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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 26 Feb 1975

Vol. 278 No. 8

Finance Bill, 1975: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

When we adjourned last night, I was dealing with the propaganda campaign that has been launched, the propaganda campaign which is usually launched every year in reference to the budget leading up to the Finance Bill. Usually this propaganda campaign is carried out by the better heeled sections of society. I suppose they have more to make or more to lose proportionately in relation to taxation policies and reliefs than the less well off sections of society.

This Finance Bill is very definitely a stepping stone towards the achievement of the goals originally set by this Government, dating from the general election of 1973. I certainly welcome the confirmation by the Minister that estate duties will be abolished this coming April. We all know—and more particularly rural Deputies know—the disastrous effects estate duties have had on estates, and farms, and family businesses in rural towns. What has probably not been appreciated is the fact that, when family estates and businesses have to be broken up to meet the death duty liability, there is a considerable loss of employment. Very often it is tantamount to a small factory going out of business.

We all know the cost of producing jobs in this day and age. We know what the IDA have to find by way of loans and grants to create one extra job. Therefore, it is high time that this matter of estate duties was dealt with on a realistic basis, which is the policy of this Government. Having said that, I want to deal with a matter which is of some considerable importance and which is now giving rise to serious inequities. This situation has already been recognised by the British Government in respect of property passing on the death of a person dying after 6th March, 1973. I am referring specifically to section 45 of the English Finance Act, 1973. Perhaps because I am a lawyer and a Member of this House quite a number of people have approached me on this problem.

The problem is that a certain date, usually the date of death, is taken as the date on which to determine the principal of property for estate duty purposes. We all know that prices in 1972 and 1973 for land and property and stocks and shares were away above what they now are. We all know also that it takes a considerable time to get an estate together so as to be in a position to present the accounts to the Revenue Commissioners for the purposes of assessing the quantum and the value of the deceased's estate. In many cases this has meant that property valued at, say, £30,000 on the date of death could now be valued at £15,000. For estate duty purposes that property would have to be valued at £30,000 according to the law as it now stands.

I have cited a small estate. In actual fact the difficulty arises in estates in the £70,000, £80,000 and £100,000 bracket. The situation is serious because the rate of duty on that sort of estate can go up to nigh on 50 per cent. If an estate is valued at £100,000 on the date of death, and duty has to be paid as of that date, and as of that value, and subsequently its value is reduced to £50,000 when it is being realised, all the money has to go to the Minister for Finance or the Revenue Commissioners. There is nothing left. If it is a family business or a farm, there are no assets to provide a source of employment or a way of livelihood for the members of the family and their employees.

I do not think it requires much pushing of the door of reason and of entry to the Department of Finance to show that there is a very serious injustice in these circumstances. I am asking the Minister for Finance to enact a section somewhat on the lines of the English section. I would go back a little further than April, 1973, to cover these cases and these deaths and see that justice is done. Alternatively, it is possibly about time that we used the procedure known in England as the Chancellor's umbrella. That approach might very well be availed of in respect of this problem.

I know of five cases in which this situation arises. I am quite certain other Deputies have been approached on this problem. The Minister should face up to it and do something about it. I made my inquiries direct to the Revenue Commissioners and I was informed that they have no statutory powers to deal with this problem and that it requires legislation or some other procedure to deal with it. I should make it quite clear that it is not the making or the responsibility of the Government. They did not create it. It has arisen right across the world in regard to assets, stocks and shares, and other types of property. As I said, the British Government have enacted legislation to deal with the problem and the fact that only a few cases may be involved does not mean that it should be ignored.

As we are on the threshold of abolishing estate duty, and in view of the costings now incurred in the running of businesses and farms, and in view of the all round lack of liquidity in business and farming in the western hemisphere, I would ask the Minister to have another think in relation to those cases where estate duty is being paid on the instalment system, that is, over a period of eight years.

I am concerned about the situation arising at present having regard to the high rate of interest that must be paid on outstanding instalments because the capital on which the instalment is paid is known in agricultural terms as only being able to produce a certain rate of profit, gross or nett, on a certain value of capital. From the information I have been given by practical farmers in my own constituency, farmers whose opinion I respect, I understand that the income from the land is not sufficient to meet the rate of duty plus the instalment on capital that has to be repaid to meet the duty on a debt. The matter is spread over eight years but we know from the facts of history and of life in this country that for a very long time there has been a grave lack of liquidity in agricultural circles——

(Dublin Central): It is in all circles as well as agriculture.

It applies in all circles but particularly in agriculture. We have evidence of it in all the subventions and grants that have had to be given to agriculture to keep it viable over the years, going back 30 or 40 years. The market has changed in that period and is expanding; income from agriculture has expanded in recent times due to our accession to the EEC but it is still true that there is a lower return in agriculture in relation to the capital invested than in business. You do not have the same turnover of your working capital. You get a crop once a year in tillage but in a business you have a turnover many times a year and the better the business the more turnover of stock you have. This has given rise to the fact that we have a lack of liquidity in agriculture.

This has possibly been compounded by the inability of the financial sector of our society to meet this situation. Business has been well catered for but not agriculture in that respect. Therefore, I am asking the Minister to look at the situation in regard to death duties where there is an instalment payment now running and payable, particularly in view of the increased rate of interest on outstanding instalments. I can quite understand that where somebody should pay the duty and will not pay, interest should pile up to force that person to render an account but where somebody is complying with the law and paying on instalments, there should be another look at the position because that person is doing what the law requires and is not avoiding his responsibility but in trying to carry out his responsibility he is running into a shortage of cash. I understand that in many cases the money has been obtained from a bank and money that should be used as working loan capital is being used to pay off taxes because of a lack of liquidity and resources to pay the duty.

I welcome the increases in personal allowances contained in the budget and which are being implemented under this Bill. This was something that was causing general concern in the last budget but we felt at that time the cash was not available to give the allowances one would like to give.

(Dublin Central): They have not matched up to the cost of living.

I think they do because other items come in for consideration. For instance, section I of the Bill is interesting in that it increases the amount of the dependent relative allowance from £80 to £95 and it also raises from £409 to £497 the income limit of a dependent relative in respect of whom the maximum deduction of £95 may be allowed. In fact, you are allowing for £95 on top of what a person would get as an old age pension. Other improvements are also given in the social welfare code in respect of television and electricity. The fact that all in this category now get free medicine—and much improved free medicine compared with what it was two years ago—is a considerable advance. This is a natural evolution of a Government committed to providing for that section of society which cannot protect itself, a section that grows smaller over the years because of elimination due to age or fatality.

One cannot cavil either at the very important reform also introduced by which the personal allowance and the earned income allowance are merged so that a person on a retirement pension or on his savings is now and has been since the previous budget given the same allowance as a person who is able to earn and is living on earned income. A case of grave injustice that concerned all of us over the years was where you had a man aged 55 in the prime of life earning good pay or salary who went to his doctor to be told: " You must give up work; your heart is not up to it." That man lost what was known as EIR, earned income rebate. That situation has been dealt with and it means that the man now gets the same benefit as the man earning an income. This is very important to a man rearing a family or trying to finish the education of his children. The single person gets an increase of £75 a year.

(Dublin Central): That amounts to a saving of only £19 in income tax.

That applies in all cases when they are graded down but you have the graduated rates of income tax after that and you find a person can live in modest comfort on the tax allowances at present given.

(Dublin Central): Digs in Dublin today cost about £11.

I imagine that is so because when I was a student they cost about £4.

(Dublin Central): The tax-free allowance does not allow for much.

You cannot cater for every situation. There has been an increase in the age for those coming under the children's allowances for tax purposes. Anybody who would like to make inquiries from the Eastern Health Board would be amazed at the number of people covered by the domiciliary care allowances for severely handicapped children. There have been many increases in reliefs for these people. They all stem from the Finance Bill. For instance, this year an extra £28 million is being made available for allowances. That is no mean sum.

(Dublin Central): Where will it come from?

I cannot work out the pounds, shillings and pence but——

(Dublin Central): We will know when the Social Welfare Bill is circulated.

I hope there will be a contribution. There has to be. I believe when one is able to contribute one should do so. When one is contributing one gets a tax allowance also. In other words when one can afford it, one provides for the time when one might need help.

I hope the £25 domicilary care allowances for the severely handicapped child will not interfere with the personal allowance given to a child under the income tax code. I would like the situation to be such that it would be as safe as the old age pension in respect of dependent relatives. There are greatly increased costs for the parents of those children. This may seem like compensation for the parents but I am aware that nothing could pay for the difficulties suffered by these parents. However, these children are their own flesh and blood and they want to keep them in their own homes. In my view, this is a very meritorious way of dealing with the situation.

I would like the Minister to direct his attention to the repayment of tax that has been overpaid. Sometimes delays occur. I understand certain people have to wait until the end of the year before they get this repayment of overpaid tax. This situation was brought to my notice by retired people. One couple are doing parttime work and earning a small stipend. Clearly more tax is being deducted than should be. That situation should be looked at. I do not think it will cost a great deal. If a person delays paying tax he will have to pay interest. If money is being repaid by the Government because of over-deduction of tax, there should be some compensation. Deputies have been pleading for this for some time. If I might put it on a political basis, there are more people paying tax nowadays than there were 20 years ago. I have come across this on a number of occasions in my constituency work.

In equity, the law should appear to be the same for the Government as it is for the taxpayer. I find there is a great deal of confusion in the minds of the people who are in the small income bracket. I am thinking particularly of the small shopkeeper. These people cannot afford the luxury of going to accountants because their charges are very high. While I know there is a duty on Revenue to assist the taxpayer, when a person is living 40 or 50 miles away from the income tax inspector there can be difficulty in trying to come to terms with the problems. I do not relish the idea of becoming an unpaid income tax adviser for my constituents, on top of other duties. Deputies are being asked for such help in increasing numbers.

The situation could be greatly eased if, concurrently with the issuing of the Finance Bill and its enactment into law, a booklet was produced by the Revenue Commissioners to assist the taxpayers. This booklet could be on the lines of the booklet on farmers' income tax. That booklet is very helpful and gives a good picture of the problems to be dealt with in the day-to-day management of income tax affairs of farmers. Something of that nature could be provided for the ordinary taxpayer, be he PAYE or Schedule B, giving some indication of what is allowed when people would know what is more or less standard practice.

There are accepted norms of adjustment of profits for tax purposes that accountants have built up with the Revenue Commissioners over the years. I do not see why they should be kept as a magic secret hidden away in the drawers of the tax officers and accountants. That information should be available to the ordinary taxpayer. He should be able to deal with his own tax affairs. This would also be of considerable assistance to the tax officers.

Tax officers are over-worked and under-staffed. They have a tremendous amount of work to deal with at certain times of the year. Local tax officers invite people to take an interest in the preparing of accounts for income tax purposes so as to lessen the load on revenue when dealing with ordinary private individuals' affairs. It goes without saying that if a person understands tax affairs and is negotiating with Revenue, the Revenue officers will find the job easier. Therefore, it is in the interest of all that this be done. In other words, a yearly booklet should be printed.

This was done in the past with PAYE but I, as a lawyer, had considerable difficulty following this booklet because it was not easy. The booklet dealing with agricultural accounts and income tax for farmers was a far better production. I know there was considerable difficulty trying to decide what to put into that booklet in its final form. I hope to see it improved year by year.

I would now like to deal with customs and excise. This is causing considerable perturbation in the minds of people who suddenly find that their property is seized. Not long ago, people were panic stricken in my constituency because they could not find out whether it was the Revenue Commissioners or an illegal organisation who had taken over their property. It is as bad as that.

That situation should not have arisen and I am quite certain those in authority did not intend that it should. It is the uncertainty that terrified my constituents. I have experienced the difficulty that where somebody has illegally imported something there is considerable delay in trying to get to the people who were making the decision about the penalties to be incurred. Nobody seems to know except experts what is the exact legal position, what are the rights of people who find themselves perhaps unwittingly on the wrong side of the law.

We are living in more mobile days when great difficulty arises in relation to lorry traffic, the transport of goods. There is a considerable amount of money wrapped up in equipment and goods, and values are very high. Generally you can have the goods back if you pay so much down but I do not like the situation where a person has to pay money down and at the same time is asked to sign a form absolving the Revenue Commissioners from responsibility for any damage or loss suffered.

There has been a case in my constituency which is an absolute negation of constitutional rights. This should be looked at again. I appreciate that the security of the State may be in question but there should be some easier method of dealing with the problem. The Revenue Commissioners have considerable discretion and there seems to be a terrible lack of knowledge on the part of the public as to the exact rights of the Revenue Commissioners and of those whose goods have been seized.

In relation to agricultural taxation, I welcome the continuation of the notional basis of tax assessment. I have experienced very forceful lobbying from the agricultural sector in my constituency in relation to this type of assessment of profits for income tax purposes. There is a lot to be said for this basis of assessment. It is far simpler than making out detailed accounts and it acknowledges and recognises the agricultural situation, what the farmer has to meet in relation to planning his campaign, his cropping cycle and his investment. Socially speaking, this is a new tax and I am glad to see in this Bill a clearer recognition by the Department and the Revenue Commissioners of the difficulties the agricultural sector are experiencing in preparing accounts.

Through the years farmers have concentrated all their energies on hard work and they have relied on the simple expedient of lodgments and withdrawals in a local bank, without carrying out any accounting other than that carried out for them by local creamery staffs who buy their milk and sell them seed and fertilisers. That is the only form of accountancy the average farmer has had experience of in donkey's generations and I am glad to see in the Bill recognition of the farmer's difficulties in this respect.

Outside their personal difficulties, there are the economic circumstances of farmers. If a farmer decides to plough a field he is making a decision which looks ahead four or five years or maybe even six. Therefore, it is well that a farmer would know within broad limits what his tax bill will be during that four- or five-year period so that he can plan accordingly.

It has been stressed to me that farmers have had to make quite sizeable capital investments in periods of five years. They must know what the outturn will be in that period, assuming they are not knocked by weather, disease or markets. The average farmer is not greatly concerned about weather but markets can make enormous differences. If one takes agriculture and compares it with any other industry one will find in it a very high capital content.

(Dublin Central): Would it not be a good idea if the notional basis was built permanently into the Finance Bill?

There is a very strong argument for that. A committee composed of various people in the Department and outside it are working on this and I understand there will be other committees formed to deal with such problems, which are largely economic matters. I do not know if the Deputy has seen a report prepared by An Foras Talúntais about the situation in other countries. There is the argument about the two ways of taxing a person, one the fixed method, the multiplier method which would be an incentive to the taxpayer to improve his income because he would have the fixed rate of tax; the other is the system that would be a slight disincentive when the income gets to a certain level because the higher it gets the more the person is taxed.

One has to bear in mind that the standard of education made available to the agricultural community has not been the best. There have been very rapid improvements since the building up of vocational training and teaching, and here I should like to compliment Macra na Feirme, who have been a very strong educational arm in the agricultural community. I am also delighted to see that the farm buildings allowance has been reintroduced and made retrospective to April, 1971, because, from 1971 onwards, in anticipation of our joining the Common Market, very heavy capital investment was undertaken by the farming community out of their own resources and from borrowed moneys. It is only right that recognition should be given to that and that farming in more modern clothing should be regarded as a business with the limitations that are inherent in it.

I should like to impress on those who are critical of taxation of farmers that there are always grey areas in Finance Acts that take time to tease out with the Revenue Commissioners. As a lawyer, I know that you cannot write everything into a Finance Bill. If you did you would be at it until Doomsday. There are working arrangements. I should like to refer specifically to section 18 of the Bill because it provides allowances for work done on land reclamation and in the matter of electricity supply on farms. We know the increased cost of electricity has become dangerously high from the point of view of people's ability to pay and it is only right that recognition should be given to that and to farmer's investments in agriculture.

(Dublin Central): All farmers have not got accountants to prepare their accounts.

I dealt with that matter earlier. That is why I complimented the Department on the booklet they have produced. It has gone out to rural Deputies and I do not know if the Deputy has seen it. It explains things that normally would not be written into a Finance Act. I have been stressing the fact that there are grey areas in all Finance Acts, areas that can never be cut and dried. For that reason I wish to read subsection (2) of section 18:

This section shall be deemed to have come into force and shall have effect as on and from the 6th day of April, 1974.

(Dublin Central): Will that be allowed in regard to the notional figure?

I cannot give that information. It relates to section 22 of the 1974 Finance Act. It is on a different basis but one must bear in mind too, in relation to the notional figure, the multiplier, that if one were to have a true comparison between the multiplier and Schedule D the multiplier should be 60. That is what was recommended by the Income Tax Commission set up by a previous Government. In fact the multiplier is 40 for the purpose of ensuring there is no unfairness. There are then certain categories of relief. This is another aspect in regard to which false propaganda arose on the question of marginal relief; no person pays full rate of tax under the multiplier until the figure comes to £119. That was kept very quiet by a great many people for a very long time, by people who were vociferous in certain types of lobbying. A great many farmers in my constituency and in other constituencies have been pleasantly surprised.

(Dublin Central): That is because of the bad profits they had last year.

No. I am talking about working on the multiplier. They have a three-way option. They are free this year and then they have the multiplier. The Minister has not been given credit for the fact that he has stated again and again that he understands the difficulties of the farmers in this matter. He understands it is unpleasant to be caught for the first time in the taxation net. One should also bear in mind that 77 per cent of farmers do not have to pay rates. Some people maintain they should not be paying rates and income taxation at the same time. That argument does not hold a great deal of water. I admit there are unequal valuations. We have an extraordinary pattern of valuations in Wexford. There is a difference of nearly 50p in the £ in valuations as between two adjoining farms. The odd thing is that the farm with the lower valuation consists very often of better land. We have our Mackenmore problem in Wexford, which is unique. We may also have had bad land in the past.

I welcome the Minister's deferment of corporation profits tax in the case of companies with liquidity problems. This again shows that the Minister has kept his ears open to the many submissions made to him and has listened to the Confederation of Irish Industries in regard to the liquidity problems of their members.

Deputy White spoke rather strongly about gaming machines and the connections of a certain group with the operations of these machines. The information I have would bear out the correctness of Deputy White's statements. I shall say no more.

There was a good deal of "woofing" in the House about the collie dog during a discussion yesterday on dog licences. I am very much in favour of a reasonable increase in the fee for these licences. I am not ashamed to say that not only have I asked parliamentary questions but I have made strong representations to the Minister for Finance in relation to the dog licence situation. There are many areas in my own county where farmers have had to cease rearing sheep. Both my father and my brother had to discontinue keeping sheep because of the losses suffered as a result of attacks by marauding dogs. There is nothing pleasant in going into a field during the lambing season and finding there five or six dead lambs. Neither is it a pleasant experience to hear of neighbours having to shoot maurading dogs but finding that the remainder of the pack return the following night and attack not only sheep but cattle.

