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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 26 Nov 1975

Vol. 286 No. 2

Private Members' Business. - Irish Shipping Order: Motion.

The following motion was moved by Deputy O'Malley on Tuesday, 25th November, 1975:
That Dáil Éireann notes with concern the placing by Irish Shipping Limited of an order in Japan for two large new ships and calls on the Government to intervene in this matter to ensure continued employment in the shipbuilding and related industries here at a time of exceptional economic distress and heavy unemployment."
Debate resumed on the following amendment:
To delete all words after "notes" and substitute the following:
"the placing in Japan by Irish Shipping Limited of an order for two large ships and asks the Government to ensure the continued employment of workers in Verolme Dockyard."
—Minister for Transport and Power.

In the few minutes available to me, I want to put a few questions to the Minister for Transport and Power. I regret his absence now but I presume he will be here to contribute to the debate. I want him to state the exact date when this particular order was placed by Irish Shipping with a Japanese yard; to state the contracted delivery date of each of the two vessels; to state the official contract price—up to now we have had only speculation, and as the money is coming from public funds, this is important—and to state, in addition, if orders for two further vessels are being considered by Irish Shipping. When will the order for the fishery protection vessel be placed? Does it have to be only one vessel? Why not six, particularly at a time when we could give employment at Verolme and when our fishermen are screaming for protection off our coasts? Would he not consider the appointment of an all-party committee of both Houses to act as watchdogs over all the affairs of State companies?

Being a Corkman, the Minister must surely be aware of the job losses and lack of confidence in Irish Steel Holdings at present and the lack of confidence setting in among the work force in Verolme. We heard from the Minister for Labour last night a pathetic case, making no effort to justify the placing of these orders abroad at a time of economic stress and high unemployment, and let me emphasise that the present economic climate bears no relation to the booming one that existed in the good days of 1970 when Irish Shipping placed orders in the Upper Clyde and when unemployment was only half what it is today.

Deputy O'Leary last night tried to justify this. Why could not our banks be asked to finance the deal with Verolme as was done with B & I, or have our Labour Ministers become afraid to order the banks to provide finance for the protection of jobs for Irish workers? I repeat our demand for the cancellation of the order and I expect the Labour Party Members to support our motion as they were instructed to do at last weekend's conference. I expect they will observe that instruction just as they appear to be observing the conference decision on the Criminal Law (Jurisdiction) Bill. No formula of words, no playing with words, will forgive them for their betrayal of Irish workers if they do not support the demand for cancelling the present order. If they do not, they are betraying the Irish worker. They are plastering over the cracks in the promises they made, which we doubt.

We have heard emotive words about betraying Irish workers. I should like if Deputy Gene Fitzgerald would stay to listen to me.

The Minister can rest assured that that request did not have to be made to me.

I believe the argument from this side of the House is a good one and that anyone who will listen to it with an open mind can be convinced of that. I do not want to pursue this last point that I believe the decision was reached in good faith. I have with me the unrevised transcript of last night's proceedings in the House, and Deputy Gene Fitzgerald's speech. He asked the question: "Let him state if there were bonuses in it for anyone", and then he said, "Obviously someone's toe has been stood on".

Is the Minister allowed to quote from an unrevised script?

Is the Deputy denying he said it?

I asked for a ruling: is the Minister permitted to quote from an unrevised script? I understood there is such a ruling. I am not objecting to the quotation.

I consider that it is in order.

I mentioned that it is unrevised. It is a short quotation. Finally, he said: "The Minister should not draw me too far." I do not know which Minister he was referring to. I will say just this about it: if Deputy Fitzgerald thinks there is any evidence of impropriety, then he owes it to the House to explain it because by and large the levels of propriety in the civil service and State companies is very high and any impropriety should be pursued without pity. If he has not got any evidence, then, as the Minister for Transport and Power said last night, he is casting a slur not on any individuals but on whole institutions. I hope someone on that side will take that choice before the debate finishes.

The real issue today is based on a balance of interests. It is necessary to balance the interests of the Verolme workers in the appropriate part of the works where there are 800 employed. I want to emphasise that they are workers with a variety of skills, some of them plumbing, some of them woodworking, some of them in the furnishing and finishing of ships. It is also necessary to balance the interests of Irish Shipping which are significant employers, though, perhaps, not necessarily large enough, and earners of foreign currency for us with very little import costs except for particular purchasers. They provide a net gain for our balance of payments. I will not enter that in detail because it is for the Minister for Transport and Power.

The third thing that has to be put into balance is the demand for the use of public money in the interests of the Irish people. It is inescapable that money used for subsidies in one way is not available for subsidies elsewhere and, therefore, a choice has to be made as to the best way of locating the financial aid you have got to give.

Let us look at these three interests in order, and if I put them in order, I must put the Verolme workers first. They certainly want security of employment and I do not think there is any division anywhere in the House in regard to our commitment to safeguard that for them. They also want the full range of shipbuilding skills to be developed in that shipyard. They also want a shipyard which is viable, not the obligation of viability in the middle of recession but which is viable by ordinary common-sense criteria in the long term. This is not a place where the Government should be called on to put in money decade after decade.

I think the 1970 decision was a reasonable one, but had some of that money been put back into Cork it could have structured a growth over the present size of 1,200 workers, with 800 in shipbuilding, but you cannot have very sudden and dramatic expansion in employment in a shipyard without running the risk of much more dramatic and even traumatic contraction in other industry, especially with the way world shipbuilding is at the moment. It is not just that we want jobs now. Both sides of the House, and the workers themselves, want security in the future in a shipyard which is viable and competitive.

