase on the previous year. It is here that the cement strike comes in, because the previous year the cement strike cut down substantially on the number of houses built and the increase was due to the finishing of those houses and to the building of new ones that were built in the ordinary way.

And the introduction of the guaranteed order project which provides an additional 1,000 houses on top of the normal number.

If the Minister will let me finish I shall prick that Balloon for him. The only way to get a fair average is to add the two years together. If they went down one year, they came up the next year. They went down because of the cement strike and came up again because the cement started to flow freely again; the houses that were half-built were completed and, therefore, the number went up. However, the average for the two years for local authority houses was less than 4,500, while in the previous full year the number was 4,706. Therefore, despite what the Minister says about the extra 1,000 houses, the figure has gone the other way and the average over the two years shows us a smaller number of houses built than were built in any of the previous three years.

I suppose the Minister for Local Government is as anxious as anybody else to see everybody in the country properly housed—he would be a fool if he was not—but, in spite of that, neither he nor the Government seem to be able to appreciate the fact that since costs have gone up substantially, there is no point in talking about an extra percentage of money given for housing, because in all cases so far this has been swallowed up by additional costs and the number of houses being built is not as great.

I would ask that an effort be made to treat this as a national problem, because apparently it is not being so treated. With over 60,000 people still unemployed, surely the logical thing to do was to put a lot of extra money into public building. It was done here before and at that time solved the problem. The result would be that quite a lot of extra houses would be built and the economy would improve because people would be drawing a week's wages which they badly need at the present time.

I notice that today the Minister notified the general public of an improvement in the facilities for getting loans for house building. I compliment him on having made that decision, but I regret the fact that he did not make the announcement here. We often hear it said outside the House that the authority and importance of Dáil Éireann seem to be dwindling, and that the action is on the streets. If Ministers of State continue to make important announcements at what James Dillon, who used to grace those benches for Fine Gael, used to call every dinner and dog fight, instead of in this House, can we blame those who say that the Government do not treat this House as if it were as important as it used to be?

With regard to the improvement in borrowing facilities, would the Minister not agree that over the years two things have been badly wrong? One is that if somebody wants to build a house and has reached the stage where he feels that he cannot afford to build a house, he finds that his income is considered by the Department as being too high to borrow money. While the Minister's assistance in this matter today is welcome, it does not go far enough because he is still precluding from borrowing from the local authorities many people who would be only too glad to build if they got the facilities.

The other side of it is that, for the purpose of getting a supplementary grant, people must show a relatively low income. Why are not the two the same? Why is the low income provision maintained because in order to qualify for the grant they produce the lowest possible figure and then find that they are caught when they try to borrow money, or is that the object of the exercise?

The Deputy knows that there is £100 for each dependant of an applicant for a supplementary grant which increases the minimum income limit by another £400. There is £100 available for each child.

And the Minister knows quite well—or should know if he does not—that the man who is getting married and wants to build a house cannot find the extra four. He has to wait a few years for them. Therefore, he does not get that facility. Perhaps the Minister would not know anything about that yet. The person is stuck. He gets the grant on his own income. He has no extra four. The limit is the limit and that is it. I am talking in particular about the young man who is about to get married, or who has got married, and wants to build a house. I believe some effort should be made to facilitate him.

I wonder why the Minister has not brought in some regulation which would preclude spec builders from collaring the Department's share of the grant for the house. Even though they may reduce the price of the house by doing that, and the Minister may say it does not make any difference, they still advertise a price which is not correct. They have alrady collected £325 which, by right, belongs to the man who is buying the house. They take it off the price and say they are selling the house at, say, £5,000 when, in fact, the price is £5,325. It would be well worthwhile looking into this. I do not see any reason why they should be allowed to do it.

I dealt with that here recently.

How did the Minister deal with it? It does not seem to have been stopped. I would consider it was dealt with if it was stopped. It has not been stopped. It is still being done and, therefore, it does not appear to have been dealt with.

I did not say I would stop it.

Then the Minister approves of it, which is a different thing.

So long as we know where we stand. I want to deal now with the question of differential rents. Differential rents in local authority housing are a big problem. For years this system has been in operation in the cities and larger towns. As a result of the efforts of Deputy Blaney, it was introduced at county council level over the past few years—since 31st October, 1969, I think. The result is that people living in county council cottages are now paying on a differential rent system. The man in my constituency, 45 miles from Dublin, who gets up at 6 o'clock in the morning and drives into town in a car on which he has to pay tax, insurance, and so on, works hard on a building site all day, arrives home at 9 o'clock at night and gets £24 or £25 a week gross wage packet, finds his rent fixed on those gross wages. Although my council agreed that the Minister should be asked to allow the first £2 to be taken off the wages before the differential rent system was operated, the Minister refused to sanction that and said £1 was enough.

The man starts off with £25 and £1 is taken off that. His rent is then £3 per week. He is now allowed to take 10s off for each child but he still finds that he is paying that rent plus rates. We have the extraordinary situation that people living in rural Ireland, as well as having to pay for travelling up and down to work—and if they are coming to Dublin it is expensive; it may be costing them as much as £3 or £4 a week—have to pay up to £4 per week for a county council cottage which until two or three years ago was let at under £1 and for which ten years earlier the average rent was about 2/6d. The Minister being a reasonable man should see that this is terribly unfair.

In an effort to alleviate the hardship which is being caused to people who feel they are throwing money down the drain, Meath County Council submitted to the Department a scheme for vesting those houses. As he was in relation to the housing scheme and the sewerage scheme to which I referred, the Minister was so busy that, although the plan has been in the Department for about six months he has not got around to putting his name at the bottom of a sheet of paper and these people cannot purchase the houses because the scheme cannot be put into operation. If this is not ridiculous nonsense, perhaps the Minister would like to tell me what it is when he is replying. What reason is there for holding up a simple scheme like this month after month in the Department and doing nothing about it? The people are dissatisfied with the rents they are paying. They want to vest the houses and they cannot do so because the Minister feels it is not important. It is not important to him and, therefore, it is not important to anybody else.

Before I leave the question of house building, let me also refer to the fact that recently the Meath County Council and Navan Urban Council decided to build a joint scheme of 120 houses in Navan. They were supposed to be low cost houses. Under some extraordinary arrangement which the Department have a low cost tender submitted by a sizeable contractor in this city was for £600 more per house than the tenders submitted by local contractors for houses in the county. He got the contract and we were told that the National Building Agency would be responsible for the finances. The scheme was started and now— to use the word used by the Minister for Finance—every lumper in the country is arriving to do bits of the job. It is like a railway station with people moving in and out of the site. They are dismissed so quickly that there is hardly time for the next lot to come in. If this is the way the Department feel that housing schemes should be dealt with, they will have to change their ideas. In this country trade union wages and conditions have been laid down at a fairly high cost. Nobody wants to go back to the idea that somebody can come on to a scheme and that it does not matter what type of work he does, and he can pull out when the job is done. Nobody is responsible. Responsibility is passed from one to the other.

This has been taken up with Meath County Council by Navan Trades Council who were very annoyed about the whole set-up and I understand that the Minister has been asked for his views by the county council. I believe that responsibility for the running of these schemes must rest with the Department and, for the life of me, I cannot see why somebody should be allowed to call a scheme a low-cost scheme if it is costing more than the average house to build.