There is in progress a campaign aimed at the wiping out of foxes, not necessarily mongrel foxes. In the west this is a big occupation on Sundays. Certainly this is true of the Headford area where I have been working in the by-election campaign. If farmers have dogs added to the complexity of the fox situation their problems are very great indeed. Marauding dogs attack at times when the farmers are least able to deal with the situation. There may be some who say that it is unfair to increase the licence fee in respect of a working collie dog, but is there anybody who would complain about an increase from 25p to £1 in respect of a good working dog?

(Dublin Central): The police in rural areas will need helicopters to deal with the situation.

That is an interesting point because part of the criticism in relation to the present law was that the penalty was so small that it was worthwhile ignoring the legal requirements of the law. I understand the penalty has been increased fivefold and brought up to £10, but I would be in favour of giving the courts the power to impose a higher penalty but not necessarily to make this mandatory. There are some very bad cases. I have been to a house where there were five or six dogs of all sorts. I do not know what it would cost to maintain that number of dogs. Their breeding was indescribable. They bore no resemblance to collies, to gun dogs or to working dogs of any sort.

I expect that in cases of marauding dogs, these animals are acquired as presents for children but that when the children lose interest in them they are left to wander.

When this matter was debated first Deputy Brennan expressed concern about his cats. I referred to there having been 92 head of stock lost on one night in Wexford. It is well known that these marauding dogs travel long distances. However, if I continue much longer on this topic I, too, shall be accused of travelling so I shall conclude by saying that something must be done to control the number of dogs, especially near country towns.

The Finance Bill is designed primarily for the purpose of providing the necessary funds to enable the Government implement their budget policy. It has been very much in the interest of this Government to improve the social welfare services, but despite the vast improvement in this field we are well behind many of our European counterparts. I have heard much criticism of the fact that the west of Ireland is supported by the rest of the country in relation to social welfare, but anybody who has been in the home of a smallholder in the west will appreciate that, if these people were not given social assistance, they could not exist today. I do not know whether anybody here has witnessed the extent of the poverty that some people in that part of the country must endure, but anybody who has witnessed it could hardly complain about the granting of social welfare to these people.

It is our duty as a nation to provide this help for them. One often hears criticism of those who abuse this help, but there is always the bad apple in the basket and we can console ourselves in the knowledge that there are always more good than bad. I support the provision of social welfare benefits for smallholders in the west. Many people on the east coast do not realise that as one moves out into the west one finds there is a much larger population on the land than there is in the towns, which are relatively small compared with those in the east coast areas. One finds, too, that almost every man is a smallholder, that basically, they derive their livelihood from the land. From all the talk that has gone on during the past 20 to 40 years one would think that the west was full of industry, but that is not so. The only means of livelihood available to these people are on local works or on farm land.

(Dublin Central): Was the Deputy informed during his visit to the west that the Road Fund has been reduced considerably?

No, but it was interesting to hear that £30,000 was not availed of for road improvement works by Galway County Council. We know which party have a majority on that county council. I wonder what is the explanation for this money not being availed of. That is something that the people of Galway would like to know also. They would like to know, too, why there has been a delay in the Headford area in taking over a site for building purposes when there is a backlog of people seeking houses. However I do not expect that these matters are immediately relevant to the debate on this Bill, but since the Deputy raised the matter I considered it right that I should answer.

(Dublin Central): This Bill is one of the most important to come before the House. During the past few weeks we have been discussing Bills of a financial nature. We are part of the way through the Capital Gains Tax Bill and I understand that next week we will have the Wealth Tax Bill and, shortly afterwards, the Capital Acquisitions Tax Bill. By and large some of these types of taxation are necessary if introduced at the right time, but considering the state of the economy during the past couple of years and the state of industry generally, some of them are inappropriate at this time.

I know that we cannot discuss during this debate other capital proposals but some of these are entwined with this Bill. People were looking forward to the budget and the Finance Bill to see how they would boost the economy. We know the economy has been sagging in the last 12 months, that business firms have had difficulties and have been forced to let people go.

In the 1960s and the early 1970s there was confidence in the economy and this was because there were good budgetary proposals and a positive Government policy. Under the leadership of Seán Lemass in the 1960s the country prospered. The Government have an obligation to instil confidence in the business sector and they are also obliged to give leadership. That is now more necessary than ever since we are in a time of crisis with regard to unemployment. It was generally thought the Government would put forward practical proposals to help industry.

What do we find in the budget or in the Finance Bill? We find £12 million deferred for income tax but this will not help industry. Many industries made very little profit in the last two years but instead of having a proper financial policy to help them the Government have put forward legislation with regard to additional taxation. Evidently the Government believe that will help the economy.

As I said already, I would welcome some of the legislation at another time but not in our present financial situation. Our country is under-capitalised in comparison with other EEC countries. Countries such as Germany, Luxembourg and Belgium have had a long tradition of industry and wealth has been invested in them for many generations. We seem to think we must have the same taxation policies as the other developed EEC countries; but it is about time we considered our own economy not that of other countries. We should not always follow suit in our taxation policy. We should make up our minds what is best for us and let the European countries figure out their own taxation policy. We should decide how we can best expand the economy, give employment to the maximum number and give a better standard of living to social welfare recipients. We should do what we can afford rather than bring in legislation with regard to capital tax, wealth tax and other taxation measures.

Although I have said I welcome capital gains taxation in the modified form we put forward, this is not the time to introduce it. We should allow the country to develop to a greater extent and, at a later stage, we could go ahead with the kind of taxation the Minister has introduced. It is a mistake to try to do things too quickly. It is rather like the man who, in his first year of business, decides to take a cruise in the Caribbean. With such a mentality that person will not last long in business. We should have allowed the country to develop and perhaps in ten years' time this kind of taxation would be acceptable and welcome.

In his budget speech and on the Finance Bill the Minister stated he has granted £12 million by way of deferred taxes to industry. That is all right for firms who made substantial profits last year but many companies had little profits and the deferred tax will not benefit them. I should like to point out to the Minister that the £12 million will be more than offset by the increased contribution the employers will have to make towards the social welfare stamp. I am told that the entire contribution from the employers and the employees will amount to £31.62 million and that the employers will pay 59 per cent of this sum, amounting to £19 million. The provision regarding income tax is only on a deferred basis but the increased contribution for the social welfare stamp will cost industry £19 million. I do not know how the Minister can claim he is helping industry.

Firms are well aware they are not getting the necessary reliefs. All businesses, irrespective of their size, are experiencing a difficult time with regard to cash flow. They are being placed in an impossible situation. Recently I spoke to a man who employs about 55 people in a factory that deals completely in the export market and he explained his difficulty with regard to cash flow. He has to pay cash on delivery for ore and metal. He is exporting to European and Arab countries and also to Australia but the earliest he can get cash for his goods is three or four months later, although he has to pay cash on delivery for the raw materials.

One can see the situation with which he is presented. He has credit to the extent of £300,000 and he must meet his commitments from the point of view of his raw materials and paying his employees every week. Only last week he received a notice from the ESB for £1,000 for electricity used in the two month period. He overran the time allowed by about one week and he was politely informed that if, within six days, the ESB had not received a cheque his supply would be cut off. That was bad enough but they also demanded a deposit of £1,000 surety for any future supply. If this is the kind of approach by semi-State bodies to struggling industries, there is not much hope for these industries. This man told me that if the ESB insisted on this £1,000 surety he would close down. That kind of dictatorial approach should not be used. This particular industry employs 50 people and the margin of net profit at the end of the year is very little.

There is no help in the budget for this kind of industry. The £12 million will be offset by the £19 million to meet the increase in stamp contributions which will work out at roughly £20 per employee. The Minister in his budget statement said that he intends to transfer the amount the State contributed over to the employee and employer. That gives one an idea of the burden that will be placed on a highly intensive labour factory. It will be a major factor in the years ahead. Let there be no question about that.

Another matter that requires consideration is the deferred payment of VAT. We tabled an amendment to the Finance Bill last year asking that the two months be extended to three months. We know what happened to the Finance Bill last year. About a quarter of it was discussed by five o'clock in the morning. We never got around to discussing our amendment. It is no good people standing up here and saying this will be done, that will be done and the other will be done. People are sick and tired of talk. All we see coming into this House are taxation measures. Is this the new formula designed to expand industry? To me it is a kind of doctrinaire socialism. I doubt very much if this kind of philosophy will work.

We must encourage industry. The numbers engaged in agriculture are the highest in Europe at the moment but there is bound to be a decline in numbers. Some positive step will have to be taken towards expanding our industrial arm to absorb those leaving agriculture. I was in the west over the past week and I can appreciate now the urgency for a regional policy. I was in the lovely little village of Cleggan just beside Clifden. I was told there is a crying need there for a fish processing industry. Here is an area in which positive action could be taken. There are hundreds of similar areas around our coast. Proper research should be carried out to find out how people can be valuably employed. The majority of people want a decent, respectable job. Giving increased benefits is nothing to boast about. That is merely an interim measure to tide people over difficult times. The positive approach is establishing appropriate industries to generate jobs. There is nothing in this Bill which will do that.

There seems to be some queer idea that if we pursue these pseudosocialistic policies all will be well; industry will expand and there will be more employment. More than that is required. People must be encouraged to expand along the proper lines. That was recognised by the British Government yesterday when they gave certain reliefs to the oil companies. They recognised that a return on capital is very important. A philosophical approach may look well on paper but it very seldom works in practice. The facts of business are cruel. Great difficulties are involved. In an industry which is expanding one invariably finds that the employees are doing well. There is an air of confidence. There is no air of confidence in many of our companies at the moment and those employed in them are more concerned about whether or not they will have their jobs this time 12 months than they are about tax Bills going through this House. They know these Bills will not build one factory. Saying what one would like to see happen is of no benefit because the realities of business are not that simple. We should direct our minds towards positive action in regard to regional policy. Great play was made last year when the 14th round was being negotiated about the income tax allowance that should be given.

Before the budget last year the 14th round was negotiated. The Minister for Finance and the Minister for Industry and Commerce met the trade unions on several occasions and promised them big increases in tax free allowances and personal allowances. Last year they were disappointed. That was brought home forcibly not by Deputies but by spokesmen for the Congress of Trade Unions. If they were not satisfied with the concessions given in last year's budget, I doubt very much that they will be saisfied with the tax free allowances in this budget.

The Minister is increasing the personal allowance by £75.80. Roughly that will give a person a saving in income tax of £19 a year. As I have already said, industry will pay 59 per cent of the social welfare payments. When you deduct the substantial contribution which will be demanded from the employee, it will work out at £16.50 per year. That is the first thing to be deducted from the £75 which the Minister tells us he is giving in the tax free allowances. It is only fair that this deduction should be made. It will be in the region of 32p a week. That will be the additional contribution and his tax free allowance will be down to £59.50. That is not a very substantial increase. If we were speaking about tax free allowance five or six years ago, the figure might be over £1.10 or £1.15 a week and I would say that was a reasonable allowance, but today we are experiencing an increase in the cost of living of 20 to 25 per cent.

Look at the price of petrol today. The average man does not consider a car a luxury. How many people have to travel ten, 15 or 20 miles into Dublin every morning to work, where public transport is not available and where it is available, it is to be curtailed very shortly according to last night's papers? With petrol at its present price, would a man who has to drive into Dublin to work every morning agree that an increase in the free allowance of £59.50 is a generous allowance? Of course he would not. The prices of electricity and food are running at astronomical figures.

The Minister will say that this concession is costing him so many millions of pounds per year. This is all cod. The Minister knows perfectly well that these figures were based up to 31st December. He also knows that there was a 10 per cent increase in wages on 1st January for a considerable section of the community. He further realises that people will qualify for the remainder next month. The 10 per cent increase in wages more than offsets what the Minister has given in his tax free allowance for 1975. That is quite obvious. The 10 per cent increase in the cost of living to certain sections of business which I know of ran at between £3 to £3.10 a week. That is over £150 or £160 a year. The Minister will be taking his 26 per cent on that. With the way incomes are going he will be into a higher bracket very shortly.

There is no good in saying that a tax concession has been given on the personal allowance. There was a time when people were not au fait with the income tax system. They did not know exactly how it worked. I can assure the Minister that today very few wage earners do not know their exact net earnings and that is what they will look for when negotiating the next national wage agreement. How can you expect wage earners to be moderate in their demands when the Minister has not been reasonable about the tax free allowance?

He talks about an increase of £75 in the allowance for wage earners. That is about £1.44 a week. To keep up a reasonable standard of living and to keep up with prices, the average worker will more than likely be looking for an increase of 25 per cent in wages. As the Minister is aware, in some industries last year it far exceeded that figure. Basing it on that, it would not be unusual for a man earning £36 a week to get an increase of £9 a week. What does the Minister allow him on that additional increase in wages? He allows him 144p a week.

No one will believe that the Minister has made any tax concession to the workers. Until we take some positive action to give the worker real relief we will have a spiral of wage increases. There is no doubt about that. In their negotiations the workers will try to make up for what is being taken from them by the Government. The Minister should have given well over that figure. On the gross amount the relief works out at about 15 per cent only, before taking into consideration the deductions which I say are quite valid.

I have always advocated a national wage agreement and a responsible approach to wages and income. If the Government want an agreement accepted, they should give a substantial increase in the tax free allowance. It is obvious that inflation will help the Minister. If we take a 25 per cent increase in wages, it is obvious that there will have to be buoyancy in revenue. This will lead us nowhere if we are to continue on this merry-go-round. It will not bring inflation under control. We will have wages following prices in a vicious circle to the detriment of the entire economy. The Government will have to give a lead in curbing inflation and in containing the cost of living.

They cannot expect the workers to do it if the example is not set by the State. The Minister for Finance should have made a more positive approach this year regarding income tax allowances which could help greatly in negotiating a new national wage agreement. You cannot sell it to people that you are giving them £75 and ask them to be good boys because that is a very generous contribution. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, being a realist, would not, I think, agree that in today's inflationary situation an increase of that amount was sufficient. We shall see what the response of the Congress of Trade Unions will be. I sincerely hope we will have another national wage agreement.

By and large, the taxation system is not encouraging economic expansion. With business on one side and workers on the other we now are one of the highest-taxed countries in Europe. Directly and indirectly, the State is taking too much taxation to allow for economic expansion.

We find the same is true regarding availability of money for the private sector. This also became apparent last year. The Government, through the Central Bank, took a substantial amount of the money or the banks had not confidence in the economy; certainly money was not in circulation and anybody who got money paid high rates, sometimes above the rates currently obtaining in the associated banks. With all this pressure on workers and on business—the Government taking too much and high interest charges—we are reaching a stage where it is practically impossible for business to operate on a profitable basis, a stage where people are becoming depressed, asking if it is worthwhile, if they will succeed in a new business.

We shall have to instil confidence in our economy and in business dealings. We must encourage workers and show them that it is worthwhile working. If we reach the stage—I hope we never shall—that it pays you better to stay idle, that will be the formula for economic destruction. We must be very careful about this. When deductions are made for income tax and stamps the margin is very small to encourage men to work. This is something that could drive us to bankruptcy. We must go in the opposite direction and encourage people to work by paying them more and the more they work the more they should be paid, not with fictitious pay to be taken away in income tax or the cost of living. We must give them a real standard of living.

I like to see a man doing overtime and being paid for it. Too much taxation is a great deterrent. A man who works overtime does so for a reason, either to get something for his wife and family or for his personal pleasure. I doubt if our policies in the past few years were on these lines; they were otherwise oriented—to keep certain types of people happy. The Government will have to look seriously at this, especially in the case of the business community for whom I can speak personally. Deputy Esmonde made his case for the farming community; I can speak of businessmen in a different line from my own and they have told me of the problems they encounter. There is no sign of improvement in this regard, certainly in the coming year. Inflation can very well run at 25 per cent and I doubt if the cost of living will be under 20 per cent. I do not know what the national wage agreement negotiations will produce but this will have a vital bearing on our economy.

The Minister and the Government have not laid any solid structure to contain the present situation. We all agree that a reflationary budget was necessary unless we were to have complete economic chaos. The borrowing, both on the capital and current budgets was necessary but if we had realistic budgetary proposals in the past few years we would not have accumulated the deficit entailed in the current budget. It was quite obvious how that deficit could have been reduced but that is now water under the bridge. Even in the capital budget the Minister is only running around 19 per cent more which will not create any expansion in industry. It will not produce employment. It will barely measure up to last year's performance —and many economists believe it will not even do that and that there will be a shortfall compared with last year.

It will be interesting to see how the Government will finance the capital budget in the coming year. We do not yet know where the Minister will borrow abroad, whether from the Arabs, from the World Bank or the European Bank. It will also be interesting to see how they regard the Irish economy, what restrictions they will apply or what guarantees they will need as regards future borrowing if this country is allowed to run into debt. It may be much more difficult to get loans. We all know how closely one is scrutinised when seeking an overdraft. The World Bank and various other financial institutions will look at the policies we are pursuing and will ask themselves if we are a safe bet.

They will look at this totally un-capitalised country pursuing capital taxation more suitable to a highly developed nation. There is nothing wrong with this type of taxation in a country which has been developed industrially for two generations. But it will take another 15 or 20 years for this country to make any headway in industry using the same methods.

We all welcome the benefits under the social welfare code. Nobody on this side of the House has ever complained about them. When we were in Government it was always our policy to try to look after the weaker sections of the community, especially old age pensioners, widows and orphans. We could not give too much to these people. They need security and help in the evening of their lives.

There is a big difference between the standard of living of an old age pensioner living with a member of his family and the old age pensioner living in a furnished room. The former does not have to pay rent or buy fuel. These are two major factors. I am aware that old age pensioners have free electricity, but fuel and gas must be taken into consideration. Today's allowances to old age pensioners do not give them a normal standard of living. Many old age pensioners in Dublin city rent rooms in tenement houses. Their standard of living is not all it should be. Therefore any help that can be given along these lines would be very welcome.

As I said, electricity is free but there are many old houses in Dublin which have only gas, especially for cooking purposes. The pensioners get no allowances for this. I was talking to an old age pensioner about two weeks ago who had a gas bill for £40. She must keep herself warm in her chalet. I do not know how she could pay this bill in her present circumstances.

The Chair does not want to interrupt the Deputy's train of thought but he will appreciate that there is not the same latitude on this Bill as there would be on a budget debate.

(Dublin Central): I was discussing social welfare increases.

I do not wish to make little of what the Deputy is saying, but in a case like that is there not something to be said for switching over to electricity?

(Dublin Central): That is not always possible because electricity is not always laid on. There are many old tenement houses which have only gas installed. There is no proper wiring to put on fires. Indeed, it might be dangerous to do so. Anyway my point is that there is no provision for this. The Minister should look at that situation.