They are looking to the time—and OECD are in the course of setting the close date of 1978—when subsidies to shipyards in the OECD countries will be outlawed. That will not come easily but the effort is there and we must build viability for them in circumstances where, at this moment, there are two Community countries giving subsidies to shipyards, namely, the Italians and ourselves.

That is the interest of Verolme and the interest of Irish Shipping. We see two countries in Europe that are roughly comparable to ourselves with enormous amounts of revenue and employment and a great increase in their national horizon by the possession of great shipping fleets, namely, the Greeks and the Norwegians. Located as we are, it is absolutely correct for us to have that kind of perspective for Irish Shipping. It is a high source of employment and revenue and it is available for the soul of an island country to look beyond the boundary of the land and look to the ocean as we have done for millennia, but as we do not do sufficiently now.

At this moment with 500 people it is a valuable source of income and employment. Surely we are also committed to its growth and its success? Surely we know that in the world at the moment there is intense competition and that certain freight rates have fallen very steeply? Surely we know we should have a shipping line that runs according to the general economic criteria of profitability in the world? Therefore, if other things permit it—I emphasise that because all of what I am saying is based on two specific assumptions about other orders for Verolme, for Cork, which I will mention later; if those assumptions are not fulfilled my whole argument falls but at this stage I am anticipating those assumptions—it is desirable that Irish Shipping should have the ships at the lowest possible cost so that they will have the highest possible competitiveness and require the smallest possible amount of public subvention and earn the largest amount of money for the State. That is desirable from their point of view.

Let us turn to the Irish people generally. We have many calls on the available State moneys for rescue in the first place and, secondly, for industrial promotion into jobs that are stable and that will grow in the future. If we divert £2 million or £4 million or any other amount into a place we do not have to put it, then we cannot put it somewhere else. For example, if we divert £4 million at £4,000 a job it means that there are 1,000 industrial jobs we do not get. That is a harsh choice but it is the choice that faces people who have to make decisions about resource allocation.

I have discussed the three interests, all of which are relevant. The question that faces people who must make rational economic decisions is how to reconcile those different interests to the maximum advantage. How do you guarantee you do not build false economics into a shipyard or a shipping line so that they will be a continuous drain in the future? We need to reconcile interests and to optimise advantage. Those two things are easy to say but they are damn hard to do.

Firstly, I take it we would have consensus that bulk carriers are necessary, that we should allow the Irish Shipping fleet to grow beyond the needs or the requirements of strategic considerations into something greater than our national needs, ploughing the oceans of the world, earning revenue, gaining skills and giving employment to Irish people. I take it we would have consensus that if we can get very good value, as we can, without any drain on Irish capital resources and without damaging Verolme, that we should do it. I take it we would have consensus that we should do it quickly so that we get Irish seamen under Irish skippers employed on these ships earning money. I take it we are agreed that the better the value the ships are, the more chance they have of earning money and, therefore, freeing revenue for other things. If we can get very cheap ships, which we can, without any call on the State's resources, which can be employing people and making profit very quickly, then if other considerations are met we should do it.

What are the other considerations? They are that the future of Verolme is not thereby damaged. What is in those two bulk carriers? There is about one year's work. Let us say this about bulk carriers; they are very simple ships. They are floating tin boxes, usually with bought-in engines, bought-in navigational equipment, radios and so on. With regard to the parts that push the ship around, communications and so on, there is not much labour by the shipyard involved here because all that material is bought-in. There is welding and painting and, of course, the more capitalised one is for that the more cheaply it can be done. If the iron and steel manufacturers are on an immense scale—as are the Japanese, with huge economies of scale—one can get the raw material cheaply and process it very cheaply. Incidentally, it is an illusion to think the Japanese yards are cheap labour yards. That may have been so in the past but it is not the case now; they are trading on very high productivity and very high capital.

There is about a year's work in the bulk carriers. There is little more than a year's work in the car ferry. The bulk carriers are certain to be loss-making. The car ferry is highly specialised with a great deal of carpentry, plumbing and central heating, and this is where the Japanese advantage of high productivity is minimised. For a car ferry Cork is as good as anyone else but for bulk carriers, great tanks made like sardine boxes, it is not as good as anywhere else. With the facilities they have they must choose between the bulk carriers and the car ferry. The question for them is, which?

Nobody is talking about the fishery protection vessel. Certainly we want one and we can build it in Cork without any question because it is strategic to do so. I agree that after we have one we should have others, not just for fishing, but, hopefully, it will be for protecting the drilling platforms and rigs on our Continental Shelf. However, the question boils down to the following: would we rather restrict these workers, not to have work for the electricians putting lighting into the cabins, not to have work for the plumbers installing sanitary equipment, not to have work for the carpenters? Do we just want work for the welders, making a damn great tin box, or are we willing to have a diversified shipyard with high skills, without employment and not loss making? That is the choice.

Is the Minister suggesting that Verolme do not want this work?

I am suggesting that if Verolme get three things, if they get the fishery protection vessel——

——if they get the B & I car ferry, and if they get a little other work——

It is all a case of "if".

It is the condition of my colleagues and I supporting the ships going to Japan. We will stand or fall by the "ifs". If those things are met, I am saying the senior management of Verolme are satisfied to see the bulk carriers going to Japan.

