I move:
That Dáil Éireann condemns the Government for its failure to deal effectively with the breakdown in law and order.
I move this motion on behalf of my party. I would like, at this early stage in the debate, to have a look at the amendment to my motion by the Minister for Justice. I have no objection to parts of the amendment. I have no argument with the part of it which states: "That Dáil Éireann notes with concern an increase in the incidence of certain types of crime as revealed in the latest reports of the Commissioner of the Garda Síochána." This is the situation as it is.
I agree that Dáil Éireann expresses its full confidence in the security forces of the State. There is no question whatsoever of a lack of confidence in the security forces of the State. There is no question whatsoever of any lack of confidence in the Garda force or any intimation of such in my motion. I have every confidence in our Garda force. I have every confidence in their loyalty to the State and its people. I have every confidence in their desire effectively to do their work in an efficient and proper way. I have not confidence, however, that everything possible is being done to protect old and young people and their property.
I cannot accept the part of the Minister's amendment which says: "expresses satisfaction at the continued maintenance of the rule of law". The rule of law has a twofold connotation. It means that accused people are dealt with speedily, effectively and fairly. It also means that the rule of the gangster and the vandal does not prevail. Can we be confident that either part of that concept is in a healthy state?
The Garda Commissioner, in his report for 1975, says that there has been an increase of 8,291 indictable crimes for 1975 over the number for 1974. Surely the Minister can see how the wording of his amendment is contradicted here by the Garda Commissioner in his report? The increase in indictable crimes I have just mentioned is an increase of approximately 21 per cent over 1974 and is most marked in the offences against property with violence crime group. It is unfortunate that the percentage detection rate for 1975 is down by about 5 per cent on that for 1974. It is very disturbing that approximately 27,337 crimes went undetected for the year in question.
During the course of this debate I will welcome a statement by the Minister on this because this is a very disturbing aspect in the Commissioner's report. It is frightening to learn that well over half the crimes recorded, 26,807, happened in the Dublin area. I was unable to find the percentage of this number of crimes that were detected. I hope the Minister will be able to get this figure and make it available to the House and the public. The increase in this particular type of crime in the Dublin area is unfortunately an increase of 20 per cent over the figure for 1974. This being so, how can the Minister say that he is satisfied with this situation? How can he honestly ask that Dáil Éireann expresses its satisfaction at the continued maintenance of the rule of law?
Surely the Minister can see in the offences against the property with violence group that there has been an increase of approximately 3,500 crimes, which represents a staggering increase of nearly 27 per cent, of which almost 54 per cent occurred in Dublin. The breaking and entering offences have increased considerably and are naturally a very great worry and a source of great concern to all of us. I am sorry that I cannot share the Minister's view of the situation as I see it outlined in his amendment. I am sorry that I cannot express my satisfaction at the situation.
It is unfortunate that larcenies, frauds and related crimes show a sharp increase. It is very regrettable that in this area, while we have had for 1975, 29,365 such offences approximately 18,000 of those offences remain undetected. The situation, as far as armed robberies and attempted armed robberies are concerned, is that we had 153 cases for 1975 and, regrettably in 99 cases out of that total no people were charged. Instead of expressing satisfaction at the continued maintenance of law and order, as the Minister does and wants Dáil Éireann to do, I find that the Commissioner of the Garda Síochána says: "that the overall crime picture can only be described as disturbing". I am sure the Commissioner is a very modest man and certainly a man who could never be accused of exaggerating the situation. From the facts given to us by the Garda Commissioner the situation to me is much worse than just disturbing. It is horrible.
The Commissioner of the Garda Síochána says that criminals are becoming more vicious and mean. He says that attacks on old and disabled people in their homes are now on the increase. This crime was unknown until very recently. This, in my view, is not just disturbing and certainly not something with which to express satisfaction. It is horrible. I respectfully request the Minister for Justice to make known, during his contribution to this debate, in an open and straightforward way what his views are on the situation, what his proposals are and what the proposals of the Government are to make sure that everything possible will be done to assist our Garda force in their efforts to combat crime.
I would like to express my satisfaction at the decrease in other offences, particularly indecent assaults on women, young and old. I gather there was a decrease of approximately 30 per cent in those crimes. I am also glad that the publication of the Commissioner's report for 1975 coincides with this debate this evening because it gives Members an opportunity to air their views on very certain and most important matters. I am sure that now, because of the publicity of the facts contained in the Commissioner's report, many people outside the House are confirmed in their views and are worried about the situation. I have had numerous incidents reported to me by people who were extremely dissatisfied and gravely upset and worried with the law and order situation at present. I ask the Minister to accept that this concern being expressed is a genuine concern. It is so genuine that something must be done about it immediately.