The Deputy is being less than honest because he is not comparing like with like. He is comparing some small scheme built for £600 less with the price of this scheme. They are two different sites and contracts of different sizes. There is no likeness between the two, as the Deputy well knows, and it is dishonest to give the impression that the guaranteed order project is not enabling local authorities to construct houses at a great saving to themselves because there is up to 12½ per cent saving generally on the operation of the guaranteed order project since it started.

Unfortunately, the rules of the House do not permit me to describe what the Minister has said in the correct way. I cannot say that it is a lie but I can say that it is untrue. Not alone is it untrue but the scheme I am citing is on a level site, and if the Minister tries to tell me or anybody else that it is dearer per house to build 120 houses than to build 20 he knows very little about building construction. He can work that out for himself.

I did not say that. I said that the Deputy was not comparing like with like because it was a big scheme not comparable with a little scheme.

I am comparing a scheme of 120 houses with a price given for 20 houses, and the site on which the 120 houses have been built is beside a town and is a level site.

Would the Deputy name it so that I can deal with it in my reply?

That would be preferable. The Minister could then deal with it.

Even the times when these prices were obtained were very different, as the Deputy well knows.

The Minister has taken up the point I was about to make. The only difference is that the scheme of houses started now would have a slight difference over the scheme started six months earlier—I am prepared to give him that—but not to the extent of £600 per house and the houses earlier were not considered a low cost scheme.

Name the two and I can deal with them.

The Minister knows well the one I am now talking about because there is only one Navan and he should not have any difficulty with that. When he checks it out, he will know what I am talking about.

The next matter I want to refer to is the matter of expenditure on roads. The Minister has had handed down to him a legacy in the form of a system which I thought he might change and I suggest that he consider changing it, if he is here long enough. This is the system adopted some years ago by which, if a road was black-topped, it was considered to be in good order. We had in our county an excellent engineer but he had the idea that every road in the county should be tarred. Eventually we reached the stage at which he had every road tarred and as soon as that was done, no matter what the alignment was like, no matter how many turns there were on it, or how narrow the road was, the Department decided that the road was up to a certain standard and refused to give the county any further county road grants. If he had decided to do it the other way, we could very easily have been drawing county road grants for a considerable period. The first year we lost £98,000 and we have been losing substantial amounts since.

The bad snag about it is that this had the result that a substantial number of county council roadworkers lost their jobs. We now have the situation that whereas 15 years ago there were 1,650 roadworkers, we now have less than 450, and this has been the pattern throughout the country. I believe that a mistake has been made, that more than the tarring of roads should be taken into consideration, and grants should be given for the purpose of having county roads better done because we have the extraordinary situation in which main roads, arterial roads, are being brought up to a very high standard while the feeder roads, because the necessary money is not available, have of necessity to be left in a pretty bad state. This could be avoided. I think the Department might try to do something about it.

I wonder why something has not been done about deciding on priorities with regard to roads. It is nearly seven years since they started to decide on the roads which were the most important, but we find that some roads are carrying a very heavy load of traffic for which no grant is given because somebody has decided that they are not important. When one asks for a decision in this regard, one is told that there are other things to be done and eventually they get around to deciding on the priority which a road should get. The result is that these roads are left and then, in the summer time particularly, it is found that some of these roads to and from the coast are unable to carry the traffic and it does not appear to be possible to get any money to spend on them at all.

Signposting is something which I have mentioned here on a number of occasions. Local authorities should be notified every year in the spring that there is no point in having signposts of any kind—whether they are notices about the type of road, bad corners or narrow bridges—if there is an inch of dirt on the signs. Surely it is not too much to ask local authorities to wash the signs? If they have not got the price of the paint to paint them, the least they could do is to wash them so that people can read the directions. I know that we have the vandals to whom reference has already been made who think it is a great thing to throw stones at signs of every kind and worse than that, and I was a victim of it myself a couple of weeks ago, to turn the signpost around and point it in the wrong direction. Local authorities should be warned that even if there are not many tourists in the country this year, a situation in which a tourist who comes along watching for signs and follows such a signpost, only to find that he has gone ten to 20 miles out of his way, is not good enough and an effort should be made by the local authorities at a reasonable time to check these signposts and set them in the right direction. They have officials who travel around from one area to another and they should be able to see these things.

I have referred also to another very simple matter—some people may not consider it terribly important but every Member of the House who drives in the country will agree that it is important—the matter of an effort being made to ensure that, even on the narrow roads, there is a proper view provided at corners. It may simply mean cutting down a bit of a tree, a bush or high grass. Those of us who travel around a lot find that there are many places where the view is completely obscured by reason of the fact that whoever is responsible for the area does not cut down the grass or whatever other obstruction it may be. Many accidents can be avoided by having this done properly.

I want to place on record my appreciation of the Minister's speech which covered a wide range of matters affecting the lives of the people. Deputy Tully was critical of the fact that a statement by the Minister was not made inside the House. The Minister availed of a very appropriate opportunity to make his statement, the opening of an additional block to the Father Scully housing complex in Gardiner Street. The Government subscribed towards it but it was largely a voluntary effort. I, indirectly, was involved in helping towards the achievement of their aims. I have been a long time interested in public affairs. I have seen Governments come and go. When there was a Coalition Government there were Ministers speaking on various topics but, unfortunately, they spoke in divers tongues. I do not think Deputy Tully should be critical of the Minister for Local Government for availing of an opportunity that presented itself to announce very welcome improvements in the eligibility limits for loans and grants.

More recently than that I heard Ministers speaking in divers tongues—Haughey, Boland and Blaney.

I welcome the statement of the Minister in regard to the increase in the income limits for loans and grants. The ceiling is being raised.

I would ask the Minister, when replying, to deal with corporation tenants. As the result of economic development, circumstances of corporation tenants improve and they may like to buy a new house but for that purpose they are restricted to the income level fixed by the Department and overtime is taken into account. If their income exceeds the statutory limit they do not get the supplementary grant. The Minister should be generous and waive that requirement in relation to corporation tenants who wish to purchase new houses. This would mean that the vacated houses would be available for those on the waiting list.

In his introductory statement the Minister referred to the appalling rate of road accidents—a matter with which we are all concerned. The events that are taking place in the other part of the country are headlined in the newspapers but there is an equivalent number of persons being killed or injured on the roads in this part of the country and that fact passes unnoticed. The number of deaths on the road average ten per week and there are thousands being injured. I would ask the Minister to tell us whether he envisages any positive policy being implemented to arrest these road accidents that affect so many families. I would ask him to consider approaching the petrol companies who advertise on television and represent speed as the optimum. These advertisements lead to an irresponsible attitude on the part of motorists that is reflected in road accidents.

Seventy-eight per cent of road accidents are attributed to alcohol.

These multi-millionaire companies have a grave responsibility. I should like to see them devoting money to the promotion of road safety rather than to advertising the speed potential of their product.

Deputy Tully was critical of what had been done in regard to housing. I did not make an exact note of his remarks. I am sure he will bear with me. In the last few years there was a financial squeeze and a cement strike but considerable progress was made in the matter of housing. We can all argue about figures but the figures for Dublin city show that while in one year a smaller number of tenancy houses were built, a large number of purchase houses were provided. It is very desirable that people should be encouraged to buy their houses.