Deputy O'Malley last night suggested there were no subsidies. This is not true. There is a subsidy scheme, although there are tremendous efforts by OECD and the Community to get rid of it. We operate a subsidy scheme and I am surprised the Deputy did not know that. In 1974 I set up a shipbuilding advisory team to prepare a report and this resulted in the suggestion that we strengthen Verolme's capacity in regard to ship repairing and other engineering work. We are at the stage that we have a memorandum for decision as a result of the initiative taken more than a year ago. That is evidence of the recognition of the need to help Verolme, which I affirm. I affirm absolutely that without the alternative work, the sending of the bulk carriers out of Ireland is completely unacceptable. If the alternative work is there and if a choice must be made, the best interest of the Verolme workers—apart from the country generally and apart from Irish Shipping—is to do the interesting work which is not loss-making and not to be forced to do the dull work which is loss-making. That is the technical conclusion of the experts there. Deputies on the other side may not like it and may think that this is a lovely opportunity to thump the Government, but if they consider those articles they will see that the sort of emotional stuff I heard Deputy Fitzgerald finish with is inappropriate, and in fact—I know what the workers of Verolme think as I know what the delegates to my party conference thought on Sunday—is not corresponding with the real interests of the Verolme workers which are as I have indicated and I sustain this Government's decision and consider it a correct one.

My views on this sorry affair are already well known. I have aired them and they have been aired by others on a number of occasions since the night I made the statement in Cobh about ten weeks ago. Incidentally, that statement was denied by Irish Shipping the following day and denied by implication a few days later by the Minister for Transport and Power. There is no doubt at all that the placing of these orders in Japan in the current economic situation of this country was inexplicable and indefensible, and nothing that has been said or done by the Government or by any of their spokesmen since, and I listened to the Minister for Labour last night and to the Minister for Industry and Commerce this evening, has succeeded in dispelling the doubt, the suspicion, and the mystery surrounding this transaction.

The immediate and spontaneous reaction, of the workers in the Verolme Dockyard and, indeed, of the people of Cork generally and of the whole country was one of shock and shame, of frustration and anger, and this was clearly demonstrated on last Friday night by the size and the mood of the protest march through the city of Cork. I am sorry the Minister for Labour is not here to hear me assure him that neither I nor anybody on this side of the House either inspired or organised this demonstration in any way. There were Deputies present from Fianna Fáil and there was also a Deputy present from the Fine Gael Party. Naturally, of course, there was no Deputy present from the Labour Party, for the very simple and good reason that there is no Labour Deputy in north-east Cork or in the city of Cork, the two constituencies most affected by this shameful transaction. Perhaps that may have something to do with the defence, or the attempted defence, of the two Labour Ministers —Labour and Industry and Commerce —of not sending this order down to Cobh where they had no hope, no possibility, of gaining any political advantage for their party.

In his speech last night, the Minister for Labour tried to imply that he and the Government were justified in placing this order in Japan for the reason that a similar order was placed during the Fianna Fáil regime in 1970. This reasoning is also shared by Sinn Féin and for his information they have now levelled this criticism which he used here last night in the argument he put forward against both the present Government and the previous Fianna Fáil Government.

I am glad to hear the Minister for Industry and Commerce now saying that decision was a reasonable decision—these were his words a few moments ago—in 1970, but the Minister for Transport and Power, as did the Minister for Industry and Commerce, failed to distinguish between the real situation in 1970 and the situation today. As Deputy Fitzgerald pointed out, the unemployment situation was completely different. The unemployment figure for the whole country was much less than half the figure it stands at today and none of this unemployment affected Cobh or the Cork city area. I should say that at this moment the unemployment situation in Cobh is pretty bad. Perhaps the Minister for Labour did not know that since July, 1974 up to now, over 500 workers have left, have been made redundant or have been dismissed from Irish Steel.

On that occasion Verolme Dockyard were asked to quote for the ship but as was pointed out last night, their books were full and they could not do so. There was a deadline for delivery and they could not quote but they were given the opportunity to do so. On this occasion I doubt if they got any opportunity to do so. They were asked to quote, but I think it was merely a matter of going through the motions and it would appear from what the Minister for Industry and Commerce said—he let the cat out of the bag—that he set up an advisory committee last year which apparently went into the pros and cons of this particular kind of shipping and apparently decided there and then, long before Verolme were asked to go through the empty, foolish and stupid motion of quoting for ships which were already decided on—where they were to be built, the make, shape and size of the ships——

That is not what the Minister said.

He said that he got expert advice from an advisory committee.

No. The Deputy was not listening to him. It had nothing to do with shipbuilding, he said.

The Minister can reply later and tell me when the contract was—not signed—agreed upon and how long the negotiations took. Ships, like Rome, are not built in a day.

What advice did the committee give the Minister, if any?

Time was of the essence in the contract of 1970; it is not of the essence in this contract and the Minister for Transport and Power in a very lengthy reply to questions put down by me and in the many statements he has made on this matter never suggested that time was of any importance and that there was a delivery date. He said repeatedly, and it was reiterated here by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, that the only determining factor in this case was cost. I do not accept, and I am sure nobody here does, the arguments advanced by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I should like him to put these arguments to the experts in Verolme Dockyard and ask them to debate them with him. It is no use now because the contract is placed.

Deputy Fitzgerald also wanted to know what was the real deal. Was it a package deal for four ships, not two? I should like to know and I am sure the people of Cobh and Deputies would like to know if it was a package deal and what has happened to the option for two more ships. If these options are now being cancelled, what bearing, if any, has that on the price of the two ships to which we are apparently committed? The Minister for Transport and Power had the benefit of the Clyde experience. He was forwarned; he knew what happened then and even if it was a bad deal, that is no reason why it should be repeated by him and this Government. Perhaps it is the antipathy of Fine Gael which has been demonstrated frequently that was responsible. Deputy O'Malley read an extract from the Official Report last night which showed that any financial assistance over the years to Verolme Dockyard was bitterly opposed. I am sure the Minister remembers when one of his colleagues who was then a Deputy for Cork City nearly lost his seat over it. I hope the same does not happen to the Minister on the next occasion. The Minister is a decent man; he is beloved of the people—at least he was——

That will be written on my tombstone when I die.