The ordinary lay person reading the report of the Commissioner for 1975 will, naturally, have important questions to ask. One purpose this debate will serve is that we may get answers to some of the questions from the Minister for Justice. One question I should like to ask is: Why are we losing the battle slowly but surely against crime? Are we reaching the situation where we may have to acknowledge that crime after all does pay? Why are crimes on the increase and the rate of detection on the decrease when more money than ever before is being made available to our police force? A question must be asked as to what the future holds for our people, not alone for those living in our cities but those living in rural areas also. Are those who believe that people are no longer safe in their homes to be confirmed in their belief by what can be seen in the report of the Commissioner? Must they fear for their lives at every hour of the day and night? The question that is always being asked is: What protection is available to them if they need help?
Unfortunately, many of those people in trouble when looking for help and protection were not able to get it when it was most required. It is a fact—the Minister knows this better than I— that help often arrived to some of these people many hours after it was sought and, in some cases, days after it was sought.
I assure the Minister, the House, and the public, that I get no pleasure in saying that I am convinced that ordinary people are genuinely terrified in their homes. It is unfortunate that there is nothing in the report of the Commissioner that will give such people any relief or any indication that they will have a safer future. The last time I had an opportunity of speaking on this subject was last May on an Adjournment Debate arising out of a parliamentary question to the Minister for Justice. On that occasion the Chair did not think it proper to allow me propose a Private Members' Motion. During the course of his contribution the Minister for Justice—it was only a 30-minute debate and, in fairness to the Minister, he had only ten minutes to say what he wanted to say—went to great pains to ensure that nothing was left unchallenged on the record which, as he said, might bring undue alarm and unease or might give the impression here, or further afield, that law and order had broken down. The Minister said then that nothing could be further from the truth. Since then we have had a declaration of a state of emergency and the introduction of an Emergency Powers Bill resulting in steps which necessitated derogation from the European Convention of Human Rights. On the occasion of that debate last May the Minister said, as reported at column 778 of the Official Report of that date:
There was an unfortunate rash of robberies some weeks ago but I am precluded, happily, from commenting on them because the vast majority are sub judice. They are sub judice because we have an active, intelligent, dedicated, loyal police force whose morale is of the highest. If the position were as Deputy Collins wants to present it to the House, of a dispirited force with no morale, the position which prevents us debating these matters would not have arisen.
At that time there was nothing to prevent the Minister from speaking about the 99 armed or attempted armed robberies during 1975 for which no person has still been charged. Surely the Minister knew last May that the rash of armed robberies he spoke of did not begin a few weeks prior to that debate or did not begin with the number of robberies from unarmed and unprotected trains about that time? Surely the Minister does not want the House to believe that he knew nothing about the 153 armed robberies of 1975 and the number of these cases for which nobody was charged? The Minister must be aware of the situation as it is.
During the course of his reply the Minister might tell us what the situation is for the 11 months of 1976 in relation to armed robberies or attempted armed robberies. It may be too early for the Minister to give the number of these cases for which persons were charged but if we go back to January we will find that in the Dublin area alone we had seven armed robberies. In February there were ten armed robberies in that city and 20 armed robberies in March. Four or five years ago if we had an armed robbery it occurred only once every six months and was given banner headlines in our national newspapers but they are happening with such regularity nowadays that one must look to the bottom of pages three, four or five to find a mention of them.
The whole question of security, and what is meant by security, must come under scrutiny. Any decision by the Government which resulted in the removing of gardaí from mail trains carrying large sums of money must come under scrutiny. Any decisions of a Government who allow post office vans carrying large sums of money to travel regularly throughout the country without security must come under scrutiny. If we cannot improve our security standards in this regard we are encouraging criminals to help themselves. In August, 1975, the Government, and the Minister for Justice, deliberately decided to cut back on the amount of overtime work being done by gardaí. The implementation by the Minister for Justice of these financial restrictions has prevented the Garda Síochána from doing the work they want to do, combating crime.
The Minister, being the astute politician he is, has tried on every occasion to deny that there have been cutbacks on overtime but, of course, that is not true. The Minister said he restricted the growth in overtime, as reported in column 779 of the Official Report of 5th May.