A constituent of mine recently told me that the rent he was being charged was almost £8 a week, representing between one-fourth and one-fifth of his income. It used to be accepted that one-sixth of income was the correct proportion. There should be an examination of the high rents that are being charged. In some cases they are as high as £7 and £8 a week. A man and his wife must have a family in order to qualify for a corporation house. Such a high rent is an unfair burden to impose on a man with a wife and two children. There should be an examination of the rents structure which causes such dissatisfaction in the city. The system of rents should be restructured so as to relieve the burden on young people with increasing family responsibilities. In some of the more mature areas of the city the rents are not as high as they are in the new estates which are so far removed from the city centre. Persons in these estates must also bear the cost of transport to the city and suffer the shortcomings that new estates experience while awaiting the provision of full services.

I welcome the discussions taking place today between the representatives of NATO and the Dublin city manager. I hope they will prove fruitful. I know the corporation officials are sympathetic to the tenants generally and that they are doing their best to help them. There are anomalies in the rents structure which create problems. I do not wish to go into the matter in any great detail except to say that I hope today's discussions will help to relieve the situation generally.

There are only one or two other points I wish to raise and they affect north-east Dublin. One refers to unfinished estates. There are some defects in the Planning Acts and the developers do not measure up to their responsibilities. Residents' associations in some cases take extreme action. I have been at a number of meetings in Coolock where there has been a probblem extending over the past seven years. I did not advise the residents to do so but others did and extreme action was resorted to with the result that a number of cases are to come before the courts arising from unfinished development. I suggest that the Minister should arm local authorities with sufficient powers to prevent such situations arising. I might say it is very embarrassing, particularly for a member of the Government party, to attend these meetings at which other people who have a different point of view seem to hold one responsible for some defect in legislation which went unnoticed at the time.

There is also the question of open spaces in corporation estates. Dublin Corporation have power to provide generous open spaces in housing estates but there is a defect regarding the provision of facilities for young people to undress. Many of these open spaces lack pavilions and I was approached some months ago by responsible people in Coolock where there is a fine open space but no facilities for young people who have to undress in the open because of the absence of a pavilion. I hope this will be provided immediately. The official view of the Department is that this is a long term matter. It took many years to provide such facilities in Fairview Park and the same applies to Donnycarney and other localities. I suggest that pavilion facilities should be provided and that they should be included in contracts. This would eliminate a lot of discontent in the communities concerned.

I should like to refer briefly to the housing programme. In Dublin there has been consistent progress but we have had the backlash of migration from the provinces which has aggravated our problem. We are doing our best to deal with it, notwithstanding the present lack of a platform—there is no city council—to discuss the matter. The corporation are making great inroads in the matter of housing not alone in the provision of houses for people with young families but also on a purchase basis. They also provide sites on which people can build their own houses. I understand 1,500 have already been provided and that large areas have been made available in Finglas, Tallaght and elsewhere.

In this respect nobody can point a finger of criticism at the Government's record in regard to housing in this city. As one who has been in public life for many years and who has witnessed the slum areas of Dublin, I can say that the Government's record has been excellent. I listened to James Larkin at a public meeting at the corner of Cathal Brugha Street congratulating the people on their patience at that time and on how they brought up their families in such appalling conditions. There were great families brought up in those areas, ten of them to a house. Thank God we had Fianna Fáil Governments through the years to eliminate all of that from our city.

All of it?

I wish to raise a few points that affect my constituency, County Mayo and the west of Ireland in general. The county rate in Mayo this year is £8.25 in the £. We have to pay £2.80 in the £ for roads, 26p for public assistance, 23p for sanitary services, 63p for general purposes and so on. The rate in Mayo is very high. Mayo is an isolated county, far removed from this capital city. Last night I attended an estimates meeting in Castlebar——

——and we had something in the region of £45,000 which could not be collected. We had given relief in rates to the tune of £51,000. The ratepayers in Mayo face an impossible burden. I do not know how small shopkeepers will survive. The supermarkets are helping to kill them just as the burden of the rates is helping to kill them. The policy seems to be "super" everything—in commerce, in health, in education and everything else. All this must have a deleterious effect on a county like Mayo.

We have the worst roads in the country. We have 950 miles of untarred roads. Because of the increased cost of machinery, labour, materials and everything else less work is being done on the roads. Every week I have anything up to ten young lads coming to me looking for work. I write to the engineers but there is no work available. The only solution for these young lads is emigration to do seasonal work in Britain. That is how they manage to survive and how they manage to help their families. That is the pattern all over the west of Ireland, including the Parliamentary Secretary's county, over which I travelled extensively during the by-election.

The Minister's family originated in County Mayo and I should like him to give a little more consideration to the people in Mayo. Outside the county one can travel at 60 to 80 miles an hour on the road; inside the county one has to reduce speed by at least 25 miles an hour if one wishes to survive. The grants given are utterly inadequate. Recently on radio I had occasion to speak about the condition of the roads leading to Knock shrine. Thousands of pilgrims and tourists visit this shrine.

Access roads to the shrine are in a shocking condition. Recently a decision was taken to change the primary roads. On whose authority was this decision taken? The road to Roscommon and Ballyhaunis was a first-class primary road. Why has it been changed? I doubt if any other part of the country carries the number of pilgrims and tourists that Mayo carries to Knock shrine. Every year the number is increasing. Special grants should be given for the roads in this area.

The roads at the moment are in a dangerous condition and serious accidents have occurred despite the care taken by motorists. The Minister will have to insist that his colleague, the Minister for Finance, gives him sufficient money to have the roads properly surfaced. The Minister may say that increased grants are available. Really these grants are useless. They are barely sufficient to scratch the surface.

We hear a great deal from the Government about the marvellous work Fianna Fáil Governments have done in the matter of housing. Our houses in the west are as good, if not better, than houses in many other parts of the country. A great many of the houses in Mayo were built with the money sent home by emigrants from Britain and the United States of America. The Government did not help in any way to provide those houses but, thank God, in the west of Ireland we have a great number of them. Yet, we have many people there needing houses but the people to whom my sympathy goes out now are the young men wishing to get married and set up homes for themselves. How can a young man who gets a job at £20 or £30 a week and has so much income tax deducted buy a site and build a house and face a debt of £3,000 loan on a small salary and also rear a family? Let us be realistic.

The grants the Minister's Department are giving are nothing more than a bonus to a contractor and until the Minister realises that at least £1,500 in grants should be given in those cases, particularly to a young married man prepared to build his own house, the situation will not improve. It is that type of man who is determined to live in this country who is an asset and should be looked after. Raising the figure from £3,000 to £3,400 is not sufficient. I have five young lads and I wonder what will be their situation when they grow up. How will they fare if they have to go to the Department or the local authority, first raise a loan of £3,500 to build a house, then pay interest on that loan, pay rates which at present are £8.30 and which will be £10 in a few years in County Mayo? How can they rear families there? It is completely beyond their capacity. The Minister is a west of Ireland man and knows all these problems and he should consider this. I consider it a most appalling situation into which to put our youth in the future. I do not know what will happen as a result.