(Interruptions.)

I think things have changed. I have heard the reactions of the people to this and it reminds me of what was said about—I was going to say another famous statesman but I shall not—another statesman who did something despicable. He had a niece and he was her favourite uncle but her reaction and dismay were intense when she discovered her favourite uncle had committed adultery—and not with a Japanese either. That is the attitude of the people now. I hope the Minister understands that is a figure of speech.

Actually I did not get it. I will work it out later.

I know the Minister did not.

The Minister for Labour helped the Minister last night; he will puzzle it out for him.

If it is not the antipathy of Fine Gael perhaps it is the indifference of Labour to their workers in Cork City for the reason I have already suggested, that they have no political interest there and never will have. Perhaps it is the attitude of Irish Shipping who have repeatedly refused to have any serious consultation with Verolme Dockyard about the building of ships. Of the 12 vessels comprising their present fleet only two were built in Cobh. Of the B & I fleet of ten vessels only two were built in Verolme Dockyard. I do not know why this is so.

Placing this contract in Japan may be another link in the chain of events or attempts by the Government to downgrade Cork. They lost by the Minister for Local Government turning Cork City into a five-seat constituency. They lost in relation to Fota when the Minister for Finance refused to consider the purchase of these lands for the people of Cork on the basis that this was only a parish pump matter. The same thing happened or is about to happen with the Minister for Education. All three Ministers for Education in fact have refused to consider giving autonomy to University College, Cork.

These matters would not be relevant to the present debate.

Very relevant because they show the mentality of the Government.

The motion deals with a shipbuilding order.

Now it is Japan rather than Dublin versus Cork. The then Minister for Transport and Power was alarmed about the situation and he received a deputation in Leinster House in November, 1971 comprised of members of management and workers from the dockyard who debated the matter with officials of the Minister's Department. An undertaking was given by the Minister that never again would his Department even consider the building of ships for any State or semi-State body without having prior and full consultation and dialogue with the native dockyard. In pursuance of that undertaking a meeting was held some time afterwards between the Minister and representatives of management and Labour in Cork dockyard. The Minister also gave an undertaking at that time, which he honoured as far as he was able, to set up some sort of advisory or consultative committee to advise on a naval policy generally.

He gave that undertaking in the Dáil, as reported in the Official Report of the 20th January, 1972, when it was proposed that all shipping and fishing interests—An Bord Iascaigh Mhara, B & I, Irish Shipping, the Minister for Defence and any others interested in shipping or marine activities would be represented. Of course, the Verolme Dockyard was also to be represented. The Minister was never afforded an opportunity of implementing that policy. It was pointed out that long-term planning and continuity of employment were essential and that the best way that could be achieved was through consultation with all of those interested. I shall be asking the Minister to consider that matter in the near future, with representation by Verolme (Cork) Dockyard, on this advisory board and also on the boards of Irish Shipping and of B & I.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce mentioned that the cost was a very important factor. He mentioned also the priority of the 500 employees of Irish Shipping. I know a fair number of those workers I am sure the Minister knows them also— and they would much prefer to work and make their living on ships built in Ireland. If the Minister's argument holds good, how can that be reconciled with the promise made last evening by the Minister for Labour that a ship would be built for the B & I in the immediate future? If cost/profitability is of that importance surely it should apply equally to the B & I? If Irish Shipping wants to make a profit, surely the B & I should also. If the Minister can get a cheaper ship for the B & I on the same arguments advanced by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, is he again prepared to get it from Japan, the Upper Clyde or somewhere else? If he is, what is the use of listening—as we did last evening—to the Minister for Labour giving this promise of immediate employment in the Verolme (Cork) Dockyard?

The same promise was made by a member of the Minister's party in Midleton almost two months ago when he said that work would commence on a ship for the B & I and a naval vessel in the immediate future. These orders have not yet been placed. I have made inquiries as to how long it would take to build a ship, as proposed, for the B & I. Even with the best will in the world on the part of the Minister, with the co-operation of Irish Shipping and with finance being available, I am convinced work could not commence on that ship within a year and the probability is it would not commence under 18 months. It has been admitted by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, at any rate, that it is likely that, unless orders are placed, there will be redundancies at Verolme at the end of next year. It is a well-known fact that the naval vessel will give only between ten and 12 weeks' employment.

Deputy Fitzgerald posed a number of questions to the Minister, only some of which I heard. I want to pose others, the answers to which I submit this House and, indeed, people outside it are entitled to receive. We all want to know how many ships were contracted for in the first instance. Was there an option for four ships? Was there an option for two more ships? Of course, this was the case in the Upper Clyde contract in 1970. Irish Shipping seem to have a predilection for repeating themselves. If the option must now be cancelled, what will that cost us? I should like to know also the exact date on which preliminary discussions commenced in relation to this contract. We should also like to be given exact figures and to know the names of some of the naval and nautical experts who advised the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

Perhaps I could be told also when the Minister for Transport and Power first heard about this contract. Was he presented with a fait accompli situation? I should like to know when agreement was reached. I now want distinction of dates between agreement being reached and the exact date of signature of the contract. Indeed, perhaps, it has not yet been signed. I should like to know the date on which Verolme were asked to quote for the ship and what was their figure as compared with the Japanese one, with the options, if any, and without them if there were none.

We now call on the Government to cancel these contracts. I am sure the Minister sought legal advice on the matter. I should like to know what is the situation if these contracts are cancelled. Do they carry a penalty clause? What damage would we be liable to pay?