I am delighted to see that death duties are about to be abolished. When in Government we were criticised on successive occasions because death duties were unfair. They hit people when they were at their weakest, usually after the death of a husband. Quite often the property was transferred to the widow. At one time I was executor to a will that involved a widow with six children. When the estate was wound up she had to find £6,000. I thought that was a terrible burden. The property had been acquired just two years earlier so the Revenue Commissioners had no problem assessing its value. It was valued at the maximum rate at that time. Ever since I have thought death duties should be abolished.

I am concerned about the families of people who died within the last one or two years. If one was unfortunate to die within the next few weeks up to 1st April, one's family will still have to pay death duties. No provision for increasing abatement was made in last year's Finance Bill. We put down amendments to that effect then. Of course, we dealt with only one-third of the amendments. The Revenue Commissioners should show some leniency towards the estates of people who have died over the last 12 months.

Although death duties have been abolished, other types of taxation will be introduced to replace them. I am not sure what impact they will have. The Minister proposed to introduce three different types of taxation— capital gains tax, wealth tax and capital acquisitions tax. That taxation will return more than the £13 million the Minister is already collecting. There is no provision for an escalation clause in the capital gains tax and I do not think the Minister knows how much will be taken in that tax.

There has been an increase in death duties from three to four per cent and on sums of more than £50,000 the figure is 6 per cent. I do not know what inspired the Minister to do this. I remember when stamp duty did not apply to goodwill and I still think that bricks and mortar only should be subject to that duty. With acute inflation today, property prices are naturally increasing and with the increase in the rate of duty a person now will pay £6,000 duty on a property worth £100,000. That is a substantial sum and it will lead to further inflation because in normal accounting practice it will have to be recovered. As well, stamp duty is not allowed against income tax.

Perhaps these things look small in a Finance Bill but they add up to very substantial amounts to businessmen and they will not help the economy. There is also the interest to be charged by the Revenue Commissioners on arrears of income tax. I think it was Deputy Esmonde who said that what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander—that if the State charges interest on arrears the taxpayer should be paid interest on moneys due by the State. It should work both ways. Apart from that, the 1.5 per cent interest rate works out at about 18 per cent per annum and it is only merchant banks and other lending houses who charge such rates.

I think this is looked on more as a deterrent than as a compensatory form——

(Dublin Central): Deterrent or not, it could not have been brought in at a worse time.

Income tax is paid a year in arrears anyway and, therefore, with inflation at its present rate, the State will not get a substantial amount.

(Dublin Central): It is a rate of 18 per cent and companies are already finding great difficulty in trying to pay taxes. This year, because of the situation in the last three years, additional taxes became necessary and, naturally, the Minister went to the old reliables. If he had balanced his taxation in a different way in the last three years, he would not have had to go for such a significant amount this year. In other words, he is taking in one lump what should have been taken in three years and nothing is more likely to disorganise business than that sort of economics. These taxes will have an adverse effect on the economy particularly on tourism. We are now one of the highest tax countries in Europe.

While on that subject, although I know it is not within the ambit of the Bill, we have been experiencing a most unusual problem with regard to spirits over the last three months, when not one drop of Irish spirits has been available during a "Buy Irish" campaign. The Minister for Industry and Commerce should have taken positive action because if this continues much longer there will be irreparable damage done. I sincerely hope some agreement will be reached between the two parties involved in an endeavour to end the strike as quickly as possible.

Although people may not realise it, the introduction of capital gains tax will affect the liquidity of the country. From a lending or collateral point of view, where banks and financial institutions are concerned, henceforth 76 per cent only of any property can be taken as security by a bank, whereas up to now banks loaned up to 60 per cent or 70 per cent. Banks will have to take into consideration now that 26 per cent of a property or business is State-owned and cannot be taken as collateral. This will apply right across the board in all sections of business. In five or ten years' time the collateral will be reduced by 26 per cent. Of course, if one has property to the value of £100,000 and one wants to borrow £50,000, £60,000 or £70,000 against it, the bank will automatically take into consideration that the State owns 26 per cent of it. This will have an effect on long-term planning.

I do not fully understand the point about value-added tax applicable at the higher level. It seems to apply where the manufacturer and retailer are on the same level giving a fictitious figure as regards sales. The Minister for Finance tried to explain that in his budget speech. I can see that that is an evasion which could be used.

I have been disappointed at the help given to industry. I do not think the normal business section of the community can say that £12 million deferred taxes is of any great significance. These £12 million will have to be paid at some time. Any company deferring payment of its taxes could well run into difficulties in two years' time. Many suppliers might wonder how secure they would be as regards supplies if such companies went bankrupt. Such suppliers might ask themselves how sure they would be of obtaining their share of such companies when wound up, knowing that the Revenue Commissioners would automatically take their share first. It might be a help in the short-term but might run companies into serious problems if the Revenue Commissioners and the Government came back in two years' time and claimed the lot. The Minister has said nothing. Will these two years' deferred income tax payments be paid back over a number of years, or will they claim the whole lot in two years?

I was disappointed also with the tax-free allowance granted. I do not think it is sufficient. A lot more is desirable if we are to encourage people to work and to increase productivity, which is very important. It is necessary also to reduce unit costs. We have been falling out of line for a number of years now in that respect in comparison with other countries. Eight or nine years ago we were at an advantage in comparison with other western countries of Europe. We shall continue to lose out unless we increase our productivity and encourage people to work in a more productive fashion.

Wealth tax is to be introduced shortly. We will have a Second Reading of that Bill next week. I am not sure that we should move in taxation matters ahead of Britain. They have not introduced wealth tax yet. I am not sure that they have indicated when they will do so. I know there is talk of it but certainly in the Queen's last speech there was no mention of it being done in the current year's legislative programme. I do not know that we are wise to be jumping ahead of Britain in this type of sophisticated legislation because the movement of capital between these two countries is closely interlinked. The interplay between them has been like that down through the years. Under no circumstances should we give an advantage to industrial or business colleagues across the water. Probably we should have a simpler financial code. Therefore, I doubt the wisdom of embarking on this wealth tax too early.

I would agree with most of the taxes envisaged were we at the proper stage of development. I would agree to wealth tax and capital gains tax when we were sufficiently developed from a capital point of view like other western European countries. Then we could say we were at a stage of development where we could afford such taxes. But timing is of vital importance in their introduction. Are we sufficiently developed for them? I am not sure what repercussions the introduction of wealth tax might have if England do not introduce it, and there is no guarantee that they will. If there were a change of Government there in the morning, with no wealth tax, that would not help our economy. We should have played it slowly, taken plenty of time. There was plenty of time. There is not a great amount of money involved. We would have been better off to have played it cautiously and let the big man take the step first. We could follow suit in our own time. I doubt if the present time is right.

I hope the small help given in this Bill, which is very little, will get the economy back on its feet and that we can do something to reduce the 103,000 unemployed. Unless some positive step is taken to improve cash liquidity and cash flow to companies which are in dire straits at present there will be contractions. The biggest overhead today is wages and that is what they will be looking at if they are to survive at all. I hope the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Finance will take a more positive view.

I hope the Chair will permit me to repeat something I mentioned while the Minister for Industry and Commerce was out of the House. I am very perturbed about a strike which has been going on for the past three months. I am referring to Irish Distillers. There is an inflow of foreign products to the country. I know it is a difficult situation but some effort should be made to resolve it before it has long term effects as regards taste and so on.

A leas-Cheann Comhairle, I noticed your misgivings about the reference of Deputy Fitzpatrick (Dub.), as we are getting used to seeing him on the monitor, to the strike of Irish Distillers. Perhaps I could say extremely briefly that in delicate circumstances actions that are public are often not the most helpful but I can assure the Deputy—and those who are involved know that I am speaking the truth—that we have been extremely concerned and that all the people have done promptly anything they could do that was helpful but they have been guided all the time by advice as to what was helpful. There is absolutely no indifference or inactivity. I share the Deputy's concern profoundly at the inroads that are being made into our native product at a difficult time.

I will now try to address myself not to a wide ranging survey of the whole economic situation, not to make another budget speech, though I regret to say I was waiting to get in to make a budget speech but I did not get an opportunity of doing so because I was not on hand at the time the debate collapsed. I will not do that now, I will try to address myself fairly closely to the Finance Bill but first let me talk about the two things that Deputy Fitzpatrick singled out as matters of particular importance in the economy at present and in the Finance Bill. One is the relationship of income tax allowances to a national wage agreement and the other is the whole matter of encouraging business. He said the State is taking too much in taxation. I will deal with the taxation aspect of encouraging business first.

It is well to record again, if we feel that business is disadvantaged in regard to taxation, that it does enjoy the very remarkable benefit, and, indeed, the great envy of many other countries, of export tax relief. I know it does not apply to all firms and I know there are firms that whatever their efforts cannot export because of the nature of their product. To that extent I know it could be argued that it is a blunt instrument giving a specific advantage to some. That is true. Every instrument is apt to be a bit blunt. One can never get a thing as delicate as one wants it. However, it is a very substantial and very remarkable incentive and it is there. I want to try to balance the picture. I want to tell it like it is but I do not want the image to go abroad from this House that this Government or indeed any Government, take a punitive attitude to business, are against business, are against reasonable profit, are against growth, are kill-joy or begrudging in regard to industrial success. That is simply not the case.

The record of attitudes to industrial taxation does not permit that conclusion to be drawn. I think Deputy Fitzpatrick is referring to a real difficulty all right and there are countries where taxation has got to a stage where people have got extremely restive. I do not want to dwell on Danish politics but we have seen a situation of rebellion in Denmark. I do not know what the party is called but the party of Mr. Glistrup could become a major party on a simple anti-taxation platform. Of course, there is a restiveness in society both on the part of individual income taxpayers and in regard to wealth tax, taxation of profits, taxation of capital gains and taxation of companies. One runs a risk continuously, one walks a tightrope. The people on Deputy Fitzpatrick's side of the House have recently been in Government and they know the imperative demands to raise more money. The State raises money to pass it on. It is simply the conduit and it makes decisions about resource allocation and then it passes it on for social purposes that are good social purposes and about which in our society a great deal of consensus exists. While we may disagree about emphasis, there is no conflict in this House about the need for increased expenditure in Health, in social welfare, in education, in industrial promotion, in aids that can produce the capitalisation of agriculture to take advantage of long term perspectives. That raises the matter of the continuing call for more money.

There is a real danger of tipping over into the excessive taxation situation which produces a restlessness and, in the end, a lashback. It also produces a phenomenon like the Dane, Mr. Glistrup. It is reputed that he is a very wealthy man and he has affirmed that his wealth has come from his expertise as a lawyer in tax evasion. Tax evasion then becomes an industry itself and that is not a good thing for the fabric of society.

Without being too party political about this I cannot refrain from saying that we are witnessing a bit the freedom which goes over into irresponsibility which being out of office brings. Yesterday—I am not quoting the Official Report but the report of yesterday's proceedings as published in The Irish Times—Deputy Colley, the Opposition spokesman on finance said:

The Bill offered too little too late in that it provided for deferral of corporation profits tax when certain conditions were fulfilled, rather than waiving this tax.

The Deputy wanted a waiver. When I read that I could not help remarking to myself: "do my old eyes deceive me?" I remember in the autumn of 1970 that Deputy Colley, who was then Minister for Finance, increased the maximum combined rate of income tax and corporation profits tax from 50 per cent to 58 per cent.

(Dublin Central): We reduced them afterwards.

That is true. I should like to put on record the circumstances in which Deputy Colley did that, and the reasons he gave for doing it. He said that the increase of 8 per cent was a response to certain circumstances. It is interesting to compare the circumstances which he then enumerated as justifying an 8 per cent increase with now justifying the demand by him for a reduction or abolition. It seems to me that the circumstances then advanced by him for increasing taxation are now the circumstances, out of office, which he says should justify us abolishing it altogether. I am going to quote what seems to me evidence of a hopping about, an inconsistency, a lack of coherence, a lack of calm and a lack of balance, which is evidence of freedom bordering on irresponsibility that comes often in Opposition. It is not evidence of a serious analysis of our difficulties nor evidence of any serious response to those difficulties from the Opposition. According to Volume No. 249, column No. 61 of the Official Report of 28th October, 1970, Deputy Colley said:

Today I will be putting before the House some financial resolutions to complement those measures in bringing under control the inflationary forces which show no sign of easing of their own accord— rather the reverse. This inflation is clearly manifesting itself in symptoms which are plain to all—money incomes far outpacing national production, rapidly rising prices, an increase in consumption of imported goods and a continued serious deficit position in our balance of payments.

That was in October, 1970.

Totally different circumstances.

The Deputy may say so.

After a while I will quote what the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Keating, said then. It is very interesting.

We can exchange quotations but Deputy Colley's description of the circumstances in 1970 which justified an increase of 8 per cent in taxation on industry sound to me not like totally different circumstances but like a fair characterisation of our difficulties today. We have a serious deficit in our balance of payments. We have this consumption of imported goods which is partly responsible for that deficit. We have rapidly rising prices and that was Deputy Colley's justification in 1970. In my view the circumstances are similar.

This is an example of an inconsistency that informs the policy of the Opposition in regard to this Finance Bill, and the economy as a whole. I want to affirm that I recognise that it is perfectly possible for a State to take too much in taxation, that it is a continuing pre-occupation that an environment should exist in which companies can make reasonable profits. I am not going to talk about price control because it is not appropriate to the Finance Bill.

We will not object if the Minister wishes to do so.

Yesterday, Members were called to order for straying away from the Bill and I will try to remain in order even if the Opposition would permit me to stray. I have taken some measures in regard to prices. There are some measures in regard to deferral of taxation, depreciation and things that are allowable in the Finance Bill but there is no increase. One might say that is a negative virtue but it is one that was not to be found in similar circumstances in 1970 when it was Fianna Fáil's response to comparable difficulties. While that is not an enormous easement of the position of business it is some easement which seems to us appropriate at this time.

I do not think it is a time for enormous easement. There can be no denying that this is a time of difficulty for the other of the social partners referred to by Deputy Fitzpatrick. It is a time of difficulty for workers and for industry and nobody is denying that there was a significant easing of the taxation situation for industry. I have tried to make circumstances a little easier in regard to the allowability of certain wage costs and in regard to the right to make application for an increase in prices simply on the head of improving a company's liquidity which is a broadening of the guidelines under which the National Prices Commission have been functioning.

In dealing with Deputy Fitzpatrick's observations about income tax allowances I accuse him of inconsistency and of using a temporary difficult situation to score a political point which does not stand up to examination. It is true and I affirm it with regret that the improvement in personal allowances in this Finance Bill are not as much as I would like to see. Indeed, I know they are not as much as the Minister for Finance would like to see. That is a regret that is shared around the House. I would like to see a bit more because I would like to see the real wealth of workers rising every year. Nonetheless, it is appropriate for me to say that we have made it clear that in times when the growth of the economy is a little above zero as it is here—there are many parts of the world where production is declining—this is a year when we are asking workers not to look for increased real wages. That expresses itself in a number of ways.

(Dublin Central): The right way to do that is by proper personal allowances.

There are a number of ways. The request that the increase in wages should keep pace with the increase in inflation is one way. It is a different thing this year to trim the increase in personal allowances to something approximating to the likely year on year increase in the cost of living, as distinct from the quarterly increase in the cost-of-living index multiplied by four. If one did that every year there would be no real improvement in personal income tax allowances. I want to see that, and I take it the Deputy does too. It is appropriate that this year there should be adjustment for inflation but that in real terms there would not be an advance.

The reason I charge the Opposition with inconsistency in this is that the Government improved the tax free allowances in the 1974-75 budget and in the recent budget. We have improved them twice in succession. If we look for previous improvements under the previous Government, who now raise this issue and express great concern for what has happened to personal allowances, we find that under them personal allowances were increased in the budget of 1960-61 and not again until the budget of 1969-70. That was an interval of nine years without any change. After improving them in the 1969-70 budget they were not again improved for another two years.

(Dublin Central): Inflation was running at that time at about 5 per cent or 6 per cent and now it is running at over 20 per cent. It is a different climate.

I think there is substance in what the Deputy says but it does not justify the failure to change these allowances between 1960-61 and 1969-70. The proof they should have been changed in that time as a result of inflation is to look at the number of taxpayers who were caught by income tax. As the Deputy will be aware, as inflation goes on and wages increase if you do not change the allowances you catch more and more people every year. In 1960-61 the number of Irish people paying income tax was 250,000. Would the Deputy like to know what it was in 1972-73, the year of the last budget of the previous Government? The number was approximately 700,000. The number of people caught by the previous Government, because they did not adjust the allowances was an increase of almost 500,000, very nearly trebling the number of people paying income tax in the Republic of Ireland at that time.

I share the concern of the Opposition about allowances but I permit myself to speculate whether that concern was quite so strong when they had the power to do something about it. The figures I have quoted show that their concern was not so strong. Therefore I allow myself a thought about the sincerity of the present concern and the consistency of the party which increased by almost 500,000— from 250,000 to 700,000 in a decade —the number of people paying income tax. We must remember that all of that increase came in at the bottom end in salary terms.

Sides change, and then there is great concern. This is a political point, if you like, but I cannot help noting it and putting it on the record. I cannot help asking myself how sincere and how consistent is this concern. That is enough about income tax allowances except to reiterate that the increase this year, which follows an increase last year and which is approximately only 15 per cent, is not enough in general terms because it does not increase those allowances in terms of inflation and in terms of real income. It simply adjusts and might not even totally adjust. I affirm that for the record. That is not good enough but it is appropriate in a year when we have asked people not to increase their real incomes.

It is not appropriate at a time when there is an expanding economy and we can spread the gravy more generously. It is not defensible in general but is now in the context of zero growth in real incomes. It stands quite well against the period 1960-61 to 1972-73. I will leave that point now. This is appropriate in a year when we have asked people, particularly workers, not to take an increase in their real living standards. Those are the people who were in the 250,000 caught by the former Government.

I now want to deal with a much more fundamental question, which has illuminated the whole approach of this Government to taxation. I am in a sense taking up a new theme while responding to the theme, correctly raised, of not discouraging business. I would relate that to a fundamental reform of the taxation system, some bits of which are touched on in a major way and some in a peripheral way in the Finance Bill. It is undeniable, whether people like it or not, that the changes in taxation, either implemented last year or in the course of implementation this year, are the most fundamental this State has seen. I think they are all good and I will comment in a minute about what Deputy Fitzpatrick said about slowly, plenty of time and all that in relation to wealth tax. That is a point to be argued.

It is desirable, if we are looking for consistency and coherence in the attitude of an Opposition, that they state their position about things. The Opposition are led by individuals who recently had the experience of power. Most of the Opposition spokesmen know what it is to run a Department. I am trying to get a debate about the correctness of the fundamental taxation innovations and I am also trying to get consistency of position from the Opposition. I would like to know where they stand because the easy thing and the opportunist thing is to hop about a bit and say one thing one day and another thing another day to different sectors. This is no good in the long run and it is no good precisely for the sort of confidence and the sort of reassurance that is so necessary in the whole industrial sector at this time.