While we have accepted many modern American ideas, if a young man wants to marry, no matter what debt he incurs or how he will pay it, he must get a house. If he has to wait to save half the amount of money needed to build that house he will be an old man before he will be able to save it under modern conditions. I am not satisfied with the grants that are payable which are only a bonus to a contractor. The young man with the wage to which I have referred does not get the increased grant, even though he has an extreme housing problem, until he gets married but it is not so easy to marry until your house is built. Regardless of the extreme housing problem you cannot get this increased grant, this £900, until you have your house built and, further, until you are married and in that house. This is poor help for the young man who has to provide a home, get married and live on a small salary when he is crippled with income tax at the beginning. There is no time in a young man's or woman's life when he or she needs money more than in the first four or five years after starting work in order to set up a home. This is and should be the ambition of every young boy and girl, as I am sure it is.

We have several housing problems in County Mayo. The amount we have paid out in reconstruction and supplemental grants in the county is nobody's business. All these have been availed of but we have a declining population and as a result there are many old people and essential repair grants have to be given. Also, prefabricated houses have to be provided for these old people for the few years left to them. I must tell the Minister there has been a slight delay in his Department in sanctioning some of these things, particularly the prefabricated houses for elderly people in Mayo. There was also a delay in regard to local authority housing in my town, Claremorris. A few years ago we applied to the Department for sanction to build ten council houses and the Department would sanction only six. We have three industries there at present. A tender was accepted for the six houses a year ago and then the contractor pulled out. Therefore, the six houses are now as far from being built as they were three years ago although the land was acquired about five years ago.

If this is the system we are asked to tolerate it is about time there was some way of dealing with a contractor who tenders for houses and then pulls out in three or four months if he is dissatisfied. There should be some penalty. We are only depriving young men with large families of housing. This sort of thing must stop. We are trying to provide serviced sites in Kiltimagh, Swinford, Ballyhaunis, Foxford and Charlestown. The Minister has made a regulation against ribbon development and has said that you must not have extra access to first class primary roads or second class primary roads. How can you expect a young man, where there is not a serviced site available, to go into a town or urban area and pay £500, £600 or £1,000 for a site when he can get one in the country for a few hundred pounds? The Minister will insist on implementing the county development plan. How can he expect this man to buy a site for £1,000 in a town in County Mayo? Nobody matters as much as the young man who is prepared to get a job, live in this country and get married. He is the man who should be looked after. He has my sympathy because he is facing the future with a great burden.

I come now to the question of water and sewerage. The Minister for Local Government gives us a certain amount of money for water and sewerage. Kilkelly, in my constituency, has a population of 900 people. They have been looking for sewerage for 12 years and still have not got it. The Minister will probably say the local authority are responsible. I can assure him they are not responsible. If the money were given to us we could do these things. I would like the Minister to say: "We have not got the money". I discussed a similar matter with the Minister for Health in the House last week and he said: "We have any amount of money for health". I do not want any Minister to say something that I believe is wrong. He should give us the facts and not play a political game. We are all public representatives and we must be honest with the people who support us. If the Minister responsible is honest with us and if we get the facts we can go back and our people will accept that the money is not there but there is no use in bluffing. It is the duty of every local authority to provide those services. If they fall down the responsibility must rest with the Minister or with that local authority. There are many delays in the sanctioning of group water schemes too. I should like the Minister to sanction group water schemes as quickly as he can. He has generously increased the grants. I must compliment him on that. There is no use in criticising a man, a Government or a Department all the time. Water is the most essential thing. We need it first thing in the morning and last thing at night.

I come now to the local improvements scheme. In Mayo last year we got £140,000. The Minister's allocation to us this year is £60,000. We provided no money for drainage in the last few years. That was a majority decision of the county council. This year we allocated a quarter of the money for drainage. A sum of £15,000 for drainage in Mayo means nothing. We got no grant towards arterial drainage. We are facing entry into the EEC and the farmers have to buy expensive manures which can be washed away because the land is not drained. I cannot understand why the Minister reduced the amount this year. This is something that affects our economy. If we do not get sufficient money for drainage there is no use in farmers putting manure on their lands because it will be washed away. All political parties on Mayo County Council are sadly disappointed with the Minister. I would ask him to increase that grant so that the farmers in Mayo will benefit. The country as a whole will benefit from this scheme and it will be money well spent.

I should like to mention the Minister's announcement in relation to the increase in loans and the raising of the ceiling for supplementary grants and loans. I should like to hear the Minister indicate that money will be available to meet the demand that now appears to be stimulated and which has, according to the Minister's figures, increased substantially over the past year. It is very heartening that more people now tend to purchase their own homes. The only regret I have is that more tenants of local authorities, particularly of Dublin Corporation, have not up to now purchased their homes. However, the tenants' organisations are responsible to a large degree for inflicting severe hardship on quite a number of tenants. In the early stages of the scheme, there was a desire on the part of political parties and individuals in this House and in Dublin Corporation to ensure that the tenants of corporation houses would have an opportunity of purchasing their homes at a reasonable price. At that stage a very attractive scheme was launched by Dublin Corporation. Many people availed of it but not as many as members of the corporation at that time hoped. The tenants' associations indicated that people should delay the purchase of their homes. It is regrettable that many of these people are now asked to pay £1,000 more for their homes than they would have had to pay if they had purchased earlier. This is due to the stupidity of the tenants' organisations at that time, who tried to ensure that the scheme would be a failure. The people who listened to them are now at a loss of something in the region of £1,000. That is quite a substantial amount of money for a corporation tenant to pay out of his own pocket. Nevertheless, many of these people have now decided to purchase at the higher price because they consider there is still an amount of good value to be obtained.

I want to say to the people who have made their applications to Dublin Corporation in the last few days, prior to the closing date, that it is in their interests to complete the purchase of their homes as soon as possible and so become owners of their homes and no longer hear the cries of people who wanted to wreck this scheme and deprive people of an opportunity to purchase their homes, namely the tenants' organisations. I am sure many of these organisations have had second thoughts now. Many of them are aware of the stupid mistakes they made and are aware that they created a great hardship for the weaker section of the community, the people who were offered houses at very good value at that early stage. I want to say, nevertheless, that there has been a substantial number of applications for the purchase of houses in the corporation schemes which have been widely publicised recently, before any further increases take place. As a public representative I would urge them to accept as soon as possible and ensure that they get this particular service and the opportunity to purchase their own homes at a reasonable rate.

It is regretable that this happened. Every effort should now be made by responsible public representatives to ensure that when local authorities introduce realistic purchase schemes the tenants are advised of the merits of the schemes before it is too late, taking into consideration the type of situation which has been brought about by people who tried to wreck a particular scheme.

It is heartening to see so many people trying to purchase their own homes and to see the local authorities with this house purchase schemes. The one which was launched by Dublin Corporation recently has, I understand, attracted several thousand applicants for the houses available on small deposits. This further increase given by the Minister will make the position even more attractive to corporation tenants, people on the approved waiting list and young people getting married in the future will have the opportunity of having a realistic loan available to purchase a house together with the other aids of the the local authorities and the State.