I understand that there is some body to be established to look into the affairs of semi-State bodies. Can the Minister assure the House that this body will be given retrospective power to inquire into the whole of this contract? That is the only way the doubts and suspicions about this matter can be dispelled.

Just to satisfy Deputy Brosnan on the last point he raised about the sub-committee of this House looking into the affairs of semi-State bodies, that will require legislation and the powers that committee will have will be those determined by this House. Therefore, he shall have a chance of contributing to that debate when it comes before the House.

Obviously this is a very vexed and —for the far side of the House— very emotive question. Frankly, I must admit that, for me, it was a very difficult question. I am not in the least unconscious of the location of the Verolme Dockyard.

It was very difficult for me to come to the decision I had to. I think the decision I came to was the correct one. I made my recommendation to the Government and put the case before them. They are not unconscious of the Verolme Dockyard and its contribution. A number of Deputies on both sides of the House and the Minister for Labour referred to what I think is the most important job the dockyard does, namely, in training. It is very important. For me, it was a particularly difficult decision but it had to be faced. I suppose the easiest thing for me would have been never to have heard of the ships from Japan because nobody would have known anything about it and the dockyard would have been looking for the work which we now propose to see that they get and there would not have been this ri-ra and this political hulla-balloo about it.

We frequently get advice from the other side of the House to take unpopular decisions and, if we take what is on the surface deemed by people who have not examined the case that I intend to put before the House an unpopular decision, they complain about the decision we take. You cannot have your cake and eat it. Deputy Fitzgerald spoke last night. The Minister for Industry and Commerce referred to it. It is quite serious, this insinuation by Deputy Fitzgerald that there was some kind of a backhand—"bonus" was the word, in fact, he used—in connection with the placing of this order.

May I come in and say that I never said such a thing? I never used the term. I would ask the Minister to withdraw the statement he made.

Yes, I certainly withdraw that he used the word "backhand". He did not. He used the word "bonus".

I beg your pardon, Sir, not in the terms in which the Minister mentioned it. I would ask him to withdraw the statement he has made now.

Deputy Fitzgerald said last night that he wanted to know what bonuses were involved in the placing of these contracts.

On a point of correction, that is not what I said.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce read the appropriate extract from the Dáil Debates and certainly the insinuation was that there was something underhand going on. In fairness to those involved in Irish Shipping it is a pity Deputy Fitzgerald did not avail of his chance at the beginning of this debate today to withdraw that. I think he should. It is too easy to infer that people in semi-State bodies or civil servants are less than honest or that they have some gain to be made from not acting in the public interest.

May I come in for a moment?

It is not fair of the Deputy continuously to interrupt the Minister. The Minister has less than half an hour.

The Minister is making an allegation against me. I never once insinuated anything against any officer or any member of the board of Irish Shipping.

That is not a point of order.

I want to state this categorically and have it recorded.

The Deputy made his contribution for half an hour. He should allow the Minister to speak.

The Minister for Transport and Power is trying to put words into my mouth which I never used.

All right. I presume what the Deputy is doing is withdrawing the question he asked last night. Is that correct? Is he withdrawing the question he asked last night about what bonuses were involved in this?

Tell us what you meant by "bonus".

I will pass on from it but I want to note the fact that the Deputy was given twice tonight the opportunity to withdraw that and he did not do it.

I made a statement which is now on the record of the House.

Tell us what you meant by "bonus"?

I think the record will stand by itself and I do not think there is anything I can add to it. I have been avoiding as much as I could making any comment about this matter because I thought that this House was the place in which to make the comment. There were questions down to me certainly by Deputy Brosnan and Deputy Cronin —I am not sure about Deputy Fitzgerald—for answer in this House. Those questions came up for answer on 13th November when I answered questions here for half an hour or 40 minutes relating to my Department. The questions had been postponed by Deputies Fitzgerald and Brosnan who obviously had not the interest to come up from the West Mayo by-election, which was over at that stage, to pursue their questions in the House. They knew exactly the time and the day on which those questions would come before the House because on the previous Thursday, 6th November, I had answered the first question down to me. Therefore under the system of rotating questions, I would be the first Minister to answer questions in the House on 13th November. The Deputies did not think it worth their while to come up and pursue it.

The Minister is not answering the question I asked.

Deputy Fitzgerald came huffing and puffing in here the following Tuesday looking for a Special Notice Question.

It is a good job that I am around to give you something to talk about.

He could not get out of the bed to come here and pursue an ordinary question the previous Thursday.

It was not reached.

So, I doubt the sincerity of Deputies in this regard when they do not think it worth their while to pursue questions which were on the Order Paper for a month.

And are not reached.

Deputy O'Malley, please.

I thank Deputy O'Malley. That is exactly the point I am making. Questions were postponed by Deputy Brosnan and Deputy Fitzgerald.

On a point of order again, I had no question down to the Minister. I would ask him to put the record straight.

I must ask Deputy Fitzgerald to allow the Minister to speak. It is particularly unfair to take the time of any Member of the House——

I had no question.

Let me put it this way—Deputy Fitzgerald has not enough interest to put down a question. He admits he has no question down. Deputy Brosnan and Deputy Cronin postponed their questions but they had a full week when they knew exactly the time that I would be answering the question. They had from Thursday 6th to Thursday 13th November and they did not avail of it.

What about the question I am putting now to you? What about the options?

They did not avail of it and they came in huffing and puffing looking for special notice questions.

Could we deal with the motion now, Sir?

I imagine the Deputies are not so keen on what I am saying now. Deputy O'Malley went back to 1963 and Deputy Brosnan today backed him up. Deputy O'Malley inferred and I think Deputy Brosnan said outright that there was known opposition of Fine Gael to the Verolme Dockyard. Of course, that is not true.