(Dublin Central): I do not think the stance this party has taken on industry has changed at all.

What I wanted particularly to analyse was the stance about various sorts of taxation, because those have never been consistently enunciated—sometimes against, sometimes for and sometimes equivocating about the taxation we had been introducing. I said that the number of taxpayers at the time we came to office was about 700,000, maybe a little more. In a country of three million that is a great number of income tax payers. You cannot increase that base of income tax very much. I want to see changes in the allowances that will not just keep the status quo but will release people; I want to see fewer people paying income tax.

Then we have talked about company taxation. We have said that we did not want—and that we shared this desire with the Opposition—to discourage investment, to discourage an atmosphere where business can flourish. We also recognise the imperatives of increased expenditure. The Opposition quite recently have been demanding a dramatic money-eating form of benefit to the populace, which is food subsidies.

We do not want to tax manufacturing industry more heavily. I noted Deputy Colley did, but then he went back on it, correctly, in my view. The net of income tax payers expanded because the tax free allowances were not adjusted through that decade or 12 years, and I think one can go back to the change of Government and document it even further. I do not want to see that number of 700,000 expand any more; I want to see it shrink. There are other sources of income through taxation; there are other forms of tax. We have been trying to broaden the base in a way that is realistic and in a way which was even a stimulant to economic activity. There is not a contradiction between correct taxation and a stimulus. Correct taxation does not have to encourage economic activity; it can be a stimulus to it, and I shall talk about that in a number of contexts.

The taxation of farmers is an essential thing. I am a farmer myself. I think even on the scale that I shall be paying tax, and it will not catch too many people in Ireland.

(Dublin Central): That is only at the start. Wait till you reduce the threshold.

That is the sort of bogey man that is used to frighten people. If you make those threats you may frighten people into not investing at a time when they ought to invest. I do not think Deputy Fitzpatrick is an irresponsible Deputy, but I think it was an irresponsible interjection. I look on farming as a business, and I think it is appropriate that farming should pay its tax like other sectors, not more and not less. Not so much tax that you cannot get the capital investment in farming that we so desperately need—we are undercapitalised—but why none?

It is obviously desirable that there should be equity in the levying of taxes on different sectors of society. It is obviously socially destructive when the farm worker pays tax under PAYE and his boss, who is much better off, does not; and there is no way that you can defend the absence of taxation on farming. I affirm it has a positive aspect, because we all know Irish farms, and if we think of the history of this State over 50 years, no one was more graphic or more vehement or more right than the Fianna Fáil Party in denouncing the rancher farmer, the little man and the big dog, no investment, no intensification, simply using the land. However, if you pay taxes the incentive is there to work the land so as to generate the wealth to do it. Reasonable taxation on agriculture, like reasonable taxation on wealth, is a stimulus to the use of the resource.

(Dublin Central): Provided the tax is directed back to capital investment.

Yes, I think that is right and there are some adjustments in this Finance Bill over last year which help those things.

(Dublin Central): The wealth tax will go back into the current budget and will not stimulate the economy.

The fact of a farmer not being able to stay afloat with very little income, very little outgoings, is stimulant to the whole farming industry, perhaps not to that farmer, because he says: "I cannot cope", but maybe he will get out of the way and let some hardy young fellow, who could use that asset much better, make a very good living and earn the tax as well on the farm. Would that be a bad thing? Surely it is a good thing.

(Dublin Central): A good thing, yes.

So in principle there is nothing wrong with farming taxation.

(Dublin Central): Capital gains might stop them very quickly.

All right. We shall come to that in a minute. Where do the Opposition stand on farming taxation? I have heard Deputy Haughey, for example, sound as if he was just about to say unequivocally that he was against it but, like a good old politician, he just never gets formulating it all that clearly that you could nail him down. However, I have a few quotations for the record that suggest that Deputy Haughey's mind inclines that way. At column 828, Volume 74, of the Official Report of 10th July, 1974, Deputy Haughey said:

The Minister should seriously consider whether at this time and in these circumstances he should proceed at all with his proposals to tax farmers.

The saver is there. At column 815 of the same volume he said:

I have always had a personal belief that income tax is not a suitable vehicle for taxing farming as a vocation.

Of course, "as a vocation" softens it. Other sorts of farming that is not "as a vocation", might be included, and then it was only a personal belief. Still, from a previous Minister for Finance, it looks like an affirmation that tax for farmers is not appropriate. He goes on to say:

Everybody accepts that the farming community, as any other section, should make a contribution to the common good through the common exchequer, but it is the way in which that contribution is made that is open for debate and discussion.

I am all in favour of debate and discussion but I like to see a conclusion. I think by now the Opposition owes it to us all to say whether they think, with Deputy Haughey, that income tax is not a suitable vehicle for taxing farming. Do they think it is a suitable vehicle, or do they like to speak out of both sides of their mouths, depending on the audience, the time and the place?

The Deputy is probably taking that out of context.

It is, possibly, but I at least have paid the House the compliment of giving the reference to the Dáil record and reading the transcript of that record. It is possibly out of context but it is paying a great deal more care to the context than is customary from that side of the House. I am not attributing opinions to a man; I am quoting him and not leaving out any words in between. Therefore I think we ought to be told about farming taxation.

That is one place that the extra money might come from if we were to increase expenditure, as we are called upon to do, and if we are simultaneously to reduce income tax and taxation on companies, as we are called on to do. If you do both of those things simultaneously, we must get the money from somewhere else; but then you are shutting off the avenues by which you get the money from somewhere else. I think the proper taxation of farming is not only socially just but a stimulus to agriculture. I am for it myself and I challenge the Opposition to get off the fence and tell us if they are for it or against it. If they want to hedge a bit and build in a lot of circumstances, all right; let them do that—it is reasonable—but, on the basic issue let them give us a clear answer.

Another place revenue can come from to spare the poor income tax payer, particularly on the bottom end of income tax, and indeed, to spare the company who wish to generate a little profit and to capitalise a little, is the taxing of natural resources. Last year we introduced mining taxation and there is some small adjustment to that in this Bill. Again, we have had an affirmation from the Opposition that, in their view, it is wrong to tax mining profits.

Some of the Minister's party think it is wrong to impose the tax in the way he intends.

I do not think they do. Speaking on the Finance (Taxation of Profits of Certain Mines) Bill on the 1st May, 1974, Deputy Colley said, as reported at column 527 of the Official Report:

First, this Bill before us is unnecessary.... We believe that, in relation to existing mines which were benefiting from this exemption, cancellation was both inequitable and damaging....

He went on to say that there should be royalties and that under Fianna Fáil legislation there was virtually no limit to what could be recovered for the community on foot of royalties in a clean and simple way.

I understand that my opposite number in Fianna Fáil, Deputy O'Malley, has not been well. I wish him a speedy recovery. However, very recently Deputy O'Malley amplified that question of royalties and said that what was involved was not a royalty on profits but on tonnage coming from the mine and that there was no need for taxation.

The scale of royalties existing under the arrangements made by the now Opposition ranged from 4 per cent to 10 per cent. If one were to double the figure at the top to 20 per cent one would have a situation in world terms that would be absolutely extraordinary. I am referring to percentage of profits. It was on profits that the existing arrangements with the existing mines were made by my predecessor. The suggestion that the only appropriate mining taxation is a royalty per ton would seem to involve a loss to the State of very large revenues but could be used to relieve taxation in other ways and would seem also to be endangering the jobs of people working in the mines. However I shall not pursue that except to give one illustration why it is such a dreadful approach to mining taxation and, consequently, so damaging to the consistency and credibility of the charges that we ought to be increasing the tax-free allowances and reducing company taxation, because this was precisely a way of doing it but a ridiculous and dangerous mechanism is substituted by the Opposition.

If the only taxation on mines is a flat rate on production, when the price of lead or zinc is very high, the yield to the State in percentage terms is tiny but when, on the other hand, the price of lead and zinc nosedives, as it does periodically, there is no way in which a tonnage royalty could be paid as distinct from a profits royalty and the firm without any public equity closes down and throws out the men until such time as the price increases again. A straight royalty per ton is a formula for being robbed in good years and for throwing miners out of work in bad years and also for bilking the State every year.

Let us now turn to capital taxation and to what Deputy Fitzpatrick said regarding wealth tax, that was, that it should be abolished slowly. He talked about Britain and of the dangerous comparison of our tax with Britain. He talked, too, about the free movement of wealth. He made some real points in that context but there is the fundamental point that while wealth tax sounds as if it is something new, section 45 of this Bill is titled "The Abolition of Death Duties". What were death duties but a tax on wealth and a very iniquitious tax on wealth? We recall the extraordinary impassioned demand, acceded to here, for the abolition of death duties. In our work as Deputies we are aware of the small businesses that were rendered bankrupt so that death duties might be paid.

Such situations arose because of a natural but foolish assumption of immortality. Psychologically, it is easy to believe that others will die but sometimes it is difficult to accept that oneself must die. It is that quirk of human nature that made death duties an effective but iniquitous form of taxation. Is it right to have abolished death duties? Surely the answer is a wholehearted "yes" and, it being right to do so, can the Opposition not find it in their hearts to say "yes" also to a replacement tax on wealth, to a new way of gathering revenue on wealth? When small businesses are sold in order to pay death duties the sufferers are the successors of these people. We know, too, of the farms that have been sold because of this form of taxation. We have heard of the people who laboured in order to stock a farm and then having to sell everything moveable in order to pay death duties. That system is being abolished but are the people on the other side pleased about this? If they are pleased, will they accept its replacement with wealth tax?

The Minister is rather unsure of himself. Is his conscience troubled because of the Tara Mines deal?

If I do nothing else in public life, the Tara Mines deal is the one thing I shall be proud of. It is something that will have justified my entry to public life.

I am sure the Minister tried very hard.

Order. The Minister, without interruption.

It is not a question of trying. The result is an extremely good one for the Irish people. It is not appropriate to discuss details of it on this Bill but I shall be happy to discuss the deal and to tease it out on another occasion. I am happy, too, to face the judgment of the Irish people—a judgment which, I think, will uphold my position but which will condemn the position and the acts of the Opposition while they were in Government.

We are only repeating what the Minister's colleagues are saying.

The Deputy may think I am unsure of myself. It may be that while speaking about taxation, a subject on which I am not an expert, I pause and think but this has nothing to do with the Tara Mines.

Regarding wealth tax, the point must be made that whether wealth is in a business, in a farm or in the vault of a bank, if it is not being used it is not socially productive, is not generating business and is not generating the development of the economy. I have affirmed that appropriate taxation on farmers' profits or appropriate taxation of wealth are stimulating and not depressing to the economy. The great example I would give in regard to wealth tax is Sweden, which is quite a small country in numbers of people but with an extraordinary technological base. It has an extraordinary reputation in export markets in the world and has shown a remarkable resiliance in the face of the difficulties that are creating chaos in so many countries. It is standing up to the rigours of inflation better than almost any other country, standing up to world depression better than almost any other country, with magnificent innovations in conditions and organisation of work to humanise industrial labour. It has very many admirable innovations and is among the pioneers in the world with regard to wealth tax. Wealth tax has not damaged Swedish industry; it has stimulated it because it has compelled people who possessed assets to use them in a productive way and not to sit on them.

It is a free enterprise society.

It is a mixed economy like many others but it does it extremely well under Social Democratic leadership for the last 40 years. I have spoken about wealth tax and I would ask for a consistent and coherent position from the Opposition on this matter. I have here a quotation from The Irish Times of 18th February, 1974—almost exactly a year ago—from a Fianna Fáil ard-fheis. Deputy Colley is quoted as saying:

A form of wealth tax which some sections of the Coalition Government are talking about would be administratively impossible, socially unjust and economically disastrous.

That is a fairly comprehensive denunciation. There are horses for courses and there are speeches for ardfheiseanna, for Parliament, for by-elections and for occasions where the audience will be more seriously critical than an ard-fheis audience. Deputy Colley's criticism appears to be a fairly consistent, coherent denunciation. Is that the Fianna Fáil position on wealth tax? Are they totally against it, even as a repalcement for death duties? People are entitled to know. Fianna Fáil may build in all the evasions they wish but they should not allow themselves the luxury of saying they want all the unpleasant things abolished and the nice things done. That kind of attitude is only an extension of the budget criticism that says that simultaneously the Government must take in less and give out more. It is inconsistent, and in difficult times it is irresponsible.

I could comment further on capital gains tax but I am not going to pursue that further. I have tried to make the point that if criticisms of the tax free allowances and of the taxation of business are to be serious we require a corresponding seriousness about other sources of income. We require a corresponding seriousness about taxes that are broadening the tax base that offer us the prospect, without slashing necessary expenditures, of raising money in other ways, and that could provide a realistic basis for more tax free allowances and an easier climate for business. From an Opposition who call themselves responsible we require serious, coherent and responsible attitudes with regard to these matters.

I wish to refer to another aspect of the Opposition's incoherence and inconsistency——

The Minister is not giving a balanced view.

I am being patient and gentle with the Opposition. I am trying to make a reasoned argument which says that in difficult times, and particularly from people who have recently been in Government themselves, it is necessary to have positions that are consistent and logical. If they disagree with the Government's position, they should do it for good reasons that are not damaging to confidence: they should not simply travel part of the road with everybody for the sort of casual advantage that can be gained from saying inconsistent things. I am trying to indicate that in bad times we need a responsible Opposition and I am trying to indicate—I think quite gently and patiently—that we are not getting it. In fact, I am trying to help the Deputy to be a better Opposition.

The Minister should put his own house in order first. They should give us good government.

I believe we are behaving logically and consistently. We are resisting the temptation to respond to calls of panic to introduce all sorts of hectic innovations that in the long run would be more harmful than useful. Twenty years ago when I was in practice as a vet I knew a man whose nickname was "Something" and I asked why he was called that. The reason was there was a noise one dark night somewhere near his house and, in fear, he went to look. When he came back to the house he was asked what it was and he replied "It was something". This generated enough amusement to earn him a nickname for the rest of his days. I am reminded of that by the calls of the Opposition that we do "something" and we ask the question. "What?" There is the experience— 16 years of government and a lot more before that—there is the knowledge of the economy and they say "Do something". We ask them what are we doing wrong, what is the "something" we should be doing better?

The Minister is proving his whole policy is wrong.

Their criticism is non-defined, non-quantified and changing every day, with the casual advantage that may be obtained from flattering a particular audience at a given time. That is the only consistency, it is the only criterion. I want to illustrate that point in regard to the attitude to taxation and to budget deficits because there have been most interesting changes on this. In the budget debate on 3rd April, 1974, the Opposition spokesman on Finance, Deputy Colley, at column 1477 of the Official Report said:

We have just listened to a fraudulent and grossly irresponsible diatribe——

he was referring to the speech of the Minister for Finance-and at column 1478 he went on to say:

... it is gross irresponsibility on the part of the Government to bring in a budget providing for a deficit of more than £66 million.

At column 1479 the Deputy said:

... it is clear that in the circumstances a deficit of £20 to £25 million would be the maximum consonant with achieving the most growth without producing inflation.

That is a clear position and it would be nice if it remained so.

At least Deputy Colley was consistent from April, 1974 to July, 1974 and we must be thankful for small mercies because the position lasted for three months. When talking about the Finance Bill, at columns 544-545 of the Official Report dated 9th July, 1974, the Deputy said:

It is not doing anything to overcome the effect of the irresponsible deficit introduced in the budget ...

I suppose he was already modifying his position a bit because it was fraudulent and grossly irresponsible on 3rd April but it was only irresponsible on 9th July. I regret to say it did not hold up. Too much consistency, I suppose, we should not look for. When the budget of 1975 came around on 15th January of this year, Deputy Colley, speaking on the budget on that day at column 275 of Volume 277 of the Official Report, said:

Given the right circumstances, channelling the money the right way, I personally would go for a bigger deficit in the circumstances in which we find ourselves this year.

Last year £60 million was too much; £20 million to £25 million was about right. This year a much bigger deficit was not enough. This is a major volte face in a short time. It is a major inconsistency. Perhaps there has been an improvement in the quality of the economic advice in the interval. I think we were right last year, though Deputy Colley said we were much too high, and he said it in most measured terms. I think we were right again this year. Deputy Colley said we had not gone high enough.

When the Minister says they were right, they budgeted for £60 million and they got £90 million.

I think the deficit was right in the circumstances. The Deputy will be familiar with the difficulty as regards certainty of the run out.

But which was right —the projected deficit of £60 million or the actual deficit of £90 million?

Only someone with experience in the Department of Finance, as the Deputy had, will know that when a deficit is projected it goes on the basis of one's own experience and normal economic facts allow for a marginal error and one can allow for an individual best guess as to which way the error is likely to go.

The Minister said they were right last year. Were they right in what they thought was going to happen, a £60 million deficit, or right as to what actually happened, a £90 million deficit? There is a 50 per cent difference.

But it is a 50 per cent difference separated in time and the Deputy knows that an estimate does not guarantee certainty. I think we were right in the amount of stimulus we gave.

But the projected deficit was inconsistent with the actual deficit.

It was not inconsistent.

The Minister was talking about inconsistency.

Yes, but a projected figure is not inconsistent with the actual out-turn. Surely this is not a difficulty. It does not have any connection with inconsistency. The point is that in one instance we were very moderately criticised for going too high and nine months later we were equally lightheartedly criticised for not going high enough, even though the second deficit was much greater than the first and even though the general requirements of both budgets were somewhat similar and that to me bespeaks what I can only describe as a lightheartedness and an irresponsibility.

I want to come back now to the central thought. The question of a tax free allowance is an extremely important one because over the period for which I gave figures at the beginning too many people have been caught. This year the percentage increase, which is an adjustment for most, or hopefully all, but only perhaps most, of inflation is appropriate in circumstances where we do not want a rise in real living standards. It is not satisfactory in the long term certainly.

I want to make the point about encouraging business that, if one wants to avoid the situation that Deputy Fitzpatrick correctly isolated as a danger where manufacturing industry is overtaxed, taxed to the point where taxation is a disincentive, and if one wants simultaneously to release income tax payers from taxation at the bottom, and if one does not want to raise more money from the various forms of tax, VAT or whatever, then the task is to broaden the tax base into taxes on farming, taxes on mining and other natural resources and certain capital taxes. And if you ask for a bigger deficit, which is implied, if you ask for money for food subsidies, which has now been done clearly but, as I tried to indicate, inconsistently, and if you ask for a relief of the lower paid from income tax, and if you ask for the most generous possible environment for business and manufacturing industry, then you must face honestly and fairly, and not in an opportunist genuflection towards every sector, the question of taxation on the agricultural industry, on mining and other natural resources and on capital. If you fail to face those, fail to be constructive and creative and direct, and fail to clarify your position on those, nobody can take too seriously your criticisms of other areas because you will simply, as I said before, do what it seems to me has been done by the Opposition in this and other debates: you simply say in regard to finance and taxation that the Government must give out more, for example, food subsidies, and take in less—for example, the criticism of the capital tax free allowances. That is an inconsistent approach which, though it may be good in short-term vote-catching popularity, is bad for the level of economic debate, bad for the mood of frankness and trust that a healthy economy requires and, in the long run, bad for the economy.