It is necessary to point out in the city at the moment the operation of the land bank which has been of great benefit. I hope it will continue and that it will get further support from the Minister. Every effort should be made to ensure that a substantial land bank is available so that there can be continuity of the housing programme. Some houses now on the land bank are being sold at £4,700 and £4,800. People on the local authority waiting list, or existing tenants, have the opportunity of receiving a special grant of £200 and a special reduction of £200 in regard to the site. They will also have the supplementary grant, which in general is £243, plus the larger loan which is now available. This leads to a small deposit on houses started in recent times or on those about to start. Deposits in the future will be in the region of £600 to £700 for modestly priced houses. I believe a number of those will be built. The Minister should urge the city manager and Dublin Corporation to purchase more land which will be available for houses. There will thus be continuity in the building trade and we will have houses at a reasonable rate for those who need them.

I would like to say, however, that the loan increase is a little bit late. With the rise in wages which is likely to take place in the future this may be a way of short circuiting the situation because many people will get wage increases in the next few months and they will only qualify for the additional house facilities which are now given. It is in the interests of those people who will qualify for a short period, for houses built between now and the time they get the increase, to ensure that they make their stand and purchase their own homes. Those who feel they will go over the limits now set have at least the opportunity of assessing the situation and purchasing at this stage. While the increase was a generous one I would like to have seen it come some months ago.

I do not know if the supplementary grant will be increased. I have no more information than what I read in the paper. It did not indicate any increase in the supplementary grant. I hope this aspect of the situation will be reviewed from time to time and that it will not be allowed to drift on a long-term basis. The last review was not too long ago but nevertheless there were substantial increases in living costs and also in the wages of the applicants. There were some people outside the scope of the scheme because of that. I hope the houses will be within the reach of people who could not purchase them before. I fully support the corporation scheme for the purchase of houses and I urge people to avail of it.

In relation to other factors there is the question of the planning authorities and the problems that impede this kind of development of which we have a number. The most important is in relation to a two-months period which must elapse before the planning authority give a decision. Some decision could be arrived at in 24 hours or 48 hours. I do not see any reason why local authorities insist that they must take two months to consider a planning application. Some planning applications should be considered within the two-months period. The situation which has developed of looking for additional information makes the whole planning situation farcical. If they are not able to cope with the situation further personnel should be employed. When there is greater production of houses and there is the desire of builders to build more houses they should not be impeded by the planning authority.

The Minister should take serious consideration of the situation which has impeded many people. Two months makes a big difference to a small builder but it also can make a difference to a big builder where sites are at stake. If a man is held up for two months, and then a further two months, because of additional information being required, the price of the site can go up considerably. We often find that for some frivolous reason a planning application is turned down because two officials in the same Department do not see eye to eye with each other. The person who makes the planning application suffers because of this. The consequence of that is that the price of houses rises simply because of a disagreement between two people working in the planning office. One person does not want to go to the other in relation to some problem and it is knocked right away. The whole situation in relation to planning applications should get urgent attention. The situation where two months is insisted upon, together with this additional information, which now becomes part and parcel of the whole set up, makes the whole position, as I said before, farcical. Where small builders are concerned two or three months can be very damaging. Attention must be given to this point. Local authorities which have their own land banks and who are the planners in an area, where permission has been given to develop, should be able to give permission in hours rather than months. The period for objections would be the only relevant one in such a situation. Legislation should be introduced to ensure that where local authorities decide on a land bank project, where they own and develop the land, and lease it to small builders on a local authority basis, the housing concerned should be regarded as local authority housing and the third party objectors should not be able to impede the developments.

In this city there were cases where people objected to every single planning application made in certain areas. Every application was opposed by one or two individuals for the purpose of impeding development or because a petty hobbyhorse of theirs was not getting the attention they felt it should get. Where third party objections are deliberate, the result is to keep people out of homes. The Minister should ensure that this cannot happen. People who need homes have been adversely affected by such third party objectors. Where land banks are concerned, the Minister should ensure that third party objectors should be treated in a different manner to objectors to ordinary planning proposals. Where there are land banks the land development is usually complete. A lesser period of objection should be laid down where local authority housing is concerned. The longer period of objection results in a situation in which a person may have an unfair opportunity to object to some development because he does not like a particular contractor or a person who wants to carry out an addition to his home. Amending legislation should be brought in to eliminate such delays.

Dublin Corporation have made great progress. People have criticised their developments in recent times but they have a substantial programme under way. At present they are building 2,194 houses. It is desirable that we should indicate the type of progress being made in Dublin with the assistance of the Government, the Minister for Local Government, the city manager and the housing department. The situation is somewhat in hand. I had hoped that the number of tenancy developments would have increased somewhat. Nevertheless, the corporation have a fairly creditable record. At the moment there are purchase schemes in three areas—Tallaght, Donaghmede and Finglas. They represent a total of 1,024 dwellings. Tenancy houses are being built at Kilbarrack East, Tallaght and Kilbarrack West 1 and 2. They are also being built at Holylands, Rathfarnham and at Tallaght East and at Howth 4 and 5. They are being built in Finglas and at Kilbarrack 3 (a) and Kilbarrack West. A total of 2,316 dwellings is involved. There are flat schemes at Tallaght East and North Circular Road, Grangegorman, Fenian Street and Popular Row. They account for another 358 dwellings. That makes a total of 3,698 dwellings. That is a fairly creditable record which indicates clearly the progress made since many of us who were members of the corporation tried to ensure that people who were unable to purchase houses of their own would have an opportunity of getting homes from the local authority.

There is a population problem in the city. The housing reports show that housing due to commence at Kilbarrack and Baldoyle accounts for 306 houses and 16 houses respectively. Building tenders submitted to the Department of Local Government in respect of Gardiner Lane and Francis Street relate to 24 flats. Building tenders were also received in respect of 20 flats at Power's Court and in respect of 37 flats at Convent View, Cabra. There are plans for 12 flats at North William Street and for 12 flats in Rathfarnham. There are plans for 60 dwellings at Rathfarnham and for eight dwellings at Cappagh, Finglas. Plans exist for 102 dwellings at Rutland Street and for 66 at Kilbarrack. There are plans for site developments in two stages at Darndale 1 and Darndale 2 for 469 and 359 houses respectively. Development works are due to commence in Finglas and the South Tolka Valley for 1,445 houses. There are development plans for 344 houses at Cherry Orchard and for 612 houses at Ballycorus.

This represents several years' work for operatives in the building trade. The corporation development ensures workers of continuity of employment for a considerable number of years. There are CPOs before the Minister in connection with the acquisition by the local authorities of other lands. People who work in the building trade know that there will be work for them for years to come. Additional sites will be made available. Developments will take place. People in the building trade need have no worries about the construction programme of the Dublin Corporation. There will be a reduction in the waiting lists shortly.

The population of Dublin in 1966 was 795,000. The forecast for 1986 is 1,125,000. That represents an increase of 42 per cent. The money spent on housing should be increased on a pro rata basis. Dublin is carrying a large load from other counties. I do not wish to see the amount of money allocated to other counties reduced, but Dublin will require a very substantial amount of money to meet the housing needs for the population which has been forecast. It is agreed that the forecasts of population are realistic. We must get an assurance that money will be available to Dublin for the development of the city. With a greater population we will need more money in order to meet the housing needs. From the figures I have mentioned for private site development we see there is a very substantial programme in progress here, but with the population change the effectiveness of this programme will diminish if it is not stepped up further. Certain Deputies here like my colleague, Deputy Seán Moore, have devoted much time and energy over the years, together with other members of Dublin Corporation, to this work of ensuring that the weaker sections would have homes in five or 10 years by long-range planning. I hope we shall have the assurance of the Minister that this long-range planning and stepping up of production will not be impeded for lack of finance. If he does not give that assurance there is a doubt about ever reaching the stage of easing the housing problem at local authority level.