The Minister for Lands, Deputy Fitzpatrick, said it was a silly industry.

Deputy Dowling, please. The Minister is due to conclude at 7.15. I expect a good reception for him in the meantime.

I sat for an hour-and-a-half without interrupting anybody. I expect the same courtesy. Deputy O'Malley quoted from the Dáil Debates of 1963 when the present Taoiseach referred back a Supplementary Estimate for the dockyard in Cork and said that this was proof that Fine Gael were against the dockyard. If the Deputy looks at the Dáil Debates of 30th October, 1969, that is, some five or six years later—Volume 241, columns 2309 to 2311—he will see that on that day Deputy Barry Desmond had a question down to the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is the present Fianna Fáil spokesman on Finance, Deputy George Colley, about the Verolme Dockyard, its capital structure and so on. I asked a supplementary question of the then Minister which was as follows:

Would the Minister agree that there has been some concern in the public mind because of the name association with the firm on the Continent and this shipbuilding yard? Would he make a statement pointing out that the Government here are in full control of this yard and have only a tenuous connection with such shipbuilding yards in other parts of Europe?

The then Minister, Deputy Colley, replied as follows:

I would agree with the Deputy when he says that the connection is tenuous but there is a connection. The yard in Cork is very much more independent of the continental firm than it used to be. Having regard to the report relating to the situation of the continental firm it is true, as the Deputy says, that some concern was expressed. However, I am satisfied from my investigations that there need be no apprehension arising out of the reports in relation to the Cork dockyard.

So, I was not the only one or the Fine Gael Party were not the only ones concerned. The then Minister for Finance was concerned and events subsequent proved it because the Irish Government had to take equity in the Cork dockyard because of the situation that developed between 1963 and I think it was 1967 or 1968—I am not sure of the date—when the dockyard was reformed with 49 per cent Irish participation.

In regard to these two ships ordered in Japan by Irish Shipping, Irish Shipping is a company set up in the early years of the war to give us the strategic level of tonnage to allow us in times of war to import and export our goods. At that time it was established that the tonnage should be 135,000 tons, the deadweight necessary for our purposes and anything above that should be operated on a commercial basis by Irish Shipping. They have been extraordinarily successful as a company. Results over the last number of years have been very, very good. They hardly trade at all into Irish ports. They earn 95 per cent of their revenue and make their profits in the Pacific and other parts of the world. If they want to survive in that area of competition, they must purchase ships at competitive prices. There are 500 people employed in Irish Shipping. I would like to see them carrying 1,000,000 tons as opposed to the 235,000 tons they carry now. Obviously, there are financial constraints. The capital involved in shipbuilding is very large. It is the kind of capital it is difficult to lay one's hands on. It is very hard to make a profit on because of high interest rates. Irish Shipping are extremely competent in the kind of trading in which they are engaged. They have one of the most modern and competitive fleets in the world and it is in the interests of this country that they should be kept in this position.

The Cork Examiner on Thursday, 30th November, when news broke that Irish Shipping were purchasing two ships in Japan in a leading article, while naturally worried about unemployment in Verolme Dockyard, said:

Firstly, it must be placed on record that Irish Shipping Ltd. has a splendid overseas record in regard to cargo carriage.

Later, the article says:

There is also another intriguing side to the controversy. Why did the Government give the go-ahead to Irish Shipping? They were obviously aware of all the nuances of the situation, including the "poor politics" inherent in such permission. Yet they did go ahead.

In all the circumstances the contracting by Irish Shipping, a group from a comparatively poor country, for two ships from wealthy Japan is a matter for concern, especially in these tough economic times. The only way that the deal can be justified in the public eye is by a clear-cut and detailed analysis of the contract and the reasons for its signing

I propose to give those reasons now.

It is about time.

There are only two ships involved and the price for each is £5.7 million. The original negotiations started in July last. I cannot give the precise date. The contract was signed on 14th November. Peculiarly enough, this was after Members were not here to ask questions. The first ship will be delivered next September and the second some months later. These two ships will be earning revenue for this country and for Irish Shipping 12 months in advance of the time at which they could do that had the contract been given to the dockyard in Cork. The money to finance the ships is being provided as to 30 per cent by Irish Shipping paid in four 7½ per cent portions on the date of the signing of the contract, the laying of the keel, the launching of the ship and delivery. The balance of 70 per cent will be lent to the shipyard by a Japanese bank and that loan will be taken over by Irish Shipping when they take delivery of the ships. The money is at 8¾ per cent and will be repayable over seven years. There is no escalation clause. In other words, if materials or wages go up in the meantime before the delivery of the ships the price remains as negotiated last Friday week.

Is there a sterling depreciation clause?

The repayment is in Japanese yen so, in effect, there would be a sterling depreciation clause. The Verolme Dockyard contract was payable as to 70 per cent in Dutch guilders, so depreciation would apply there and, the balance of 30 per cent had an escalation for wages clause and the delivery date was later. I do not want to seem to knock Verolme Dockyard but, as the Minister for Industry and Commerce said, Verolme cannot compete with Japan in the building of what he described as large sardine tins—they are really only Meccano sets with an engine knocked in and off they go. The building of a car ferry in Verolme is far more complicated. More workmanship is involved and more craftsmen are employed in it.

Last year Irish Shipping earned £8 to £10 million in foreign currency. In the last three months of 1970 90 per cent of orders for bulk tankers went to Japan. This is the league in which Irish Shipping are playing. This is the competition they have to meet and, if they cannot meet it, they must lay up their ships and lay off their crews. That is something one must take into consideration, always with the proviso, of course, of full employment in Cork dockyards. That proviso is always there. It would have been far easier for me to say to Irish Shipping: "No ships. Go away. I do not want to hear from you." Had I done that, I would not have had to face this debate. When one is a Minister one has to do things that are in the national interest even if one is the recipient of some occasional local flak as a result.