I have listened with interest to the Minister for Industry and Commerce and, without being in any way disrespectful to him, I feel he is very uneasy over something.

I want better opposition. That is what has upset me.

Let the Minister put his own house in order first of all.

A Cheann Comhairle, is the House adjourned?

I am sorry. I should not leave.

We would like some consistency.

It is a fair point and one I concede.

The Minister was running away from bad Government.

I know Deputy Moore is very deadly but I did not think the Minister would display such cowardice.

I shall not be too hard on the Minister and I think we might now have a House.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

When the Minister said in his opening remarks that the Bill was another milestone on the road to an equitable tax system, he was just talking so much poppycock. Having read the Bill, we know that it leads neither to an equitable tax system nor a more efficient one. If the whole purpose of the Bill is to collect or attract more revenue, this will be done by allowing for an inflationary rate of 20 per cent. If he is thinking of giving equity and justice to the hard-pressed taxpayer, I do not think he will achieve his ideal in this Bill. He has said that there may be another Finance Bill later this year.

We must remember that nowadays democracy has become such that overnight, or during the night, or even when the House is in session, a Minister can make an order increasing the price of petrol, which provides great revenue for the State coffers without affording the courtesy to the House of asking it to discuss the matter. When we have a structure of Government like that, why bother to bring in a budget followed by a Finance Bill? To increase the price of petrol as was done on two occasions is hardly equitable or providing a more just tax system.

The Minister may feel it is a very efficient tax because it brings in more money, but we must take into account the effects that tax may have on employment and on the general standard of living. When we realise that there are now more than 103,000 people unemployed we can see that the Minister's measures so far have not been very effective in providing full employment. Each day the total number of unemployed rises. Even allowing for outside influences, we feel that no serious attempt has been made to give confidence to our people to enable them to fight the decline in our economic growth. If we could regain that confidence we could get down to tackling our problems. It must be left to another Government to tackle the problems as they should be tackled, and to bring about an improvement in the fortunes of the country.

The Minister may have budgeted wrongly. With rising unemployment, capacity to spend may be curtailed, and the Minister may not get all the revenue he had hoped for. We must sound a note of warning. Under the pay-related system of social welfare, after six months a change takes place, and any person who is so unfortunate as to be unemployed for six months may find that his income and his spending power are curtailed.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce taunted the Opposition and said somebody must do something. We suggest that the Government cannot slide out of their responsibility in that way. People are saying that the Government must do something (a) to arrest the frightful spiral in the cost of living and (b) to arrest the calamitous rise in the unemployment rate. These are twin evils. The Government cannot go on blaming them on outside influences when many of them are of their own making. The Minister accused the Opposition of not being responsible and not being a good Opposition. My reply is that, when he puts his own house in order and comes forward with worthwhile proposals, we will give honest and fair criticism, and we will make suggestions as to how the Government's proposals could be bettered. Due to a lack of any real proposals, one is not encouraged to take the Minister seriously.

There were some good things in the budget. We welcome the social welfare increases. Cynics may point out that the Government increased the social welfare benefits, but they have been eroded, in part anyway, by the spiral of inflation. That is true. So far as we are aware, inflation is not getting any better and therefore we can look forward to further erosions of the provisions made in the budget by the Minister for Finance. The Governments consideration for thalidomide children and their parents is welcomed by us on this side of the House. The Minister for Health made an agreement and, so far as we know, it was accepted by the parents.

We can go through the Finance Bill without finding anything which will act as a catalyst to re-energise the economic life of the nation, for example, by getting the construction industry going again as it should be going. In section 5 reliefs are being given for the construction of buildings. I doubt that they will set the construction industry on fire. This is one sector for which the Government might do that something to which the Minister for Industry and Commerce referred.

We have been pointing out what should be done in order to re-invigorate the construction industry. In spite of what is said on the far side of the House, all is not well with that industry. It does not give me or any other Member on this side of the House any satisfaction to say it, but we know from official figures that there are more people unemployed in the building industry than there are in any other industry.

Much of what the Deputy is saying could not be regarded as relevant to the Bill under discussion which is essentially a taxation measure and the Deputy is making what could be described as a budget speech.

I was referring to section 5 of the Finance Bill which I think does not give sufficient relief and I was expanding on that point, but I accept the Chair's ruling. Yesterday, the Minister for Finance opened an exhibition in connection with decentralisation and how to attract industry away from Dublin. I suppose everybody here believes in decentralisation but I fear the haphazard way in which it is being done. It is all right to impress the Midlands people who naturally want industries in their areas —a very laudable ambition. I think this must be done, but it must be done in a planned manner, well thought out by the Government with all the State resources behind it. I can assure the Minister, a Dublin Deputy, that we have no fewer than 30,000 people unemployed in the Dublin area and they will look with a rather jaundiced eye at any move which they think might render their prospects of employment in this area any less. While the Government may decide to transfer a Department out of the city—a good idea, I think—but to attract industry away from the city and to advertise that you are doing that because of the free availability of labour in other places when we have 30,000 unemployed in Dublin, is another matter. I suggest there must be a generous supply of labour in this area.

The Government have not done serious homework on this grave social evil of unemployment which only they can cure. The picture of Dublin is being painted as an affluent city without any deprived people, with many motor cars and luxury living. Behind the affluent façade there are 30,000 people without jobs and this number grows weekly. When one recalls that, we can be excused for finding fault with this Finance Bill, which gives no hope to anybody, even to those now employed, that they will be employed for the next year. This brings home to us the airy-fairy approach of the Government to this basic problem of unemployment for people who want to work for their own betterment and that of their community. I do not know how the Government can be got to act more seriously but one must hammer home these points all the time in the hope that they may take notice.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce spoke about bad or not good Opposition: you are not good if you remind them of these things but you are quite good if you do not keep emphasising these problems and accept as gospel all the Minister says or all that is in the Finance Bill. Finance Bills are essential, although the Government seem to dispense with them when they bring in such a penal measure as petrol price increases without coming to the House—an easier and more expeditious way of doing it. But it is not a democratic way and it will erode confidence in the Government as time goes on if they engage in this kind of operation.

Section 35 in Part II of the Bill deals with tax on drink. One can understand the temptation to the Minister when he sees it published that we spend £400 million on drink in a year. I suppose that figure includes the duty on drink and I do not know the net amount spent on drink. I suppose few will criticise the Minister for applying tax in this sector but are there more people drinking or, are people drinking more because of the stress of present-day living? Is it that people generally are drinking more because of modern stress? Perhaps the psychologists will tell us some day but whatever the cause we see that the Minister here has a ready source of revenue anytime he decides to impose a tax. There is, however, the law of diminishing returns and it may be that drink can be so heavily taxed that the returns may fall. While, personally, I should not be disappointed at that we would have to get the money elsewhere. If people drink more and more through human frailty we tax them more and more but does it stop them drinking or will they continue to drink? That is more a social question than one for the Minister for Finance. The Minister who must be fairly consistent in his ideas on taxation may well, in the next budget —which, as he said, could come this year—tax drink again. Will he be assured of more revenue or fewer drinkers? We shall leave the question open until the next budget.

The same considerations apply to the duty on bets imposed under section 40. The Minister must be sorely tempted to tax bets. If he does so, there is a danger that it will make popular once again the street corner bookie, although that did not happen here as much as it did in England before betting was legalised. If taxation is very heavy, it may force the legitimate bookie out of business. The street corner bookie will not pay any tax. I cannot remember the figure given in the budget which the Minister expects to collect from this taxation.

I want to know if drink and betting are to be easy tax targets in future. If so, the Minister will have to do some real thinking on how he will finance future operations. If that time comes, not alone the Minister but the social worker will have problems. If the Minister wants to discourage betting or drinking, he is going the right way about it. Did he put on this tax solely in the hope of increasing revenue because he knew people would bet and drink irrespective of the amount of taxation on them? That question cannot be answered here tonight. In the year ahead we will see what effect this equitable Bill, as the Minister calls it, will have on this sector of our people.

Section 41 deals with the provisions under the Game and Lotteries Act, 1956. The Minister might have that Act examined in so far as it deals with the operation of fruit machines or one-armed bandits. I deplore the effect they have had on one of our Dublin streets which reminds me of Skid Row. I am sure the Minister is not interested in this aspect of the Act but I suggest the Government examine this Act to see how these machines can best be run. We should think of the revenue from them as secondary to the main part they play in the social scene.

The Minister and other Deputies received a letter from the Amusement Caterers' Association of Ireland appealing to us to press for a reduction in taxation on the machines they operate in the cities and the country. They make a fair case for a difference in taxation between a large urban centre and a seaside resort. I am sure most of us have spent a wet boring Sunday afternoon at some of these seaside resorts. Despite one's puritanical leanings, one might be tempted to shelter from the rain in the amusement arcades. Gambling there should be confined to adults. Usually at these resorts children have free run of these places and play the machines.

The Minister might consider giving relief to the small operator who operates only during the summer and sometimes during the winter months at these resorts. I have never seen a great deal of gambling there but I have seen children throwing pennies. The Minister should give some relief for the "roll-a-penny". There is a kind of skill in rolling the penny but there is no skill needed for the one-armed bandit. All one needs is to put in a penny, jerk the handle and hope to win a fortune. Slot machines are as much a part of the scene as other forms of gambling.

An outside agency has applied for permission to provide many more machines to premises in Dublin city. When a women's organisation approached the owner they did not even get a reply. The Minister should have no compunction in taxing that type of operator. Again, I say that this Act should be examined.

We could do without some of these operations, although they bring revenue into the State coffers. If we must have them, the Minister might tax the premises thereby ensuring that they are registered, under the Act, properly run and children are barred. Some of these places have hobby horses. When I asked the owner about this he said he did not encourage children. I pointed out that he had hobby horses on his premises. Surely the adults did not use them. He said they did not but that they kept the children quiet while the parents gambled. While he was keeping within the law by keeping the children outside the actual gambling area, they were just a few yards away in a porch. The Minister might suggest at a Government meeting that the Gaming and Lotteries Act, 1956, be examined to see what, if anything, can be done to improve it.

There has been an increase in the dog licence fee. It does one good to participate in a rural by-election campaign because one realises how other people live. If I thought the Minister's action in regard to dog licences would do anything to save sheep and lambs from marauding dogs I would applaud him, but I do not think it does. After last week even I, a city man, can appreciate the distress of small farmers who, having tended their small flocks of sheep and lambs, go out in the morning to see them slaughtered by dogs. I do not think the increased licence fee will do anything to remedy that.

Not so long ago the Government received proposals from the RSPCA on the control of dogs. They had something more concrete than a simple increase in dog licence fees. This may bring in revenue but the farming community are more interested in the prevention of cruelty to their sheep flocks.

This document cannot be described as a social one. The Minister spread his net over a very wide range of social life and one can imagine that he had the desire originally to do good things. However, the Bill we have before us does not achieve that desire. The Minister for Industry and Commerce a few moments ago made a great case for the abolition of death duties. This reminds me of a case of an illegitimate child which I brought to the Minister's attention some time ago. The mother died and left some property and that child had to pay more in taxes than a child born in wedlock would have to pay. I appreciate that the Minister had great difficulty in doing anything. The previous Minister, Deputy Colley, amended the law to give greater relief in such cases. Perhaps it would be impossible to give such relief retrospectively but I should like the Minister to deal with this matter when he is winding up. I have no intention of getting onto a certain bandwagon but I would point out that successive Ministers have amended legislation in order to make the lives of such people a little easier; and if the abolition of death duties means that these children would have a better time, we certainly will welcome it as one of the good parts of the Bill.

I have read a report of the National Economic and Social Council on population and employment projections, 1971-86. It is a very good report, giving projections of what employment will be like over the next ten years. Do we ever get down to saying: we believe in this report; we believe we should have full employment by 1981, a mere six years away? Do we frame Finance Bills and budgets in order to achieve these things, or is the report written with the hope that things will go on improving and that we will have full employment some day?

I am a long time in politics and one of the things that drove me into politics when I was a young fellow was the fact that in this city we saw so much unemployment and poverty that we always dreamt of the day when there would be full employment. However, when I see the figure today of 103,000 unemployed people I ask will we ever achieve full employment. It is no excuse to say that because things are bad in Britain we should be satisfied to say: "If they are bad in Britain we cannot expect any more." That country is at the end of an era, of an empire which went the way of all empires and is feeling the pinch now with the loss of colonies. We never had any colonies.

I suggest that the reports to which I have referred were drawn up on a factual basis. We should be able to use the collective brains of the nation and to create a society and develop the national wealth so that some day we will have full employment. I become very despondent each week looking at the unemployment returns which continue to grow. I recall the promises of this Government in their famous 14-point plan. I consider those promises now to be either a sick joke or a piece of political cynicism.

I can see nothing in this Bill which will help in any way to inject any more activity into the economy or hold out any hope for those 103,000 people of getting employment. One finds oneself saying: "Is there some inherent weakness in our whole make-up? Is there some reason why we cannot build because most nations in Europe have had full employment some time but we have never had it." When we joined the EEC we said: "We are going ahead now. We are in this new Community. With the help we get from it and the part we play in it, we will be just as well off as say, West Germany, Denmark and so on." They have their problems at present but are much better able to cope with them and they have not our high rate of unemployment.

This Finance Bill will do nothing to improve matters for us. Therefore, I feel it is not a milestone on the road to a more equitable system of taxation because I can anticipate the Minister saying the same thing in his next Finance Bill. Unless the Government decide to break out of their present strait jacket consisting, on one side, of the highly conservative policies of Fine Gael and, on the other, the half-baked Socialist policies of the Labour Party, what will happen when they get down to negotiate the next national wage agreement? The Minister will not be able to guarantee to the negotiators on either side that any increases given will not be eroded by the continually spiralling rate of inflation, nor will he be able to give employers any guarantee that their task will not become more difficult until there are next year perhaps even more people unemployed than there are at present.

Therefore I cannot support the Minister's Bill. I have given credit for the one or two good things in it. Later this year, if the Minister brings in the budget he mentioned, perhaps we may hold out some hope that he will do better than he has done in this one.

The Finance Bill, 1975, represents a milestone in this House. Since the foundation of the State people have been subjected to estate and death duties. This Bill abolishes death duties completely. To illustrate the number of people who will benefit from the abolition of death duties it is pertinent to refer to the fact that over a 30-year period the estates of practically 9,000 people a year were subject to death duties, succession duties and estate duties. From the statistics of the Revenue Commissioners it is relevant to deduce a total figure of 270,000 persons affected in that 30-year period. That means that, give or take 20,000, a quarter of a million people will benefit directly from this legislation, which we feel confident will be passed this evening without a division. Previous speakers from the Opposition side referred to certain defects in the Bill of a subjective nature. This Bill does constitute a milestone, although Fianna Fáil say it does not. To repeal a Tax Act is particularly difficult and this Bill repeals the previous legislation dealing with which referred to estate, legacy and succession duties.

Because Part III is most important it has been examined in depth by Opposition speakers. But every family will welcome the introduction of this legislation because it brings them direct relief. When we took office an estate with a value more than £7,500 was liable to death duties. That amount will be abolished completely by the passage of this Bill. No death duties such as existed heretofore will obtain in the future in any form. Ninety per cent of those people who were charged estate, legacy, and succession duties will be completely relieved and possibly only 10 per cent may have to contribute in the form of a substitute tax which will be introduced and be effective from the 1st of April, 1975, namely, the capital gains tax or wealth tax.

May I recapitulate what has happened in recent years? In 15 years of Executive power the Fianna Fáil Party distributed only £17 million by way of personal income tax relief. This Bill provides the machinery under which the Minister, who in the past two years allowed £60 million by way of personal income tax relief, plus £12 million in company and corporation taxation relief, can provide further income tax relief for a salary earner. It is to be welcomed with open arms. It provides more for the man who is willing to get up and go out and work. To my mind it does not provide enough but it is a step in the right direction. Anybody who owns a suburban house of reasonable quality, a roadworthy motor car and has an average insurance policy will have an estate of £10,000 when he dies. All people who have accumulated any form of possessions that are worth anything will be relieved by this legislation. A regular saver over a period of years, an insurance policy holder or a house owner would have come into the death duty net. Now they have all been relieved. This is most welcome because it gives an incentive to work, an incentive to expand a private house, to accumulate and to use one's talents to the best of one's ability. Under the Fianna Fáil administration it was considered prudent to set up trust funds and to use every possible means of tax avoidance. This was encouraged by the previous Administration. Tax specialists specialised in death duty avoidance. It had almost become a profession in itself. Those people charged large fees for advising people how to avoid tax. This legislation relieves the majority of people who were in a way blackmailed into paying for this service, who set up funds and moved money to different countries.

Fianna Fáil have laid emphasis on a few sections in the Bill. They have laid emphasis on the taxing of a dog, on the age of a person playing a slot machine, on the eligibility of a person to gain entrance to an amusement arcade at the seaside or in a holiday camp. Those are all red herrings to take away from the fact that this is the most popular legislation that has been introduced since the last Coalition went out and Fianna Fáil came in. It is a milestone on the road to a just taxation system.

The white collar worker, the salaried man, the man who is paying off his mortgage, his rates, his voluntary health, his compulsory contribution to health, his insurance policy, his annuity subscription— that is the man who is being hardest hit and that is the man who it provides for, to some extent, in section I of this Bill. He is not provided for sufficiently. He is the backbone of our society. He is the main source of income to the Exchequer. He is the backbone of voluntary organisations, subscriptions to the church. He is to be found in every movement that exists. Over the years—and the previous Administration must shoulder the blame for this—this army of white collar workers have been ignored and suppressed to such an extent that the only thing they could do was go on strike. We have seen dreadful things happen. We have seen respected professions like the nursing profession marching up and down out here in the rain. Section I of this Bill could be more liberal in providing income tax relief for the white collar worker. When people refer to the wage factor in inflation they are inclined to think of the man on the machine, the blue collar worker. This Bill provides some relief for the white collar worker. The removal of the health and housing charges from the rates is also a tremendous boost to him but I would like the Minister to increase further the reliefs for the white collar worker.

The most underprivileged of our society are the widows. A widow and children must not only suffer the psychological effect of their bereavement but their financial circumstances are adversely affected. Single parent families should get the most preferential treatment possible. The parity of increase for a widow's allowance is a minor relief but it is not enough. A widow should be treated as a very special case. Widows, particularly widows with young children, are the most vulnerable people in our society. They should be treated as gently and as protectively as possible.