Short-term housing schemes have their usefulness and meet the requirements of the times. We have one such short term scheme in Ballymun which met the requirements of a particular time. It is regrettable that some people come into this House and condemn a scheme in relation to present-day requirements and pressures. The pressures today are completely different from the pressures of that time. The efforts of the Minister and the Department to relieve the situation which resulted from the demolition of a substantial number of derelict houses in the city, when there were 3,000 families on the waiting list, met the requirements of that time but people who at one stage applauded this scheme under certain conditions now condemn it by reference to present-day conditions. I do not think that is justifiable. Experience has shown us that short-term schemes are not always the answer and that schemes must be on a long-term basis.

There are a number of other ways in which building is impeded at the moment. The ESB are the biggest blackmailers in this country in relation to building development. They apply all sorts of pressure on builders before service will be provided. This is something the Minister must examine in great detail. House prices have been increased as a result of these pressures, and I hope the Minister will ensure that monopolies like the ESB cannot blackmail people by providing fittings and services that are not required. In Tallaght a person has been living in a house for two months without electricity, notwithstanding the fact that the house had been finished for six months. There is another case in Nutgrove, Rathfarnham, where not so long ago Deputy Moore and myself were told that a builder wanted a supply line to houses in order to let tenants in; on one side of the road there was a group of ESB workers putting in a temporary supply line at a substantial cost to the builder, which the people who went into the houses had to pay eventually; while on the other side of the road another group of ESB workers were working on permanent power lines to the same houses. This is a farcical situation and is one of the things causing distress among people who are making an effort to solve the housing problem. If this is a scheme designed to derive further income for the ESB, the Minister should tell them to halt and provide the service for which they are being paid. If they are not getting enough for their services they have the remedy of increasing the charges but not blackmail of this type.

There are many other factors impeding building, and I am quite sure the Minister is aware of them; they have been mentioned all too often in many places up to now. I have not seen any action taken and I hope action will be taken now. One impediment is in relation to sewerage services. I refer particularly to the Grand Canal in my own constituency. I am glad the Minister has indicated that the scheme will now proceed. All that the delay in commencing this scheme has done is to keep more people out of homes for a greater period than was necessary, at a colossal cost to the State. Whether the canal could be maintained or not was another matter. If it was used at that period it could have been reconstructed in a much better and more substantial way than at the moment. I hope the Board of Works who are to take it over will do a better job than has been done by other authorities in recent times.

It is a disgrace that this scheme should have been delayed for ten or 15 years. There were two types of people involved. On the one hand, there was the person with the fur coat and the pleasure boat and, on the other hand, there was the person with no home. I would back the person with no home every time. These people got their way to the extent that the scheme has been delayed, and now that it is about to start I hope there will be no further impediment to the development which is both necessary and desirable if we are to have more homes. The same delay occurred in relation to the great industrial development in Ballyfermot, Walkinstown, Bluebell and Tallaght, merely because of the cries of a few people. This is one of the disgraceful features of the fifties, that a small group of people who were comfortable themselves, who did not live in a two-room or single-room flat but lived in nine or 10-roomed mansions, probably far removed from the city, could influence people to hold up a desirable scheme of this nature. It was held up by those people and by a few politicians too.

This had a big bearing on people in my constituency from an employment point of view. In the Ballyfermot industrial estate and the industrial estate in south County Dublin only certain types of industries could be developed. Many industrialists examined the sites. The sites were suitable and there was a large force of suitable labour in the Ballyfermot, Inchicore and Drimnagh areas. When they discussed the matter with the planning authorities or the local authority, the industrialists found that the amount of space available in the sewer was not large enough to meet their requirements. If it was an industry with a high acid content in the waste it could not be developed in that area. The industrial estates in Ballyfermot and on the south side in general have a low employment content because of the type of industries that had to be set up there. Far more people could be employed nearer to their homes had they been developed on a long-term basis. There is no use providing sites unless services are provided.

The same applies to the future development of large housing estates. In a very short space of time it will not be possible to get into Tallaght or Blanchardstown and other areas because of a lack of roads. Unless the roads are there to take the traffic generated by large scale industrial estates and housing developments, the position becomes unreal. I am quite certain that within the next 12 months the road from Tallaght into Templeogue will be unable to take the traffic and we will have large traffic back-ups. We now go to work by radio rather than having a free and easy passage along the highway. We have to switch on the radio to find out where the traffic jams are. Unless roads are provided on the perimeter of the city, immediately and as a top priority, all these schemes will be ineffective and transport costs will be increased. To get to and from industrial centres it is necessary to have roads. The Minister should examine the decision on the by-pass road from Tallaght and have this work started at an earlier date than is now anticipated. I understand that it will be several years before this by-pass road is provided. Several thousand dwellings are being erected in an area at the moment and what have they to service them? One small road.

We do not want a situation in which newly-built roads have to be ripped up week after week by the ESB, the Post Office, the Gas Company or other concerns which are supplying services. We should ensure that when the roads are provided they are not tampered with, making some of them very dangerous, as they are at the moment. New roads which were provided six months ago now have to be cut with mechanical cutters to lay services that should have been laid when the road was being laid. This is a farcical situation. Who suffers? The people living in the houses. The roads are lifted up in front of their houses and there is large scale disruption for a considerable time. The Minister should pay particular attention to these by-pass roads. Sometimes people have to live in houses without electricity for two months. Perhaps in two months time I will have to tell the House that people have been living without electricity for four months. This should not be allowed to happen.

Normally they are told: "Your application is lost. Did you put one in? There is some mix-up somewhere." You ring up another department and you are told: "No, we do not deal with that." I rang this morning the station that should service the Tallaght estate and I was told: "As soon as we get word from the people above we will be able to proceed." I asked: "What is their number?" and the answer was: "He is not in today so there is no point in ringing him. Ring him tomorrow." This is not the type of thing that leads to comprehensive development. These people should have their services dovetailed. They should ensure that their services are provided without blackmail. I should like to impress upon the Minister that roads are just as important as sewerage, water supply and the other services necessary for large scale developments. If we are realistic about it these developments will take place in conjunction with one another. I understand that it will be several years before there is sufficient development in Tallaght to meet the problems there.

The traffic problem to which the corporation have given quite a considerable amount of attention in recent times is made more difficult by another section of the corporation or the local authority. One section are devoting all their time and energy to keeping the traffic flowing and another section, because of a lack of long-term planning, are ensuring that the first section are kept going at full speed at all times because of their backlog. This is unreal. Maybe there is consultation but there should be more consultation. The long-term needs should be examined to see how all the problems should be dovetailed.

This sewer will satisfy me because it is in my constituency. It will service the land adjacent to my constituency and it will enable people to work near their homes. While that may satisfy me, there are probably Deputies in other areas who will have the same problems in five or six years time as I have now. I hope they will ensure that the services will be provided within the shortest time possible. I said that one goes to work by radio now. Soon, unless you have a radio in your car, you will not be able to get home at all, and everybody has not got a radio. You have to tune in in the evening to find out where the hold-ups are. They are many and they are fairly substantial.