This was the right decision for Irish Shipping and for the country because the earnings of Irish Shipping play a very important part in balancing our balance of payments. Last year Irish Shipping earned £2 million in Japan. They are moving into tough times. There is a slump. There are always peaks and valleys in shipping. It is cyclical. This is a slump period and there are more ships than goods to be carried. Competition is keener. In these circumstances Irish Shipping must be preserved in a competitive position. I believe we made the right decision in allowing Irish Shipping to purchase these ships in Japan and remain competitive.

Naturally, I am as concerned as Deputy G. Fitzgerald, Deputy Brosnan and other Deputies opposite for the position of the port of Cork and its surrounding activities. Deputy Brosnan inferred I might lose my seat over this. If I do, that is it. I am not indispensable.

I said I hoped the Minister would not lose his seat.

If I do it does not matter. There are plenty of people to run the country. The inference is that I am killing Cork Dockyard. Let us see what the record is in regard to jobs in Cork in so far as this Government are concerned and my Department in particular.

The Minister lost the records in Cork.

Of the natural gas that has been brought ashore, 100 per cent is being used in the Cork area.

Where else would it be used?

The Minister has only a few minutes left.

There was gas there before the Minister was born.

The establishment of the electricity generating plant on the east side of Cork harbour——

(Interruptions.)

I am trying to convey to Deputy Meaney that the Minister has only a few minutes left.

For the first time, so far as I am aware, the headquarters of a board of this kind are being established in the Cork area. Did Fianna Fáil ever establish a board of this kind in Cork?

The reference is to British Gas. The Minister is afraid to face the workers in the dockyard.

The Opposition mistake words for action. The difference between them and us is that we take action while they talk. That is why they are in Opposition and why we are here and will continue to be here. Regarding the position of Irish Shipping if the contract for the building of these two vessels had gone to the Cork dockyard and it, at the same time, B & I and the Department of Defence were seeking to have their ships built at the Cork dockyard, there would be an overlap of facilities. I have no doubt as to which choice Cork dockyard would make in that case: they would choose the Department of Defence boat and the B & I Car Ferry because that is where they see the use for their craftsmanship and skill. They know that it is much better for them to get the contract for the fisheries protection vessel and for the car ferry than to get the contract for the two tankers.

In referring to what was said by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, I think there was a genuine misunderstanding on the part of Deputy Brosnan. The Minister referred to a study which was conducted within his Department on the rationalisation of the yard and said that the principal aim of the resulting plan, for which the IDA are prepared to give a grant of £1.128 million, is to build facilities which will enable Verolme (Cork) Dockyard to increase their activities in the offshore construction industry as well as in ship repairs.

Deputy Fitzgerald said last night that subsidies had been made available by the previous Government for the building of ships in Cork dockyard. That is not true. What the Deputy might have in mind is the restructuring of the capital of Irish Shipping which took place at one time, but that is something different. The Deputy may have in mind the 25 per cent shipbuilding allowance which was available to Irish owners from 1969 to 1971 when it was withdrawn. In order to qualify for this 25 per cent of the cost of a vessel, an Irish owner did not have to build ships in Ireland. Indeed, both B & I and Irish Shipping availed of the concession while the vessels concerned were built outside the country. The previous Government never gave a subsidy to Irish Shipping to build ships at Cork dockyard.

That is not true.

I am afraid it is. I should like to refer to the publication, the Journal of Commerce, which is published in London and relates to commercial matters. In their last issue, dated November 21st, 1975, they say in their special shipping supplement that the Irish Government faced a difficult decision but that they faced it squarely and made the right decision.

I must call now on the mover of the motion to reply.

The article continues that this decision allows the Irish maritime flag to be kept flying.

Deputy Barrett has been called.

Deputy Barrett, to reply.

In tabling this motion our purpose was to have this question debated so as to ascertain why Cork dockyard did not get the order for these two vessels. We were hoping to persuade the Government to rescind the order placed with the Japanese. It is our opinion, as well as the opinion of most people in the country, that this situation should never have arisen. I fail to see how anyone could excuse this action on the part of the Government.

We have heard the three Ministers concerned trying to explain the decision. Last night the Minister for Labour gave assurances to the workers in the Cork dockyard; but in view of the experience we have had in recent times in relation to assurances given by Minister colleagues of his, what credence can these workers give to any such assurance? To give one example, when there was a takeover by Golden Vale of the milk plant of the Limerick and Clare milk suppliers, the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries gave an assurance to the people concerned that there would be no redundancies but that assurance has not been adhered to and the people who visited the Department with me last week got proof of this. What good are assurances of that kind to the workers in Cork?

The Minister for Industry and Commerce talked to us about security of employment and told us why subsidies were not on. He told us that a very important factor in regard to the contract was that of the lowest possible cost. Throughout his entire contribution he continued to repeat the word "if". The only other man in history who got away with so many "ifs" was Rudyard Kipling. He said in one of his poems:

If you should keep your head when all around you are losing theirs...

One "if" which the Minister mentioned must be a very ongoing one. This was that, if the order materialises for the protection vessel, everything will be all right. I recall that during the North-East Cork by-election last year the Minister for Defence gave a press conference at which he said that the order for that vessel was being placed but no such order has been placed yet. When we consider that there are 107,500 of our people unemployed we should be talking, not in terms of maintaining employment, but of increasing employment.