The most traumatic thing a child can suffer is the loss of a parent. We should do all in our power to ease this trauma by extra relief that would ensure that the widow and her children would have the same standard of living as they enjoyed when the father was alive. If the children were attending a particular school while the father was alive, they should be able to continue there. If the fees prove too heavy for the widow, to the extent that she is compelled to sublet her house and take in strangers, she should be given assistance. It is always repelling for a widow to have to take in strangers in order that she may hold on to the house she has lived in for most of her married life. Invariably, this is the case throughout urban areas because it provides an alternative source of income.

I am sorry to say that we do not provide sufficiently for the widow or her family. I do not believe this House fully recognises the need to provide for widows. It is tragic to see families breaking up because there are not sufficient financial resources in the home to keep them together. This happens through every stratum of our society. I accept that families can break up for other reasons, because of illness, or because difficult children may have to go to special institutions; but that a family should have to break up because of lack of money following on the death of a father is wrong. That a son or daughter has to be sent to an uncle or an aunt because there is not sufficient income coming into the house is the worst thing that can happen to any mother or to any child. This will happen more in the future unless we make greater provision for the widow. We should put widows into a special category as recognised under our Constitution. In urging the Minister to review the position in this regard I am aware that I am speaking to an open ear. I do not think the Opposition would object to the Minister giving widows special consideration.

For some strange reason the Opposition may vote against the principles of this Bill but it amuses me to hear people speaking of the dog licences and slot machines because when if it is wet people will go into amusement arcades and put money into slot machines.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill, one of the most important pieces of legislation presented to this House annually. When we look at the type of criticisms that have been levelled at this Bill, criticism about the horses, the dogs and the slot machines, we can see that everything has been thought of with the exception of the three-card-trick or toss-a-penny. The figures show that £17 million in personal income tax allowances were given in 15 years compared with £60 million in two years by the National Coalition and £12 million in company taxation and corporation profits tax. There was every reason why Fianna Fáil should have taxed the three-card-trick because they were playing the three-card-trick for 15 years in trying to fool the people. As the Minister for Finance has said, many times the people got the Government they deserved because they voted them into power.

There was a time when medicines were tax free to animals—budgies, dogs and cats—while at the same time Fianna Fáil had a tax on medicines for humans. I appeal to the Minister to give consideration to alleviating the huge increase that has occurred in medical expenses. Over the years medical expenses have been allowed against income tax but this amount should be increased because a week in hospital could cost up to £200, depending on the number of tests a patient is subjected to. One peculiar anomaly in this legislation is that medicine taken by mouth is free of tax but medicine taken in the form of a suppository, a cream or in the form of an injection is taxed. Because of that the cost of the medicine is higher. I know that no Government would be anxious to increase the cost of medicine to people, but this unfortunately is the position. I appeal to the Minister to amend the section dealing with this matter on Committee Stage and I am sure this will be done.

Another matter which came in for criticism was the income tax on motor cars necessarily used in the pursuit of one's business or profession. That allowance is still static at £2,500 but that figure should be reviewed in view of the astronomical increases in costs. It is more financially viable for a person using his car in the course of his business or profession to buy a second hand car and spend £3,000 and £4,000 on its maintenance and repairs rather than buying a new car because they are tax deductible. If such a person purchases a new car he is allowed only 25 per cent of £2,500 against depreciation. I am sure the Minister realises that it is necessary for certain people to have cars which are reliable, vehicles that will start readily on frosty and wet nights and get a person to his destination in a hurry. I would like the Minister to introduce some provision to help people with a minor physical impediment, such as people with abnormally long legs, who may need a particular type of car. Those people do not have to have a physical handicap. If a person can produce enough evidence that he cannot use a motor car of a certain size he should be helped to obtain a car which is suitable for him.

This legislation should include a special provision for the massive escalation in the price of oil. Some relief should be given to people whose lives can be affected because of this. I refer particularly to old-age pensioners living in local authority dwellings where there are no fireplaces. I have two accounts from the Alliance and Dublin Consumers Gas Company for a period of three months. These accounts were sent to old-age pensioners living on their own. Both of these bills are for over £80.

The Deputy appreciates that this matter does not arise on the Finance Bill.

Unfortunately there is nothing about this in the Finance Bill. It should have included in it a special provision to help the people affected by the massive increase in oil costs. They should be given some subsidy or tax relief. It was all right giving an increase in old-age pensions but what good is it when the money is taken off them in paying for fuel? I have already asked Dublin Corporation to give relief to those old-age pensioners who are using gas. The free turf is no good to them. The free electricity units are no good to them because their central heating is by gas. Many of these people live in maisonettes around the country.

I want to congratulate the Minister and his officials on the wonderful job they have done. I want to conclude by referring to what I said at the beginning that this Bill will be a milestone in financial legislation in this House. It provides relief for 100 per cent of the population because it abolishes death duties once and for all.

The long title of the Bill we are discussing describes it as "An Act to charge and impose certain duties of customs and inland revenue including excise to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue including excise and to make further provisions in connection with finance". It is an annual measure and one which gives scope to a Minister for Finance to exercise his mind, use his imagination and demonstrate his ability. If he has got anything special to offer it is more likely to manifest itself in this measure than in perhaps anything else introduced during the year. It is an exercise of manipulating the finances in order to set the economy on the course which the Minister desires it should be set.

It gives an opportunity to a Government to show their ability at housekeeping the nation's affairs generally. At best I could only describe this Bill as the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Keating as he was then, described the Fianna Fáil Finance Bill in 1972. "It is a very reasonable, moderate measure. It is an exercise in cosmetic surgery". At best it contains little cosmetic surgery but, taken against the present economic background, which is the most serious the country has faced in all its history, it falls far short of demonstrating on the part of the Minister or the Government any real effort at tackling the serious affairs of the nation.

It is a get-by measure, always hoping that something may happen, in Macawber-like fashion, that something will turn up. We have heard a lot of talk from the other side about an honest approach, how serious we should regard our duties as an Opposition and the extent to which we should provide constructive criticism for the Government. Were Deputies on the other side honest with themselves and the Minister in admitting that the Bill at its worst is a scourge of taxation on the country, such as we have never witnessed before, an all-time high? The Minister referred to it as another milestone on the road to an equitable and efficient taxation system. He went on to say that the process of taxation reform is unavoidably arduous and uncertain, but the Government's aim remains constant, the achievement of a tax base which is broad. By heaven, it is broad and it is getting broader.

The tax code, which has been a nightmare for the business world in this country for many years, is now reaching a maze where it must be the joy of the auditors and accountants who must be called in to the smallest business, adding further to their already growing costs, in order to try to present to the Revenue people some form of accountancy which they are not able to do themselves. We are getting tired listening to the often-repeated phrase that things may be bad but other countries are as bad as we are, that things are due to factors beyond our control.

There was a comic strip in one of our daily papers recently in which two women were portrayed, one saying to the other: "Maggie, we cannot go to bingo tonight due to external factors beyond our control." How long shall we continue to say our Government is no longer relevant, that factors outside our control rule this country, that we must stand helplessly looking at what is happening and hope that something will turn up and that things will right themselves again?

Listening to the last speaker one would almost think this Bill conferred benefits. He talked about the number of people who would benefit under this Bill. This Bill has to be considered in conjunction with the many other different budgets and Bills that have passed through this House and that are promised in the future but that we have not seen yet. There was a savage increase in petrol which is referred to in this Bill, but the Bill does not do what was promised. There is still the same system of collection, a simple statutory order on the Order Paper taking £30 million from the people.

There is also the capital gains tax, the wealth tax, the farmer's tax, the acquisition tax, VAT, three sets of budget taxes: 30 per cent on petrol, 33 per cent on postal charges, 33 per cent on TV licences, 20 per cent on beer, 17 per cent on tobacco. This Bill is supposed to be conferring benefits on people at a time when there are 104,000 people on the dole costing the country £1 million or more per week for the payment of unemployment assistance alone, not to talk about the other welfare payments, with money becoming of less and less value day by day. We are living in a state of national emergency, and we are trying to keep it on a low key. There is no more confidence in the economy at present than there would be in the likelihood of our sending a man into space before Easter. Certainly this Bill does nothing to inspire confidence. It merely does a little bit of cosmetic surgery which would have been better left undone.

I do not think the Central Bank are always wrong, even though they may find themselves in conflict with the Economic and Social Research Institute. I have yet to find their advice wrong. I recall that when we were in Government the warning from the Central Bank and from those in finance who were expert in such matters was to ease off on foreign borrowing, that it was reaching serious proportions. This year we are going to fill a huge deficit by foreign borrowing. We do not know where it is coming from yet. There are people going over to Libya next week. I am not sure whether they will take it if they get it; the Minister has not given them proper riding instructions.

There are reputable and respectable ways of borrowing internationally as well as nationally. Those are the only ways in which this Government propose to borrow.

There are several ways of borrowing, but we know some of them in which the Government failed, and that was on the home market.

We did not.

They failed utterly when the position was less serious than it is now. I would ask the Minister to test the home market for a loan at present. He wants to use reputable means and we shall give him every support from this side of the House to get it.

The Quarterly Report issued by the Central Bank makes a few cogent remarks which no Minister can overlook or gainsay, and they are worth putting on the record of the House. The Bank's view is that the safeguarding of employment and living standards must be a predominant aim or policy, but this could be made an impossible task if money incomes were to keep on increasing at the rates now current. It goes on to say that there are two dangerous illusions which must be put aside. One is that Irish inflation is so largely determined externally that nothing can or need be done about it. The other is that the balance of payments will come right of its own accord. I have yet to hear anybody trying to refute those incontrovertible facts. There is nothing in this Bill or in any other financial measure which has come before this House in recent times that would support that theory. We have yet to hear the Minister tell us he will adopt it in his effort to carry out fiscal and monetary reforms in tune with the present state of the economy.

Let me give an example of the Minister's naivete in this whole matter. I said in the House recently that the Minister would have to use fiscal and monetary adjustments in order to meet the situation. In reply the Minister said: "Of course this means extra taxation." The Minister should know that monetary and fiscal adjustments can be up or down and may be applied according to what the situation appertaining at the time is. He should also know that if he is to save the employers from having to meet the full burden of the extra payments which the worers will now be claiming and can justify, he should have forestalled them by giving sufficient relief from income tax to save the pockets of those employers who are unable to pay it out of profits.

There are many means by which he could have done it. Why did he throw the entire weight of any corrective measures he sought to take or any benefits he sought to give on new taxation and on the consumer? If there are certain benefits for social welfare recipients, why is he going to make those who pay weekly contributions meet the entire cost through the insurance stamp, and then expect it to be seen as some sort of benefit given by the Government to these people? The employers and the workers are being required to provide this aid by way of increased stamp contributions. Why does the Minister not ease the tax system for some of those small firms on their knees because of a lack of cash flow and against whom actions are being brought in the bankruptcy court? Do such matters not mean anything at a time when the country is heading for bankruptcy?

Speakers on the other side tell us that this is conferring a lot in terms of benefits. Was it a benefit to have taken £30 million extra by way of petrol taxation and a greater amount by way of increased postal charges? It was not enough to have six new types of taxation but dogs were brought within the increases the other day under the guise of building kennels for them. In the same way the increase in petrol taxation was put forward as a means of conserving energy. Building kennels for stray dogs is something that has never been heard of down the country. We must be honest with ourselves.

When the Minister for Industry and Commerce speaks here he adopts a stance that gets under my skin. Invariably, he tries to tell us that we are trying to blow the Government off course in the serious work they are undertaking. There were no more irresponsible speeches made from this side when Fine Gael and Labour were in Opposition than some of those made by Deputy Keating. In one such speech he tried to incite the workers to riot at a time when we were trying to encourage them to exercise some restraint in their demands for wages and when, as Minister for Labour, I was sitting down with them and endeavouring to get their support for the first national wage agreement. At that time I got a message fairly directly from them that, if we did something in the budget to improve the tax-free allowances, their demands would be modified. As a result we succeeded in having that first national wage agreement and we removed provisions which had been entered on the statute book. This was at a time when the only help we got from Deputy Keating—the man who is lecturing us continually on our irresponsibility as an Opposition—was a speech in which, talking about inflation and how the worker should not have any regard for it because it is imported anyhow, he said that the effect of permitting that sort of inflation was to generate a sort of fury among ordinary people, that it resulted in men being goaded by their wives on their return from the shops, in smashing the trade union movement and in destroying the national wage agreement. That was at a time when we had succeeded in reducing inflation from 10 per cent to 9 per cent when other countries were experiencing a much more rapid and higher rate of inflation, so giving us an edge on the foreign market for the export of our goods, a factor that was of great importance.

Inflation then, according to Deputy Keating and other Members of the then Opposition, was the most serious problem this country ever faced, apart from the deficit in the balance of payments. Inflation last year was more than 20 per cent. Yet we are told that this Bill is conferring benefits on the people. The deficit in the balance of payments will be of the order of £100 million. There is a budget deficit of £125 million and there are 104,000 people out of work.

When do the Government intend tackling the problem? When is the Minister to cease imposing extra taxation? We know that the number of people who are producing wealth is shrinking, that they are a small body in the context of the entire population, which is not a very big population. We are trying to emulate places such as Germany which have a huge number of employers. By every means possible we are taking tax from the few people who are producing wealth. I do not know of any incentive now for anybody to start an industry here. The number of those in receipt of the dole is increasing while the number of those on the contributing side, those who generate wealth, is shrinking. We are fast reaching the stage of diminishing returns; however we continue to find other ways and means of extracting taxation, but that is called tax reform.

In the first instance VAT was sold to me as being the most equitable system of collecting tax because one paid in accordance with the amount of money one spent. It was not long, though, until this Government discovered that the higher the prices, the more VAT they collected. Every time the Minister sanctions a price increase, the bigger is the return from VAT. Last year I asked what was the increase in VAT as a result of the increase in the cost of spirits and tobacco. The answer revealed that the amount was colossal. It must be greater this year, provided we have not reached the stage of diminishing returns, a stage which I fear will be reached one of those days.

Has anybody ever paused to think of what will be the ultimate outcome of all this borrowing abroad, of a continually increasing deficit in the balance of payments and of the continual erosion of money values by spiralling inflation? Our trade figures have been accentuated more in recent years than ever before. The more we export, the more we import; but the amount we import is dramatically greater than that which we export. What we are importing are not all capital goods. We are importing a lot of luxury goods, goods that are tending to put our own producers out of business. The workers are now taking the matter into their own hands and are refusing to unload footwear imported from abroad. What are we doing to encourage industrialists who do not require imported raw materials? A glaring example of this is the fishing industry. The amount provided in the Book of Estimates for this industry was drastically curtailed but there was a howl from the people and the Minister was compelled to return something to them in the budget. This is an industry where all the raw material is got from our own territory. It requires no importation of capital goods and it can be placed on the credit side of the ledger in the balance of trade figures.

To a great extent the same situation applies to tourism. We had an opportunity of keeping our petrol prices lower than other countries and I am sure any far-seeing Minister would have realised that tourism would benefit the Exchequer much more if it got a little encouragement by way of cheaper drinks, tobacco and petrol. We are bringing our prices to the same level as other wealthy and more developed countries, merely to show that times can be as bad here as elsewhere. The revenue from tourism would go far to offset the extra charge on the Exchequer.

We have a Government of our own and we have freedom and autonomy in three-quarters of the country. Let us use that to make provision for our own economy. I agree with the Central Bank's statement that more than 50 per cent of the economy is controllable on the domestic market if we have the will and the heart to do it. There is no reason why an effort should not be made.

The Minister should have used fiscal and monetary controls with regard to tax and monetary incentives, VAT and tax adjustments, better provision for income tax allowances and the deferment of income tax to a considerable extent to help small firms that are crippled for cash at the moment. If he had kept the price of petrol down, if he had kept the postal charges—which affect everyone and particularly business people—lower he would have created a climate where this country could be a kind of oasis in the mad world of inflation. People would have an incentive to come here and set up industries and we would move towards the desired goal of full employment.

However, that was not done. I think it was the Minister who last year boasted that the country was no longer going to be a tax haven for anyone. Certainly it is not a tax haven for anyone; it will be a place to avoid or to get out of. We are rapidly reaching the stage where people wonder if they would not be better in the dole queue than behind the desk trying to control a business or a service that is generating wealth for the country. That is the direction in which we are moving and every member of the Government knows that but nothing is done about it. It is not being tackled as an emergency or a crisis should be tackled. Such a state of crisis requires the co-operation of the Opposition also. However, all we get from the Government is rhetoric and soft talk.

The last speaker mentioned a number of things that were not in the Bill but we still have the Committee Stage and it might be possible to make provision for these matters later. The credit unions should get some assistance from the Minister because this is one system of saving that is entirely supported by community effort. There is a lot of emphasis these days on community effort but the credit unions are not accorded even the same exemptions given to the commercial banks in the matter of dividends and interest earnings. On Committee Stage the Minister should make some provision for the credit unions in order to give them some encouragement. They are of tremendous benefit to the localities in which they operate and they have helped to instil a sense of thrift in people who might otherwise not save. They are doing a good job from the social point of view also. We will submit some amendments and the Minister should accept them.

Because he found another source of money the Minister took drastic action with regard to gaming licences without any consultation. I was reading a report of a speech made by the Taoiseach recently in one of the areas where a by-election is pending and he said that everything done by this Government was done by way of consultation, taking into consideration the mutual interests of the parties involved. I am not opposed to a form of licensing of gaming. In fact, I think that at some time we will have casinos in this country, particularly in the seaside resorts. There are casinos in most advanced continental countries and in places where I have seen them, in the south of France and Germany, they are well run. There is no reason why the Minister should not consider having casinos licensed in this country provided they are properly managed. They provide a good source of revenue but if we have them here the licensing arrangements must not be haphazard. The Minister has slammed the owners of the little machines at the seaside resorts where the children spend their pocket money on the many wet days that, unfortunately, we have during the holiday season. The crude way in which he handled that matter is another example of his avaricious grab to get money from every source.

The most outstanding point about this Bill is that the minor provisions made hardly compensate for the rate of inflation. The tide of inflation has lifted many items into the taxable category. To keep ahead of the posse at a time when we have an inflation rate of 20 per cent requires an annual adjustment of reliefs.

However, in the present year we will need more than the normal adjustment to keep pace with inflation. We need something more than asking employers to pay for everything, asking those who create wealth to come to the rescue and to pay. The cost is ultimately passed on to the consumer, exactly as the Minister for Industry and Commerce decided that in order to relieve the pressure on small business firms price control would have to be relaxed; in other words, let prices run uncontrolled and let the consumer pay more so that the producer will have free play on the home market. The Minister could have used some of the many mechanisms at his disposal to take the pressure off prices and save the consumer by operating a proper form of price control. Deputy Keating in Opposition criticised our system of price control when we set up the NPC. There is no need to quote him because I think every Member remembers what he said. He described it as a futile effort for regulating prices. Yet this is the only mechanism being used since the present Government took office despite the fact that they solemnly promised they would do something really tremendous in controlling prices and stabilising the cost of living.