The Garda Representative Body, a body for whom we all have nothing but the highest respect and regard, have publicly contradicted the Minister and vehemently said the cutback in overtime is responsible, to a great extent, for the dramatic increase in crime and the noticeable decrease in crime detection. The Garda Representative Body say they have been angered by the Minister's denial. They say the Minister was in grave error. They say definitely the cutback exists. They say it is serious and sustained and is having a most serious effect on the level and quality of the service given by the Garda to the general public.
They say the cutback in overtime is responsible for a grave diminution of Garda presence on the streets. They say it is also responsible for the widespread grounding of squad cars and patrol cars, leaving the public unprotected in sensitive areas at sensitive times. The cutback in overtime naturally exposes members of the Garda to unnecessary dangers because of the lack of back-up services. The Garda have gone so far as publicly to contradict the Minister. They say the Minister earlier acknowledged the existence of a cutback when members of the representative body met him on September 4th, 1975.
It is reported that, on that occasion, the Minister told the members of the representative body that the scale of overtime was such as to make it impossible for him to argue with his colleagues in Government that there should not be a cutback in the light of the serious state of the economy. This is now seen by all as a grave error by the Minister in trying to achieve economy irrespective of the consequences. It was a false economy on the part of the Government and now its signs are clearly seen in the huge crime increase and in the non-availability of Garda properly to deal with it.
Prior to the introduction of the cutback, Garda patrol cars were kept on the roads even when it was necessary to employ gardaí on overtime to crew them. The Garda say a system of beat tolerance in Dublin and certain other areas ensured a minimum level of street patrolling. Emergency duties were undertaken by gardaí on overtime when no other members of the force were available. Immediately after the cutback was introduced by the Minister for Justice, at the behest of the Government, Garda cars were grounded, beat tolerance was discontinued, back-up services which are so vital to an effective police force were cut back and directions were issued changing previous policy towards the employment of gardaí on overtime in the investigation of crime.
The Garda said a strict system of financial control was introduced which made certain that the cutback was deep and effective. An examination of the overtime records in any police station would show how effective and how severe the cutback is in reality. The Garda Representative Body hold the view that the cutback has been implemented for its own sake and without any regard whatsoever for the effect it is having either on the crime rate or on the morale of the Garda, who now see duties previously regarded as essential being practically completely disregarded.
The Garda Representative Body say their members are especially worried because of the effect the cutback has on their safety. If this cutback continues to be applied, as it was in the earlier stages, to members of the force on Border duties, that will be dreadful and, to my mind, it will show a disregard for the safety of members of the Garda who have the very difficult task of police work in Border areas. Throughout the length and breadth of the country members of the Garda can only look in one way at the Minister's denial that there has been a cutback in overtime. They know best when they look at the Minister's denial. Unfortunately for the sake of our democracy and democratic institutions, they can only look at it with disbelief and with disillusionment.
Their comments on the consequences of the cutback in overtime imposed on them by the Minister at the behest of the Government were conveyed to the Garda Commissioner last March. They requested the Commissioner to convey their views to the Minister. The Minister has remained silent on the Garda comments and on their views as to how his actions, at the behest of the Government, are having such a disastrous effect on their operations and showing how false the economy is. Naturally the Minister should be worried about the truth of the situation as outlined to him by the Garda. Naturally when the Garda started talking about trade unions and the right to strike, this played on his mind, troubled his conscience and showed him the falseness of the economy he was effecting.
When the Minister spoke at a passing out parade at the Garda Training Centre in Templemore on Friday, July 16th, 1976, he said to the young new gardaí there that afternoon that loyalty means the ability to stay silent under the pressure of a grievance when its public expression could lead to unease and misunderstanding. In the interests of what is involved, the Garda Representative Body have the right, the duty and obligation to speak up when they see their best efforts to combat crime being thwarted by a Government whose prime consideration is to effect economies irrespective of the consequences. Now we can see the consequences in the report by the Commissioner for 1976. Now we can see the consequences which are listed for us in the crime report for 1975, mainly due to the cutback. The facts listed in this report prove without doubt that the Minister was wrong and the Garda were right. Unfortunately that is so.
The Minister is on record last May in this House trying to play down the level of violence and criminality. He did not accept that the crime situation was out of hand. He said we were relatively free of serious crime. Does the Minister still hold this view and, if so, who is supplying him with the information on which he is basing his view?