There has been mention from both sides of the House of subsidies being one way of ensuring the contract for Cork, but subsidies are not the only way of ensuring that the Cork dockyard could compete for this order. Therefore I intend putting forward another proposal, one which it is not too late to consider. A simple exercise in financial leadership from the Government or from the Minister for Industry and Commerce or, in other words, a nudge from them, could have assured Cork of the order.

All that was needed was a prompt from the Government. They could have got Irish Shipping and one of the big banking groups, the AIB or the Bank of Ireland together and they could have hammered out a very successful financial arrangement. Under the Japanese arrangement the cost of the vessels is £11.8 million.

It is £11.2 million.

It is approximately that sum. I took the figure of £11.8 million and the loan was somewhere around £8 million. The interest on £8 million at 8¾ per cent per annum is £720,000. The deposit required to bridge the gap to the total cost is £3.8 million which had to be found by Irish Shipping. Interest on that would amount to £450,000 per annum. You must add to those two figures the annual exchange provision because of the continual fall in sterling. This is now running at 29.7 per cent which is almost 30 per cent. A total of 20 per cent of that rise came in the last two years. It was quite small before that. There must be an annual exchange provision because the money is payable in yen. Therefore, we must add £830,000. That brings the total cost to Irish Shipping per annum, without talking of payment of the capital sum, to £2 million per annum.

There is a precedent for Irish Shipping getting together with the AIB or the Bank of Ireland because the B & I did it with AIB in the past. The total cost at 25 per cent, according to the figures the Minister for Labour gave last night, would be approximately £15.2 million for amortising and all this type of business in financial circles. There would be a minimum write-off against tax on profits by the bank in question who would be the owners of the vessels. If they put up the £15.2 million, they could remain the owners. They could have a leasing system with Irish Shipping. They could lease the vessels to Irish Shipping and they would continue to be the owners. In the year of completion they could write off 15 per cent of that £15.2 million against their tax which would leave a net cost of £7.6 million. One needs to compare that figure with the £11.8 million which requires a repayment of £2 million from Irish Shipping without any capital repayment.

There could be a very attractive leasing arrangement made to cover the £7.6 million over ten years when there is £2 million to play with. The present arrangement, so far as we have been informed, compared with what I am now proposing virtually doubles the annual cost to Irish Shipping and the Cork dockyard still get no jobs out of it because they are still in Japan. In the proposal I have outlined Irish Shipping would still have their vessels, Irish seamen would have their jobs at sea, Irish shipbuilders would have a few years of secure expanding employment and the Irish banks would not be deprived of their profit. While they were fulfilling a very useful purpose, they would also be making a profit. We are not out to take their profits away from them if they give the facility which they gave in the past. Our balance of payments would have benefited from the hard currency earnings from the operation of the vessels, as I admit they will still benefit.

We now find that Irish Shipping are burdened with foreign borrowing, making good the drop in the pound between it and the yen. Last Friday Irish shipworkers marched through Cork. The Minister for Industry and Commerce recently visited Japan in an effort to woo them in here with industry. We have now seen that anti-Japanese sentiment is building up over this shipping deal. The Minister came back and told us he had firm orders of £250,000. Who was this supposed to impress? One would not get a broken down thoroughbred stallion for that.

Since the Government came into office in 1973 they have shown an inability to make every possible contribution to the economic and industrial welfare of the country. They always seem to find the wrong thing to do. On this occasion they have also found the wrong thing to do. During the course of his contribution the Minister for Industry and Commerce said that the Verolme Dockyard could not get the contract for these two bulk carriers, which he described in great detail, as he said it would interfere with their building of the car ferry. I cannot see how they can be competitors for the building of a car ferry against the Japanese if they cannot be competitive for the building of those two vessels.

We mentioned a subsidy last night and I have put forward figures in relation to how it could be done. As I said, it would cost Irish Shipping 50 per cent of what it is costing them under the Japanese deal. When the AIB did a similar deal with the B & I in the past there were special tax provisions for shipping at the time, which were set aside in the budget of last year or the year before by the Minister for Finance. On that occasion the AIB were able to claim 140 per cent write-off under the terms of the special tax provision for shipping. Even without that, the cost of the ships could be reduced by 50 per cent.

There is no reason whatever for not rescinding the order which we were told tonight was signed on the 14th November. The Government and the Minister for Transport and Power had the power to place the order. They also have the power to rescind it and to secure the employment of the 1,200 workers in Cork. They have told us how important it is to expand this dockyard. This is a way they could expand employment and cut down the staggering figure of 107,500 unemployed which we now have. The Government have let this opportunity pass by like many other opportunities. The Government have repeatedly used financing from non-sterling resources despite the clear proof that the continuing devaluation of sterling creates increasing difficulty with the cost of interest payments and eventual capital repayment. During the past weekend we heard talk about the massive budget deficit of nearly £300 million. This is an occasion where they could at least right certain things which are wrong in the country. They could have placed the order at 50 per cent of the cost if the order was placed with Verolme if they had gone about it in the proper way by involving one of our two major finance institutions. They failed to do that. Not only could they have maintained employment but we would not now have the spectacle of workers marching through Cork. On the other hand, the shipyard would have been expanded. The Minister for Industry and Commerce said that the shipyard should and would be expanded "if",—"if" all the time. We ask the Minister to rescind the order and to do something worthwhile for the Verolme workers.

Amendment put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 67; Níl, 64.

  • Barry, Peter.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McDonald, Charles B.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Pattison, Seamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gibbons, Hugh.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Loughnane, William.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Begley and B. Desmond; Níl, Deputies Lalor and Browne.
Amendment declared carried.
Motion, as amended, put and agreed to.
Barr
Roinn