One does not hear much about control and stabilisation now. Whatever price control is being operated it seems to have given a licence to some, as it were, to just think of a number when one goes to buy a specific article. I had a personal experience of that within the last 24 hours. I broke the glass in one of my headlights yesterday, a simple square piece of glass. I went into a garage in the south county to have the glass replaced and the boy in the spare parts department produced a piece of glass and said: "£11.35p, including VAT". That was the price quoted for a piece of glass made in Germany for about 5p.

Is the Deputy sure of that?

I am not sure, but I venture to say that that is the position from my experience.

There you are. Maybe 5p was the profit margin here.

The Minister immediately rushes into the defence of the man charging high prices.

The Deputy said it was made in Germany.

Yes—possibly for 5p, I said. The price quoted was £11.35p. I told the boy I would not take it. I said he could keep it. I got into my car and I drove to another garage in Sandymount and there I bought the exact same glass for £6. Nobody is looking after that sort of thing. That is just one instance. It reflects what is happening all over the country. I am writing to the NPC about it. What will happen, I wonder? Nothing, probably.

Price control was much criticised in our time. So was the vehicle we set up to monitor and control prices. What is wrong is quite evident. How can the Minister prosecute people for overcharging when he himself is responsible for putting up the cost of living by several points each year? In the Central Bank Report State-sponsored companies are alleged to have contributed most to the rise in the cost of living. Transport is one of them. I think that State-sponsored body increased prices at one time contrary to the advice of the NPC. But let us not blame State-sponsored bodies alone. The Department of Posts and Telegraphs will reap an extra £30 million or more on increased Post Office charges. These increases were brought in overnight. How can the Minister then ask people to modify their demands or lower their prices? Is it not a question now of thinking of a number and marking up 200 per cent when 33? per cent used to be sufficient on some goods and 15 per cent to 25 per cent on other goods? Percentages have increased and what used be marked up 15 per cent is now being marked up 150 per cent and nothing is done about it.

People come in here and approve of this Bill. I have listened to Members on the other side talking about the benefits being conferred on so many thousands of people by this Bill. This Bill will put the people on their knees. The housewife will no longer be able to bring home not only the absolute necessities but the few little luxuries that make all the difference to living. Yet, we come in here and congratulate ourselves. Some of these taxes should be repealed. The cost of living should be lowered. The Government should come to the rescue of small firms which have liquidity problems by adjusting taxation and taking the pressure off prices. A climate conducive to people coming in here to start new industries should be created. People should be enabled to plough back profits into their firms in order to expand. At the moment when they have balanced out, if they have 40 per cent profit 20 per cent goes in taxes and 20 per cent in inflation. What is left to plough back? Nothing. The Minister is bursting his sides laughing at the way he is trampling them under foot. He is not concerned about how they will face the future.

The country is scourged with unemployment and balance of trade deficits and nobody can explain how the position will be rectified. That is why we will vote against this infamous piece of legislation, only one of many pieces of infamous legislation we have had over the last 12 months. This must be taken in conjunction with another measure, we have not yet seen, making better provision for people relieved of death duties, better provision to ensure more will be taken off than was ever taken off in death duties because every time a property passes duty will have to be paid and I venture to predict that that duty will be higher than anything being paid at the moment by way of death duties. I have yet to see any tax removed that was not replaced by a much more onerous and penal tax. There is not much left to tax. We are vigorously opposed to this legislation and, though we have not the numbers to defeat it, the day is not far distant when we will have the numbers which will enable us to put an end to all this. I am suspicious that the reason why no effort is being made to rectify the present serious situation is because the Minister is hoping something may happen to his advantage before he goes out of office and, secondly, if it does not happen, he will pass on the blister to Fianna Fáil when they take over once more. That is what happened on two previous occasions.

I congratulate Deputy Brennan on his demonstration of indignation. Even though it was quite obvious he did not really feel indignant, he put some feeling into his contribution which is something many of his colleagues quite failed to do. These were the people who could not bring themselves to read the Finance Bill. Indeed, I suspect that Deputy Brennan has not read very much of it or, if he did, he did not absorb it or, having absorbed it, he did not want to recognise what was in it.

What we have heard from the Opposition during most of the debate on this Finance Bill was rather a stale budget debate. Admittedly, some of them missed out on their opportunity to address the Dáil during the budget debate, and so they delivered their budget speeches on the Finance Bill, without any regard at all to what the Finance Bill contains, or without making any suggestions as to where the revenue which they were so liberally anxious to spend might be obtained. There was one very honourable exception, to whom I should like to pay tribute. Whenever Deputy de Valera expressed criticism of any inadequacy of tax relief, or of any proposed action or inaction, he said that, though he was offering criticism, he was unable to make any suggestions as to where the necessary revenue foregone might be collected or how the expenditure he thought should be met from revenue should be financed.

Deputy Brennan, like so many other speakers opposite, criticised the size of foreign borrowing once again, after he had chastised the Government for failing to give greater tax reliefs and for imposing new taxes of about £34 million on a number of comparative luxuries. As I pointed out during the course of the budget debate, Fianna Fáil, having criticised the size of the deficit of £125 million, made no suggestion for new taxes to meet the additional expenditure of about £228 million which they proposed, made no suggestion whatsoever for a reduction in State expenditure on any item and, therefore, left us with only one other course for obtaining the money which they said should be expended, namely, foreign borrowing.

Was there ever in the history of parliamentary democracy such a crazy mixed-up party? You could excuse it if the Opposition in a Parliament were composed of many independent Deputies but, when people profess to be a united party, one expects some degree of unanimity in their utterances as to what economic and fiscal policy should be. If one were to have any confidence in them as individuals, one would hope for some degree of continuity in their own personal thinking. We did not even have that, as was so clearly demonstrated by Deputy Brennan over the past three-quarters of an hour. He demanded cuts in taxes; he demanded additional expenditure; he demanded a reduction in foreign borrowing. We will not resort to the printing press, which strikes me as the only other alternative to which somebody might be tempted to turn. That apparently is the thinking of the Fianna Fáil Party.

Deputy Brennan suggested that this was a budget of new impositions only. He seems to have forgotten, as Deputies opposite would want to forget, that this Bill is removing from the Statute Book of this country a piece of legislation which is 80 years old, which is not suited to the requirements of the present day, is unjust in operation, and is inefficient as a tax collector, which can be availed of by the richest people in the community to avoid paying their proper share of tax, but which imposes a most cruel tax on people of little means at the time of greatest family tragedy, when the breadwinner dies leaving the family home and its contents, the family's small savings, and property of any kind, subject to death duties.

The Finance Bill of 1975 will be remembered for a long time to come as the Act which removed from the Statute Book the 1894 Finance Act, which introduced estate duties, as the Act which removed from the Irish Statute Book a system of capital taxation which was inefficient and unjust and cruel in operation. As a result of this year's Finance Bill, 90 per cent of the people who are now at risk of having estate duty paid on their property will be exempt from 1st April onwards from this duty and from any form of death duty in future and also from any form of capital taxation. That is the reality for which our people will be grateful for a long time. They will be exempt in future from the imposition of estate duty which can operate at a rate of from 4 to 55 per cent on the property of families whenever the principal breadwinner or the person in whose name the family wealth is held dies.

The figure of 90 per cent may seem rather large for those who will be exempt from payment of death duties and capital taxation in future, so I should like to give some hard figures to show just how a very large number of people have been caught within the estate duty net on comparatively small properties. As Deputy Byrne said earlier, the kind of people who are caught today in the estate duty net are people of comparatively small means, who have a small house, some savings in the bank, an insurance policy, a motor car and some items of that kind.

In 1973-74 the estate duty yield was £13.14 million and, of that, 5.5 per cent was paid by 187 people: 94.50 per cent of the people paid 90 per cent of the yield. The larger share was paid therefore by a large number of poorer people, and their families in many cases had to suffer quite severely in order to pay the tax.

Which category is the Minister giving as the poorer section? Is it the 90 per cent?

Yes. They are the people of small means. Because they are large in number they have paid the lion's share.

How many would be included in agricultural holdings?

I have not got those figures before me but they are contained in the annual estate duty accounts which I do not happen to have to hand. The number of farm holdings has been increasing considerably in recent years. That is one of the reasons why in the 1973 Finance Bill, my very first Finance Bill, I took steps to remove 50 per cent of the farmers who were then liable from the estate duty net altogether. At present there are about a quarter of a million of our people who, if we did not remove estate duty from the Statute Book, would ultimately have estate duty paid on their estates when they die. A quarter of a million people is a very big number of people. There will not be a quarter of a million people in my lifetime, or among those now living, who will be called on to pay tax under our new taxation code. There are however people today who can arrange their affairs in such a sophisticated way that they avoid payment of estate duties. The system of taxation which caught the unsuspecting and the innocent did not catch those who had the means to engage professional advisers—accountants, lawyers and tax consultants—to advise them how to escape the net. Such a system was not defensible because it caught the poor, the ignorant and the unsuspecting but relieved people of considerable means who had the education, the initiative and the power to avoid paying their fair share of tax.

On the question of foreign borrowing, I mentioned in my opening statement that it was preferable to impose taxation to raise the essential revenue of the State rather than extend foreign borrowing beyond the level of prudence. I was asked to say whether I considered we had yet gone beyond the level of prudence in foreign borrowing. The answer is of course: "No, we have not." But because we have not is no justification for attempting to sail too close to the wind. This country is in a fundamentally healthy economic and financial state. It is suffering less at present than many of our more powerful neighbours in western Europe. We have a very good credit rating internationally and we intend to maintain it. If we borrow abroad we must, for our own sake, ensure that such borrowing is seen to be reasonable and when obtained, properly used. That means that when we obtain money we reinvest is so as to generate improved capacity for repayment.

In 1974, which was a year of unprecedented difficulty for all the oil-importing nations of western Europe, many countries—again, more powerful than ours—suffered a fall in their external reserves. Our external reserves rose by £60 million and that at a time when we had an unprecedented £275 million deficit on the balance of payments, of which the oil deficit accounted for £140 million. The net capital inflow in 1974 was of the order of £330 million and of that, over half was attributable to direct foreign investment in Ireland and the balance to foreign borrowing by the State and State bodies. Here is proof that, though the begrudgers, the critics and would-be wreckers of the Fianna Fáil Party profess not to have confidence in Ireland, foreign investors, who have the world in which to place their money, have remarkable confidence in Ireland. They have confidence demonstrated in a record level of investment in 1974. We are convinced that if the foreigners who have the world to choose from, choose Ireland there will be no lack of confidence in the country on the part of the ordinary, Irish people and in its capacity under this Government to win through the current difficulties.

Yet, we were told by the critics that this budget will be remembered, not for the abolition of death duties or its relief of £12 million in company taxation or its provision of unique incentives of 50 per cent initial allowance for industrial buildings and the like, but because it proposes to increase dog licences from 25p to 100p. I think the most indignant speeches came from the Opposition about dog licences. So petty has their political barking become that they reserved their highest indignation for the increase in the level of dog licences from 25p fixed in 1925 before many of us were born——

"Contempt" might be the word rather than "indignation."

——and certainly before any of our existing dog population was born. I recall over many years when we were in the opposite benches asking the Fianna Fáil Government, including Deputy Colley when he was Minister for Finance, to provide additional finance to help people to manage what was becoming an intolerable situation in regard to our dog population. Our dog population has now gone out of control both in rural and urban Ireland, as a consequence of which, not only are many dogs suffering because they have no owners to look after them but these dogs are wreaking considerable damage upon livestock, sheep, crops and, in urban areas even upon children. God knows how many traffic accidents have been caused by stray dogs. For many years the desks of the Ministers for Finance. Local Government and Justice and of members of local authorities have been inundated with requests that something be done about the dog situation. Like many other problems, it is one which cannot be cured without additional finance. For decades past no adequate provision was made.

I would have attended to this question in my earlier Finance Bills—because it was something about which I spoke when in Opposition—but I was waiting until there was a suitable instrument available to local authorities to deal with the problem. It is primarily one for local authorities who are in the best position to manage it, to provide the pounds and accommodation and the staff necessary, but we had to await the present Planning Bill being piloted through the House by my colleague, the Minister for Local Government, in order to provide the instrument necessary to deal with it. Because that Bill is now going through the House we chose in this 1975 Finance Bill to provide for the increase in the dog licence and the substantial increase in the penalties for infringement of the law in relation to the keeping and management of dogs.

One of the reasons why the number of dog licences has fallen considerably as the population of dogs has multiplied is that the penalty for infringement of the law had become so derisory that the law enforcement officers would not bother to enforce it. This is another matter about which there were complaints regularly by various societies, including the Irish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. A Government which did not show much humanitarian concern for human beings, like the Fianna Fáil Administration, was not going to bother at all to deal with the problem of the dog population.

Now that we have done something about this. Remedial action will be taken and many of the abuses which have multiplied because of inaction can be rectified. I do not want to say any more about this because as far as we are concerned it is only one of the fringe benefits of this year's Finance Bill. The principal values are those conferred by the abolition of death duties and by the other tax reliefs to which I would like to come.

On the question of the personal income tax allowances, I should like to remind the House that it is not 12 months since last year's Finance Bill. We are now introducing a Finance Bill to deal with the financial period of the calendar year for 1975 which follows only nine months of 1974. During that nine-month period the cost of living did not increase by 15 per cent nor was there a 15 per cent increase since the last adjustment was made in income tax and personal allowances. We find it audacious on the part of the Fianna Fáil Party to criticise us for giving within nine months personal income tax reliefs worth £60 million when they in a period of 15 years of office——

What a bonanza.

——provided only £17 million by way of income tax reliefs. During 11 of those 15 years, they gave no personal income tax reliefs whatsoever.

Could the Minister tell me what 12 months- and nine-month period——

If Deputy Colley would listen and not interrupt——

Order, please.

We have given income tax reliefs in this Finance Bill of £60 million and in 15 years of Fianna Fáil we had reliefs of only £17 million.

Would the Minister say when the nine-month income tax year——

The Minister must be allowed to make his speech in his own way without interruption. There is a time limit on this debate.

Deputy Colley should come into the modern age and realise that people talk about such things as the five-day week. If he wants to correct people who use that terminology, let him do so publicly.

I want to know which income tax year was for nine months.

I was talking about my Finance Bills. Within nine months I have introduced Finance Bills which gave £60 million in income tax reliefs while the most Deputy Colley and his Administration could do was to give a miserable £17 million over a period of 15 years.

There was no income tax year for nine months. Therefore, the point is irrelevant.

Order, please.

They have a gigantic nerve to offer any criticism of this Administration which has matched its undertakings with action which the Fianna Fáil Party did little or nothing about in this field.

Deputy Crinion got last week's edition of Iris Oifigiúil from the backroom boys of the Fianna Fáil Party and suggested that something was going wrong with the revenue. He was comparing last year's receipts with this year's but missed out the point that this year PAYE remittances would not be received until the 17th of February whereas last year they were received on the 15th of February.

A point which was obvious to everybody, including the Minister.

Yes, it was. If Deputy Crinion had seen the more recent issue he would have noticed a very significant increase in PAYE receipts for the week ending 21st February, 1975, compared with the corresponding week of 1974.

That is amazing considering the income tax reliefs given.

You are trying to have it both ways. Deputy Crinion also tried to make a mountain out of the molehill he detected, and that was that there was not a massive increase in income tax having regard to the fact that income had risen in the meantime. He overlooked the fact that this year's budget provided very significant reliefs for industry—reliefs which came into effect for tax payable on 1st January, 1975. I said on Budget Day that the provision would have immediate effect. One direct consequence of this was to reduce the amount of tax to the Exchequer in January this year. One would have thought that that would have been a reasonable matter for Deputy Crinion to grasp. I suggest to him, or to anyone else who engages again in the dangerous practice of quoting statistics they do not understand, that they reflect upon the meaning of the figures they see.

It was suggested that I had gone back on what I provided for in last year's Finance Bill by way of allowances under the taxation of farming profits. Last year I said I would not accept amendments from the Opposition which sought to have all previous expenditure on non farm buildings allowed as a set-off against future farm profits. I have not yet accepted that idea, nor do I propose to accept that proposition.

The Minister did not accept any previous increase in expenditure.

I have not nor do I propose to accept it.

You do now.

No, I have included in this year's Finance Bill a provision which takes account of the very special increase in investment by farmers since 1971——

Up to 1973.

——in preparation for the EEC and also because of the difficult year farmers had in 1974. If by any chance a Member of the Fianna Fáil Party should ever find himself on this side of the House again—and that is possible so long as he is prepared to change his party —he might be grateful to me for having observed a very good tax principle, and that is that allowances for capital expenditure should not be allowed prior to liability to tax.

Why was that not accepted last year?

In this Finance Bill we are also providing additional relief for farmers. We were urged last year to agree to allow farmers to write off all their expenditure within a period of four years. I disagreed then, I still disagree and I do not propose to allow it in respect of buildings which can have on average a life of ten, 20, 30 or more years. It would be indefensible to allow such a concession when no such concession is allowed in any other sector of the community.

We have provided improved allowances for industry and business generally this year. If in years to come it becomes possible to provide further and better tax reliefs for all sections of the community it will be the aim of this Government to do so. However, we think it is wrong to single out special sectors for privileged treatment which is denied to others. We have therefore provided across-the-board reliefs for this sector of the economy this year.

I was asked about an anti-avoidance measure in respect of inspector's determination of leases and the position about the right of appeal. One must look at the probabilities in cases of leases of this kind, which would be leases in which the parties will be identifiable because they will be named in the leases. I will be prepared to look further at this matter and if any cases come to light in which persons are not aware of a determination, corrective action can be taken. However, it is an anti-avoidance measure and I would not consider it proper in such a measure to build in a further avenue of avoidance.

Surely it could not be avoidance for somebody to be notified of the inspector's determination?

I am satisfied that all persons who will have an interest will be aware of an inspector's determination. I do not want to provide that if they are not aware of it they will not be liable.

That is not what was urged, but rather that they would be given a right of appeal. There is no avoidance in that.

It would be very interesting to see if any such case comes to light. It is most unlikely. On the question of the serving of notice, Deputy Colley asked me to say what changes we are effecting. They are as follows. Companies at present are served at their registered offices and, as Deputy Colley knows, registered offices can often not be the places of business. On many occasions persons liable to pay tax or persons to whom notices were addressed complained that they had not themselves received them. It is proposed in future that notices may be served at registered offices or the places of business, which in most cases is a more efficient way of doing it.