The pollution problem in my constituency will probably be eased to some degree by this scheme which will take a couple of years to complete. In the meantime, people living close to the River Camac, which is an open sewer and a disgrace to our city, have to suffer. I understand from Dublin Corporation that the Camac will not be culverted because of the expense involved. The Department of Local Government should try to influence the corporation to carry out some sort of culverting on this open sewer. When I was a member of the Dublin Corporation, members had many motions before the council asking the corporation to ensure that the Camac would be culverted. The health of many people living on the banks of the Camac has been affected as a result of pollution. It is rather regrettable that the pollution from one local authority area can float in and be harmful to the health of those in another area.

The people in the areas of Inchicore, Mount Brown and right down to the Liffey should not have to endure the odour that comes from the Camac. On a hot summer's day if one set out from Leinster House one would not need a map to get to the Camac. One would get to it if one had any sense of smell at all. People over a wide area far removed from that river can get the fumes that come from this sewer in the hot weather. Foodstuffs have been contaiminated in the past.

I remember on one occasion asking the city medical officer to do something because of the high incidence of pollution. He had the matter examined and said that it was not dirty, notwithstanding the fact that there is no fish life there. I am certain that even the rats cannot live in it. The colour of the Camac is an indication of its high state of pollution, but the city manager told us at that time—notwithstanding the fact that the water had been examined by three different experts, both from this country and from outside it, and all agreed that it was extremely dirty— that it was not dirty; but the fact that there is no fish life there, that the water is blue in colour, that the banks are full of slime, coupled with the terrible odour from it, are indications of its state.

I do not think any community should have to suffer this condition and another effort should be made to ensure that this river gets the attention it deserves from the point of view of industrial waste. I do not want to see long-established industries closed down because of the discharge of industrial waste. I know that efforts are at the moment being made by the planning authority and the Minister's Department to ensure that new industries will provide adequate safeguards against the pollution of rivers but, nevertheless, I think that now, with the technical advances made and the services and knowledge available in other countries, some system could be made available which would eliminate this terrible problem in this river, and more especially so by reason of industrial pollution. Pollution of this nature breeds other types of pollution in that people have foul sewers and other materials are drained freely into the polluted river. If the Camac was not polluted, many of the drains and inlets to it, with their injurious materials, would not be there because they would be detected at an early stage, if the water was pure, and appropriate action would be taken to ensure that the water remained fairly free.

I would ask the Minister and his Department to have another look at the Camac. I can produce to the Minister a number of reports made to the corporation over a number of years which indicate that this work should and must be done. Notwithstanding these, the corporation have now decided to take no further action because of the immense cost. One should not measure in terms of money problems of health hazards and the local authority, and possibly the Government, should be generous in relation to these highly polluted streams such as the Camac and ensure that the hazard is eliminated. If it is not, I will be back again next year, le cúnamh Dé, and I will have much more to say on the Camac because I will come well prepared with the reports on this matter.

In connection with the Housing Act of 1966, I want to mention a matter which I raised here on many occasions over the past five or six years. It is in connection with section 63 of the Act which relates to overcrowding in houses. It is about time the Minister amended this section because it is a section which needs to be amended. In fairness to him, I should say that I probably have not raised the matter with him but I did raise it with other Ministers. The section means that a person with a two-room flat who is sleeping in one room, a small room which is regarded as sleeping accommodation. can qualify for local authority accommodation while a person sleeping in one room of the same size as that room is not taken into consideration. There have been many occasions on which this section has been interpreted in this manner.

It is wrong that a person living in two rooms should be able to get accommodation as against the person living in one room, but this is what the Act sets out. We know that in tenement houses the person living in the large room there is also sleeping in it, eating in it and living in it and has no other accommodation. The size of that room is taken into consideration as being the room in which the family sleep. If, on the other hand, the person upstairs has a room, plus a smaller room, the smaller one is deemed to be the one to which the free air space relates. This seems to be completely ridiculous, that because a person sleeps in the particular room, having only one, he should be at a disadvantage as compared with the person who has two rooms.

This is completely wrong and the section should be amended at an early stage to ensure that justice is done to many people who are being deprived because of it. I was assured by Ministers in the past that an amendment would be made and I wanted to put down a Private Members' Motion at one time and I was told: "We will do that; you do not have to bother," but it is still not done and people are being victimised.

I want now to deal with a group called Associated Properties. In the area I represent, and particularly Drimnagh, we have an organisation which owns houses. Some of these houses are let and others are for purchase. If you purchase your house, you can put your car in the garden but if you are a tenant, you cannot. This type of discrimination arises from two distinct problems. One is the design of the area. It is a very high density area and one which is not suitable for present-day traffic because of the narrowness of the roads, particularly in the Upper Drimnagh area. It is not suitable for the volume of traffic or the traffic flow. It was badly designed, the density being very high. The developers at the time were certainly on a good thing. They got this high density and were able to let the houses but now with the development of the motor car and people being able to purchase them, and with motor cars being a necessity because of the positions they hold, it is regrettable that this organisation insists on cars remaining on the road notwithstanding the fact that those who purchase their homes can park their cars in their gardens. This is discrimination. Appropriate action should be taken to deal with the traffic hazard created, particularly in the Brandon Road area and the Upper Drimnagh area. This action should be taken, not against the tenants or the Garda authorities, but against Associated Properties. The Department should examine this matter realistically.

I put down Parliamentary questions about this matter and received the nonsensical reply that the elimination of the traffic hazard is a matter for the Garda Síochána and the local authority. That reply does not satisfy me. Organisations that have received State grants and local authority grants towards building development are under an obligation to provide reasonable facilities for their tenants. It would be impossible for an ambulance or fire brigade to get through in some parts of this area. I challenge the Minister to say that an ambulance or fire brigade could get into some of the culs-de-sac that are jammed with cars because Associated Properties will not allow tenants to park their cars in their gardens. Dublin Corporation decided as a matter of policy to put double gates on the gardens of their houses so that people can take their cars off the road where garages are not provided.

Not very long ago a man had to be carried a considerable distance to an ambulance which could not get near his house. If an ambulance was unable to get through, a fire brigade engine would be unable to get through. This is a serious situation. An association that has been drawing rents over a period of years is under an obligation to ensure the free flow of traffic. I do not want the people to be victimised. The people have to suffer the consequences of badly planned roads in a high density area. There is plenty of garden space which could be used to park their cars.

In the event of a major disaster the local authorities, the Garda Síochána, the Department and others will provide a remedy but in the meantime the people have to suffer. Vandalism occurs to cars parked on the road. There is parking on only one side of the road. When one writes to Associated Properties about this matter, if one gets a reply, it is to the effect that efforts have been made to relieve the situation at corporation level and departmental level. The Garda Síochána have been helpful on every occasion in remedying the situation to the best of their ability without causing any great disturbance. The Department in conjunction with the corporation, or the corporation of themselves, should be able to devise a scheme to ensure that irresponsible organisations who victimise their tenants will be dealt with. This is bad estate management. In one section of the Drimnagh area the corporation allow tenants to park their cars off the road because of the traffic hazard that might otherwise be created and in another section the tenants are not allowed to do this. It would seem that Associated Properties want to force tenants out of their houses so that they can sell the houses at a profit. The market value of the houses has increased.