I believe that in holding this view the Minister could not be further from the truth of the situation. I believe it is not on the advice of the Commissioner of the Garda Síochána that he is stating this view. The Commissioner has all the facts at his disposal and could not give advice to the Minister along those lines, because it would be contrary to the facts, and the Commissioner would not advise contrary to the facts. It is unfortunate that the Minister's head-in-the-sand attitude and his mentality have severely damaged the morale of the ordinary member of the force.
Spokesmen for the Garda are on record as saying that increasing disillusionment is clearly seen among its members, not alone in the crime problem but also in matters of welfare and force morale. They say that right across the board the Garda Síochána are faced with enormous and rapidly increasing problems. The gardaí believe that right up to Government level the official reaction operates on the principle that if you do not admit their existence they will disappear.
Representatives of the gardaí have publicly said that matters have recently come to a head with the emergence of problems which concern not only the Garda Síochána but the community as a whole. They say we are now facing a situation in which the criminal de facto rules our streets and our countryside and that the morale of a once proud police force now lies battered. They say this without any joy or satisfaction but they say it with honesty and conviction when they say the criminal is winning and that the public are losing.
The Garda Síochána, through their spokesmen, are speaking of the armed robber, the mugger, the burglar, the thief, for whom, unfortunately, in recent years our streets and our countryside are wide open because of the lack of Garda patrols. Does the Minister believe that our children are safe as they go about their ordinary day's activities, whether it be school, games, discos or dances? Does the Minister believe that our old people living alone are safe in their isolation, as it might be in rural Ireland, or seclusion, as it might be in an urban area?
The Minister is, I am sure, aware of the public invitation issued to him by spokesmen for the Garda Síochána to walk down O'Connell Street in Dublin or, indeed, O'Connell Street in Limerick, some night after dark alone, or an invitation to visit elderly, terrified residents of flats and houses around our cities and towns. I believe that if the Minister could only accept this five- or six-month-old invitation to see things for himself, then there would be a hope that he would convince his Government colleagues that they should ease the financial restrictions which are choking the very life out of the Garda Síochána.
The Garda themselves have been clamouring for additional strength to take on the growing menace of ordinary crime, much of which they say has to go uninvestigated at times, and of course, preventative policing disappeared into thin air about 15 months ago. The Garda say that the effect on their morale is disastrous. Yet last May the Minister is on public record as saying in this House that their morale is of the highest. With all due respect to the Minister as a person for whom I have a high regard, I must say in this case I believe the Garda.
There are two basic requirements if the Garda are to combat crime. First, I say even late in the day to the Minister for Justice, to let the existing gardaí back on the streets to do the job the public want them to do, the job the gardaí themselves are prepared to do. The gardaí, as citizens of this country, want to do their policing, the work they are trained for, in the most effective manner. I ask the Minister to please let them do it. Would he endeavour to convince his Government colleagues of their wrong judgment, of their mistake, in trying to effect economies here which have been proved to many as being false economies?
We urgently need many more gardaí. The 500 extra gardaí announced by the Minister as a result of a Government decision of June 18th last, and still not recruited, are not likely to be recruited before Christmas. This number will not be enough or anywhere near enough to do the job that has to be done. A conservative estimate of our additional requirements, in my view from what I have learned from my discussions, is between 2,000 and 3,000 extra recruits. This Government stand accused of deliberately slowing down trainee Garda recruiting. Templemore Garda training centre was virtually unoccupied with trainee gardaí in recent times, and I believe it is well below capacity. The Government did announce last June the recruitment of an extra 500 Garda recruits. That was six months ago, and the Government have done nothing about it since. I am sorry, I have wronged the Government here. They did do something about it. They changed the method of intake of recruits into the force, which will naturally slow down recruitment many more months. Certainly it will be many more months before these men, who are urgently required, will be on the streets.
The best recipe for putting down crime is the likelihood of detection and with detection, punishment. For too long the Minister allowed disputes about the legal aid system to drag on, involving first the solicitors and later the barristers. The result was that the trials of many accused could not take place. District justices and judges were obliged to release them on bail, often a very nominal bail. The result has been that even in the cases where crimes were detected they were not processed with the promptitude required. I understand that at present there is a great backlog of cases in all courts. I understand also that if the Special Criminal Court did not receive one new case it would take it approximately a year to process those in the pipeline already.
Is this the right basis for fighting crime? The two go together and let no one, the Minister or anybody else, accuse me of introducing knocking arguments. There should be a police force at full strength with proper equipment properly deployed, and once a crime is detected there should be a court system deployed and equipped to receive and process the cases.