As far as individuals who are not employees are concerned, the notices at present must be served at the places of abode. In future, notices may be served at the place of abode or place of business. In the case of employees, notices may now be served at places of abode or places of employment. It is not proposed to make any change there.

Section 26 deals with formal PAYE notices. Deputy Colley asked for an example of the type of case involved. The position may be best illustrated by taking the case of an employer who underpaid PAYE tax relating to the income tax month of December, 1972, in the 1972-73 assessment year. If we say the amount was £500 and should have been paid by 14th January, 1973, the underpayment first comes to light when the employer submits his annual return in mid-April, 1973. As a result of correspondence, the underpayment of £500 is agreed at, say, the beginning of June, 1973, and paid by the end of June. No formal estimate is required and interest is payable at 1 per cent per month or part of a month from 14th January, 1973, to June, 1973— six months, which would amount to £30.

Is that under the proposal in the Bill or is it——

That is the present position. If on the other hand the employer submits his annual return at the end of May, 1973, but fails to reply to correspondence about the underpayment, a formal estimate is made in mid-August, 1973, and the tax is paid a week later. Because the tax is paid within 14 days of the service of the notice, no interest will be payable although the delay in the payment is 7½ months. If we take a similar situation where the formal estimate is made in mid-August, 1973, and an appeal is lodged at the end of August, the appeal is listed for the end of October, 1973, but before it is heard the tax is paid on 14th October. Again, there is no interest charged although the delay in payment of tax is ten months.

That is under the existing situation. Under the new situation, interest will be charged as if the tax was due from the last month of the income tax year 1972-73, so that in the second case— I will call it the 7½ month delay case— interest will be charged for five months, from 14th April, 1973 to the end of August. In the third case there will be an interest charge for six months, from 14th April, 1973, to 14th October, 1973.

A number of Deputies challenged the proposal to charge an additional rate of interest on unpaid tax. The Exchequer and the Revenue Commissioners are not interested in collecting interest on unpaid tax. Their interest is getting payment of tax when it is due. When there is a delay on payment of tax it is not the Exchequer or the Revenue Commissioners who lose out. It is the body politic—everybody in the State then has to bear the brunt of paying the interest on what the State must borrow in lieu of the tax that should have been paid.

(Dublin Central): The State should not encourage an interest rate of 18 per cent.

The State is not encouraging a rate of 18 per cent. If the Deputy will bear with me I will explain it to him. The State is encouraging prompt payment of tax. Under the present system, because the rate can vary from 9 per cent to 12 per cent, particularly in financial institutions people have been withholding their tax and in that way using Exchequer money to lend to other people and institutions at rates up to 20 per cent. So, while the ordinary taxpayer has had to be taxed at a heavier rate to pay interest which the State has had to pay on money which it had to borrow because people would not pay tax on time, people who had withheld money from the Exchequer used the money so withheld to make profits for themselves.

Does it not depend on the rate the State pays on the money borrowed whether there is an additional burden on others?

If the State borrows, as it does from time to time, the State has to pay interest——

Yes, but the rate paid by the State——

If the rate of interest paid by the State is in excess of the rate being charged on unpaid tax, then the State is at a loss. That is what has been happening.

(Dublin Central): Will the Minister give an undertaking to pay the same interest where rebates are due to taxpayers?

I hope the Minister is not hesitating. That is an important principle I introduced.

No, and I have no wish to depart from it in appropriate circumstances.

Deputy Colley suggested that the Exchequer should not charge any more than what might be the going rate. By that I presume he means the rate at which people would normally borrow from the bank. Of course, that would be to substitute the State for a banking institution. That would mean that people who were unwilling, or who were unable to approach their bankers with success, could look again to the Exchequer to obtain, at the expense of the Exchequer, what they would not be able to obtain from their bankers.

Of course they do not have a free choice and the Revenue Commissioners have other weapons besides interest.

That is not a practice which should be encouraged. If it occurs it is something, under existing law—unless we change it—which could operate, as of now, only by running a loss against the Exchequer which would have to be made good by the general body of taxpayers.

In 1959 the rate of interest on overdrafts was 5.75 per cent. The rate today, corresponding to that rate, is 14 per cent or 15 per cent. As a result, the rate of interest of 5.75, or 1 per cent per month, representing 9 per cent or 12 per cent per annum is obviously no longer an effective rate to encourage people to pay their tax promptly. It is interesting to note that the interest collected on overdue tax increased by 350 per cent between 1968-69 and 1973-74.

Of course, the rate of interest was increased.

Oh, yes, in the interval.

I am talking about the overdue tax on PAYE which increased by 350 per cent. What is overdue tax on PAYE? It is the withholding by an employer of money that does not belong to him. It is money that belonged to the employees that the employer was required, by law, to deduct and pass on to the Revenue Commissioners. But at no time was it money belonging to an employer. Similarly, as I pointed out, I think, last evening, that is not money belonging to a distributor; it is money which belonged to a consumer, to a purchaser, who paid it. The obligation fell on the person receiving the money to pass it on to the Revenue Commissioners.

(Dublin Central): That is not altogether true.

It is; that is the essence of VAT.

(Dublin Central): But there are stocks bought that are not resold for perhaps three months and on which a certain amount of VAT is paid. They are lying there and not resold.

And often times a distributor gets a credit long before.

(Dublin Central): He does not.

Oh, yes, he does. In fact what we are dealing with here, in many cases, is not a question of a person's own liability to tax but rather delays by some people in the payment of money which they have received and have withheld improperly. As I said at the outset of my remarks on this interest charge, it is intended to act as an incentive to people to pay tax promptly. It is appropriate that it should be somewhat higher than current rates at which people can borrow normally because unless it operates at that level, it will not act as a necessary encouragement to people to pay their tax on time. As long as people pay their tax on time, it is the prompt payer who has to bear the cost.

Could the Minister say how much is 1½ per cent per month on an annual basis?

It would work out at 18 per cent on an annual basis. Incidentally, I should like to emphasise that it is simple and not compound interest as somebody mistakenly thought or may have mistakenly suggested yesterday. It is intended as a penalty on people who withhold tax improperly.

(Dublin Central): The Minister is only aping merchant bank rates.

I want to stop another scandalous fiddle under which a number of financial operators here have withheld money from the Revenue in order that they could use that money to onlend to other people who are paying twice as much to them as they were required, by law, to pay to the Revenue Commissioners.

(Dublin Central): Next week the Minister will be back to 20 per cent.

It is no function of the Exchequer to lend money to the quick fly-by-night operator who wants to make money at the expense of the general taxpayer.

Surely the Minister has other weapons.

If people pay their tax promptly they will not have to bear this penalty. If they fail to pay their tax promptly, if they fail to pass on other people's tax which they have received and have a duty to pass on, then they will have to pay the penalty. I do not think that is unfair in any way.

I was asked whether I would backdate the exemption on patent royalties. Deputy Colley wanted to know whether there was any need to backdate the provision. From the information available there does not appear to be any necessity to do so. The only case which has come to light does not call for any back-dating. If any other case should arise where back-dating would be appropriate, then I think amending legislation could be considered.

I was asked also about the provision for recovering the tax deferred in relation to trading stocks. As I indicated in my opening speech, the question of the most appropriate time to recoup the tax so deferred will be considered at some future date, in the light of future economic and other material factors, including possible developments in methods of accounting. One of the reasons why we selected the instrument we did this year to provide for companies relief on trading stocks was because there is no agreement yet amongst the accountancy profession as to the proper way of handling company accounts and trading stocks. Until such time as there is agreement on the proper way of handling these, we will not be able to reach a final decision.

I should like to point out that the Revenue Commissioners and the Legislature have not laid down strict rules for the measurement of company profits. The proper measure of company profits is what is normal in the trade, normal accountancy practice. That is the test that is applied when profits are being computed. At present I think the best way of describing the thoughts of the accountancy profession in relation to this whole matter would be to say that they are in a state of turmoil. Certainly there is no unanimity as to whether changes are necessary. Even if there is a feeling that changes are necessary, certainly there is not agreement as to what changes are necessary. The Revenue Commissioners, legislators, accountants and lawyers no doubt will be studying this matter for some time to come. If we can achieve a better understanding of all the problems involved we will be able to produce a better measurement more suited to our times. But it may well be that we will return to the level of comparative economic ease we had in the past without having to reflect any great change in the meantime. If that be so, we will return to the old procedures but at present we are not in a position to say specifically how and when the deferred tax may be collected.

Once again we heard, in the course of this debate, suggestions for the provision of subsidies to reduce——

Before the Minister departs from the other matter, I think I did ask if he could indicate which part of the section on deferral indicates deferral as distinct from waiving the tax.

The word "deferral" is not used.

I know that.

It says "deduction"; that deductions may be made for these years.

But the explanatory memorandum refers to deferment.

Well, it has the effect of deferring. The liability exists but a right to deduct is then conferred.

But if it is allowed as deduction is that not the end of the matter and it does not arise in any future year on the face of it?

I will have a look at that. We have used a form here which has been used in a neighbouring island. I am advised this has the effect of deferral but I will have a look at it between now and Committee Stage.

There were suggestions in this debate that a subsidy should have been introduced to reduce the cost of living by 5 per cent. That would have cost £100 million. That £100 million would have to be made good in some way or another, as Deputy de Valera very properly pointed out. How would the Opposition propose to do that? If we were to provide those subsidies we would have to increase the standard rate on income tax by 8p and one can imagine the hue and cry there would be if we did this. At a time when the principal factor in determining our economic future will be moderation in income demands it would be nothing but sheer lunacy to propose an increase in income taxation.

It can truly be said that a much more potent instrument in determining this country's economic future is the current negotiation for a new national pay agreement. It will have a greater effect than this Finance Bill or indeed any Finance Bill that the collective wisdom of this House could produce. That may seem to belittle the standing of the power of Parliament. I do not intend it as that. I think Parliament should be used as a forum in which to speak some homely truths. That is a simple reality. It is not something that should cause people to get indignant or angry or to suggest that some people are asked to make sacrifices and others are not. The Government have said in their national White Paper that they will, if necessary, take legislative steps to ensure that all sections of the community should moderate their incomes, that all sections make appropriate sacrifices and that nobody outbids anybody else by making an undue advance in his or her personal welfare this year over others. That is still the Government's determination. We have to accept that if we do not moderate our expectations in 1975 and for some years to come no legislative miracle will ever be able to make good the damage done not merely to the economy as an abstract thing but to our society. If there is not moderation in income expectations by all people who are at work then it will be harder to get back to work the 104,000 people who are out of work and indeed it will be harder not to have an increase in the number unemployed.

(Dublin Central): The Minister had an opportunity in the budget to give substantial increases in personal allowances to help the national wage agreement and he failed to do it.

The Minister gave that substantial increase in personal allowances which is costing £28 million.

(Dublin Central): He has it back already in the 10 per cent.

Deputy de Valera said that perhaps it could have been more but he did acknowledge that if it had to be more it would have to be taken up somewhere else. I take it the Opposition are not suggesting an increase in the personal allowances from £28 million to £37 million by taking £9 million off the concession we gave to companies. The £12 million which we gave by way of relief to companies is not done out of a love of companies as such. It is done out of the sheer necessity to improve the profit levels of companies so that they may maintain employment. There is no political economic fiscal decision that can be taken in isolation. One must try to strike a balance.

There is no nine-month income tax year either.

We have not heard criticism from any section of the community about the inadequacy of the income tax levels this year because the people most affected, the ordinary trade union members, realised that the Government were being as fair to them as circumstances enabled them to be. They also raised the complete necessity to give at least £12 million to companies in order that employment could be maintained. If subsidies had been provided to the tune of £100 million and income tax had not been increased by 8p in the £ it would have been necessary, possible, to increase VAT by 6 percentage points. That would provide £100 million but that would have added 3.5 to the consumer price index, so the net position would have been a saving of only 1.5 on the consumer price index. The other alternative was foreign borrowing, which Fianna Fáil believe is already too high, so what exactly would they have done to provide those subsidies? Would they have printed money? I trust not.

I was greatly impressed by the speech of Deputy de Valera, who spoke very sincerely about the burden that legislation can throw on the administrative machine and indeed on the private sector in trying to adapt itself to new laws. His words were supported by Deputy Esmonde. I hope his words were listened to by some members of his own Front Bench because in the course of recent discussions on capital taxation we have had a multitude of proposals that would have multiplied the complexities of the capital taxation system the Government are proposing.

Not at all, and the Minister knows it.

Sliding scales and 15 or 16 different rates of capital gains tax would have multiplied the difficulty of calculating appropriate taxes.

The calculations have to be made anyway.

Every amendment would tend to complicate the system. A Minister for Finance must be concerned not to add unnecessarily to the burden of administering taxes either for the private sector or the public sector. It is the private sector ultimately who pay both bills. They will have to pay the wages of the additional officers required by the Revenue Commissioners and their own accountants and lawyers to find a way out of the web that is wound around them. It is our anxiety to simplify the code of taxation as best we can.

I am glad that the Minister realises the impact of this on the private sector. That is an important factor.

One of the reasons why we made the radical changes in the income tax code last year was because we were anxious to simplify the income tax code which had become a horrific jungle, a maze through which it was almost impossible for any sane person to find his way.

(Dublin Central): It is still the same.

It is significantly better. We are endeavouring, as we bring in new capital taxes, to make them as simple as possible.

Surely the Minister is not serious when he says that.

One of the difficulties in the path of every tax reformer who tries to make the law simple is that he is subjected to demands of one side or another for exemptions, for exceptions, for privileges. Each of these creates a new anomaly, a new complexity. One has to try to strike a balance between a simple uniform tax which is easily understood, easily administered and what equity demands. A simple tax code can sometimes create unfair situations.

(Dublin Central): Is the Minister serious in saying that in abolishing death duties and introducing three different types of taxation to replace them he is simplifying the taxation system?

There are three different types of death duty, estate duty, legacy duty and succession duty. They have had conferred on them over the years one title, death duties. We could have all the capital taxes in one Bill and call it capital taxation with sub-titles but we are bringing in capital taxation for the living—if the Deputy wishes he could call them living duties rather than death duties and that might get over the strong feelings Deputies have because we have three different Bills.

On the question of the gaming machines I believe a number of Deputies have not read the Bill. They have criticised us for bringing in a flat duty on gaming machines whereas the Bill specifically provides for different rates of duties according to the period in which the machine was used. Those who operate gaming machines during the summer season can choose if they wish to have them licensed for three months at one quarter of the rate appropriate for 12 months. It is possible to take out a licence for six months at half the rate or for nine months a three-quarters of the rate. Nothing could be fairer than that. It is interesting to note that the rates which we propose are less than those charged in Britain or Northern Ireland where, incidentally, the rates of licences on premises are much greater than the rates which are proposed here. Our predecessors were guilty of a serious dereliction of duty in not moving in this area a long time ago.

In my view it is inexcusable that gaming premises should have been allowed to operate for years with a fee no larger than £40. The British gaming licence duties are interesting. Where the rateable valuation of premises does not exceed £1,000 the rate is £750, plus £500 for each table.

The Minister should compare like with like.

When it exceeds £1,000 and does not exceed £2,500 it can be £6,250 and where it exceeds £2,500 it can exceed £20,000. I agree that there are not many gaming premises in Ireland with a rateable valuation exceeding £1,000 but there are some not 100 miles away from here and these have an insignificant fee charged on them of a mere £40. We propose to increase that and to impose a fee of £50 per gaming machine which is operated for 12 months and a lesser fee if the machine is operated for a shorter period. The corresponding figures in Northern Ireland are, £50 for the machine plus £150 per machine in excess of one. At the higher rate it is £100 per machine plus £300 per machine in excess of one.

How much will this raise here?

I gave that in my budget statement.

It is pretty small.

I agree that the amount will not be very big but I was interested in the number of complaints that came from all sides of the House on the possibility of there being a number of gaming machines in unlicensed premises. It has been suggested that the law is not being properly enforced. This matter was brought to the notice of the authorities recently and if this situation is as a number of people have described it I expect that the situation will be remedied. It is proposed to enforce this law because we consider it an activity which can carry this tax without hardship on anyone. The yield from the new taxes is estimated at £100,000.

That is nothing.

It is nothing to complain about in the context of a budget for £1,200 million but is appropriate where other forms of unnecessary activity are bearing an appropriate tax that this particular activity should be reasonably asked to pay a small share of its proper capacity to the general welfare. It certainly will not put anybody out of business as has been suggested by some Deputies. When one compares what we are going to charge with what is charged in England and Northern Ireland it will be seen that we are being considerate. I am not saying that we will not cause some inconvenience but it will enable us to maintain a proper register of the machines, of their location and the uses to which they are being put. We know that the law is not being observed, respected and enforced because it has not got a money value. When there is a monetary significance in the operation of these machines in future the probability is that the law will be respected and enforced more rigorously than it has been in the past.

As Deputy Dockrell correctly pointed out, neither gaming machines nor dog licences are the substance of this year's Finance Bill. The substance is to be found in the income tax allowances, the changes in the taxation of farming profits, and the anti-avoidance measures. This is the third Finance Bill of this Administration which has taken very significant action in the field of anti-avoidance, in the relief which it gives to companies to assist them over the existing and liquidity difficulties. We believe this Bill will be seen as another milestone on the road to a tax system which provides a broad basis and which relieves from the tax net many people who should not be there at all. That would include 90 per cent of the people who at present stand at risk of payment of death duties. By reason of this Bill they will be relieved of payment of death duties in the future and not called upon to pay a penny under the capital tax system which will replace death duties, duties which have remained on our statute book since 1894.

For these reasons I commend the Bill to the House.

Could I ask the Minister a question? In regard to the representations concerning gaming machines, to which I referred when I was speaking, has he received the same representations, which I think he might have recognised from what I was saying?

I cannot quite recall the description the Deputy gave but I remember at the time I could not recall having seen it. I have made some inquiries since and it has not yet been traced in the description given by the Deputy. If he would care to convey it to me I will certainly look at it.

If the Minister should receive same would he give further consideration to them and not feel bound by anything he may have said in replying in the absence of receiving much representation.

I will always speak my mind frankly and I will also listen quite openly to any representations which are made. I will never hesitate to change my mind if the representations deserve to be respected.

That is all I wanted to get on the record, that the Minister will not feel bound by what he has already said tonight.

According to the Order of the House of yesterday the Division will be postponed until 10.15.

Sitting suspended at 10.12 p.m. and resumed at 10.15 p.m.
Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 64; Níl, 53.

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • French, Seán.
  • Gibbons, Hugh.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Kelly and B Desmond; Níl, Deputies Lalor and Healy.
Question declared carried.

When is it proposed to take the Committee Stage?

Tuesday, 4th March.

Would the Minister think of Wednesday, 5th March?

We have a lot of business to get through.

Let us order it for the Tuesday and the Whips can discuss it.

Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 4th March, 1975.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 27th February, 1975.
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