Is the Deputy alleging that it is the Department that is responsible?

There is a traffic hazard. Roads are the responsibility of the Department of Local Government. I want to ensure that the area is examined at an early stage. The traffic study group have carried out an examination and have agreed that there is a traffic hazard and have approached Associated Properties to allow the tenants to park in the gardens. Notwithstanding the fact that the study group, on which the Garda Síochána, CIE and Dublin Corporation were represented, agreed that there is a traffic hazard, Associated Properties still do not allow their tenants to park in their gardens. By pressurisation they want to dispossess people of their houses so that they can sell them at a substantial profit. Such an attitude should not be tolerated. I would ask the Minister to have the matter examined immediately so as to prevent a disaster. In the event of a disaster a solution will be found to the problem.

The acquisition of the road by the local authority would not solve the problem because this would mean a reduction in the size of the gardens and the cars would still be parked on the roads. The corporation should not be put to the expense of acquiring and widening the road. If Associated Properties were reasonable they would solve the problem. They have suggested that the corporation can solve the problem; the corporation have replied that they cannot.

I have already stated in correspondence with the city council that the traffic hazard is caused in order to induce people to leave these houses. It was suggested that these houses were not made for people with motor cars. There were no cars at the time these houses were built. How could they have been built for people with motor cars? This is the mentality. I want the Minister to examine the situation in the Brandon Road and Mangerton Road area. If the traffic study group were realistic in saying there was a traffic hazard, something should be done with unreasonable organisations such as Associated Properties. I have no axe to grind when I say that Associated Properties are acting unreasonably. They are creating a situation which may result in loss of life.

I am very pleased with the progress in housing output to date. A record number of houses were developed. The development last year in the housing programme was substantial and the indications for the future are good.

I would ask the Minister to pay particular attention to the points I have made, to ensure the elimination of the traffic problem in Drimnagh and to deal with the other problems I have mentioned.

There are a number of developments in the city being carried out by the local authority. In the case of flat schemes it would appear that some people can do what they like while others have to suffer. This applies particularly to persons on ground floors. A change of plan and layout is necessary and desirable. The planning authority should take notice of this aspect. Consequently many old people suffer hardships. The pattern is to accommodate them in flats at ground level and they are kept awake at night until long after the pubs have closed and the vandals have left the streets. I would suggest one means of easing the position of those old people. The corporation might appoint caretakers to supervise the flats until such time at night as it is possible for those people to get to sleep. It is a problem peculiar to nearly all corporation developments in Dublin. We all know that pressure has been brought to bear on the corporation by one political group who apparently want to allow football to be played in the streets.

I will confine my remarks on the Estimate to problems affecting my constituency. In County Monaghan we have a number of housing schemes. One is at Carrickmacross and the proposal was that the scheme would be completed in 1967 and the tenants were expected to take up occupation in the autumn of that year. Unfortunately, they will be lucky if they go into occupation this autumn. This is not the fault of Monaghan County Council but of the Minister for Local Government to whom plans were submitted years ago. Tenders were advertised for and received and when they were submitted to the Minister for sanction they were rejected on the grounds that the houses were much too costly.

If I recall correctly, the cost of the houses at that time was estimated at £3,500 each. The Minister said the council should reconsider the whole scheme with a view to erecting cheaper type houses. New plans were submitted for his approval, they were considered and the National Building Agency were consulted. Work was begun on some 114 houses.

I carried out a detailed examination of the houses recently. Many of them are nearing completion and I can say there is absolutely no comparison between them and the houses that were designed and submitted for tender originally. But the cost is roughly the same because of increases in the price of building materials between 1967 and this year.

I wish to complain seriously about this. We in local authorities are prepared to build houses for young men and women many of whom have got married, many of whom have to live in rented flats if they are able to avoid emigration because of lack of suitable accommodation in the areas where they were born and bred. Local authorities go through all the rounds of designing houses, preparing plans and submitting them for sanction. They come back unapproved from the Department of Local Government, the local authority have to go through the same procedure, finally submitting them for sanction a second time. Again, they are returned, possibly with the comment that the colour of the tiles should be different, that a door should be in one corner of a room instead of another or that there should be six panes on a window instead of five.

We all know that county councils employ staffs of excellent engineers. It is they who design and plan houses. They are fully qualified to do this and their work should not be continuously rejected by the engineers and architects in the Department. I suggest that the purpose of these rejections is not to ensure better class houses but because of a shortage of funds in the Department. Quibbles about the design and planning of housing schemes are just another way of shelving housing schemes. Would it not be much better if the Minister came out and admitted frankly to the local authorities that there was not any money at the time, that the schemes should be postponed and proceeded with later when money became available?

We are the people who are entrusted in local elections with the task of drawing up schemes for houses. We are the people in whom the electors have confidence. Yet, when we submit schemes to the Minister, for reasons best known to himself, he rejects them and very often we find ourselves ending up providing inferior houses for our young men and women.

There was one particular scheme of superior quality houses designed for Carrickmacross. Had that scheme been carried out many people would not have been driven into paying high rents for flats for the past three or four years. Indeed, some who were compelled to emigrate, mainly because of lack of housing, would now be living in these houses and contributing to the national economy; but, because the houses were of a superior type, the Minister decided they were too costly and the scheme was rejected.

What is the position now? We find ourselves with rows and rows of bleak looking houses with a small pipe on the roof as a chimney. And the real tragedy is that these houses cost roughly the same to build as would the houses of superior quality on the original plan. It is a shortsighted policy to reject a plan just because the money is not easily available at the particular time. There should be none of these delaying tactics, asking the local authority to reconsider the scheme, to cover the whole ground all over again, ground that it took two years to cover in the first instance. Apart altogether from the question of the deterioration in quality and design, or increased cost, this throws unnecessary work on to county council and Department of Local Government officials, officials who, one is led to believe, are already overworked. The plan is sent up to the Custom House, examined, sent back for re-consideration, resubmitted, rejected because of cost, delayed for four or five years; then a cheaper house is designed but, with the passage of time the cost of materials and wages has gone up and the cheaper house works out as dear, or dearer than the original superior quality and design house.

The whole system is ridiculous. I appeal to the Minister to take heed of what I say. The tactics I have outlined result in a completely false economy, to say nothing of our compelling people to live in inferior quality houses.

We have then the problem of water. Some time ago the Department of Local Government suggested a water supply scheme from a lake at Laragh, Castleblayney. We were told this lake would supply water to Carrickmacross and Iniskean in south Monaghan. The county council were quite prepared to go ahead. A couple of years went by and the whole thing seemed to fall through. Then it was suggested that the council should try to have a borehole well to augment the water supply. A substantial sum was spent. The project was unsuccessful because of the limestone content in the soil. The local schoolmaster has built a new house but he has no water supply. There are 114 new houses for which we have no water supply. The council are arranging to take water from a nearby lake but, as many of the 114 houses are practically finished, they will be without water for some considerable time to come. This is all because everything is put on the long finger. First, the water is to be piped from an adjacent lake, then a borehole is to be sunk, then some other lake is to be tapped. All this chopping and changing results in delaying tactics. The way in which people have solved their personal problems is worthy of note. The first thing they do, before going to work in the morning, is to journey out the country to a farmer's pump or well and bring home their own private supply of water.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 5th July, 1972.
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