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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 16 Feb 1978

Vol. 303 No. 9

Financial Statement, 1978: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann takes note of the Financial Statement made by the Minister for Finance on 1 February 1978.
—(The Taoiseach.)

This budget, by removing all the major obstacles to growth which have been highlighted over and over again for the last three or four years, by reducing company and personal taxation, and by a massive injection into the various productive sectors of the economy, has thrown down a challenge to every sector of the community, private and public, to grasp the opportunities that have been created, opportunities that may not be there in one or two years. We are challenged to make a magnanimous response and to throw our efforts behind those of the Government in tackling the major twin problems of our nation, unemployment and high inflation. This was not just a throw-away budget. It was not giving away money for the sake of doing so. There was a specific reason behind every aspect of it. The massive cuts in personal taxation were the Government's contribution to the control of inflation by trying to dampen down the demands of the people in various sectors who are seeking increases in the National Wage Agreement. From the result so far it would appear that the efforts in that direction have been reasonably successful. While we may not get the desired increase of 5 per cent or thereabouts in the National Wage Agreement, nevertheless we will get an increase that will regularise our pay structures considerably. It is unfortunate that by going above the guideline set by the Government we could be throwing 4,000 jobs out of the window when if we were prepared to do with 1 per cent or 2 per cent less we could have shortened the days of unemployment for some people.

The challenge has been thrown down by the Government to every sector. I will now attempt to identify what the challenge means and some of the areas in which response can be made. The challenge in the main has been thrown to the private sector and I believe this is the correct course to take. Private enterprise is always the cheapest and most efficient way to economic growth. While we have been criticised for putting over-reliance on the private sector, the record around the world shows clearly that private enterprise economies have nearly always out-passed and out-performed the socially oriented countries. We have only to look at Japan, West Germany and the USA for clear examples of what private enterprise can produce and has produced. No doubt if the proper commitment is given here we can produce in the next three or four years, and indeed into the 1980s, many of the jobs so necessary for our country. The gains of private economies are always long-term.

That does not mean that the public sector, as distinct from the public service, has not a very distinctive role to play. Most of our public sector semi-State bodies have, with one or two exceptions, been very successful and there is little doubt that they too will make a major contribution in the years ahead. Their ideas and energies can be channelled through the industrial consortium and put together with the many other ideas we hope will be channelled into that area.

I believe in the private enterprise system and private enterprise incentive. The Irish people can never be driven. They must always be led. The best way we can lead them is by incentives. Deep down in every one of us is some type of an entrepreneur, or tradesman or business man. We are always interested in making a few shillings. That is a basic instinct of the Irish character. The young people today are no different from us. They are waiting for an opportunity to set themselves up. In any programmes to identify where the areas for enterprise are, young people have come forward time and again with their ideas. This was tried in my own constituency by the Industrial Development Authority and the local Chamber of Commerce. The idea was to get ideas within our own community. There was a very definite response and 86 ideas were put forward. At least 20 showed very great promise and prizes were given. This is an area which can be expanded throughout the country. There are plenty of ideas and plenty of creative ability waiting to be tapped.

We have been criticised in this budget for not being socially orientated or socially committed. Our total commitment to the social side of our economy is in the region of £610 million. In itself, that figure bears out the social conscience of the Government. We have always said—and we stand by our commitment—that we will keep the social side in line at least with the cost of living and as the economy expands, as we hope and know it will, we can put more and more of our resources to improving the lot of the less well off in our society. You cannot make a poor man rich by making a rich man poor. My idea is that, first of all you create the wealth, and then you distribute it. Unlike our predecessors, we do not want to make the mistake of trying to distribute what we have not got. They ran into trouble trying to do that.

I commend the Minister on his recognition of the small disadvantaged groups in our society and one, in particular, the mentally handicapped. For years nobody has taken up their cause to the extent it should have been taken up. The development stage in that area which we are at today can be attributed by and large to voluntary associations. We must compliment them. In my own town I have seen at first hand the marvellous work voluntary organisations have done over the years for mentally handicapped children. I am glad that at last more recognition has been given to them and I hope it will continue in future budgets.

Most of the budget is concerned with jobs, job creation and job maintenance. Here is the challenge to us as a nation and as a people to see if we have the will to solve the problem and to respond as the Government expect us to respond. We need to hold what we have and at the same time, start to create what we need. What we have is no meaningless achievement. Our exports are in the region of £2,500 million and, for a small nation, that is not to be sneezed at. We need to consolidate our position. I compliment the Government on their job subsidies to the labour intensive areas which have been under very severe pressure by the distortion in trade caused by the British employment subsidy.

We must consolidate what we have and start to create what we need. In consolidating what we have, there is one area in which each and every one of us can play our part. By the massive injection given to the economy, spending power has been very heavily increased. It will be all for nowt if that spending power is used to buy more and more imports and not to support our own Irish produced goods. It is high time the Irish nation realised that, if they continue to import and to disregard Irish produced goods, more and more of our young people will stay longer and longer on the unemployment list. If a mere 3p were diverted from every £1 worth of foreign goods we buy, it is estimated that over three years that would produce 10,000 jobs. Whether it produces 10,000, 8,000 or 6,000 jobs, it is a very small sacrifice to ask from the people of Ireland if they want to play their part in solving this great national problem.

When we look at the make-up of our unemployment problem, we see that 45 per cent of the unemployed are under 25 years of age. If I were asked what our approach should be to such a huge problem and where are the areas in which we should set out to solve it, I would say we should start there. That figure of 45 per cent does not include many people for one reason or another. That is a waste of one of our greatest national assets. We have educated those people and put a national and a State investment into their education, and we cannot now stand aside and allow them to remain unemployed.

To tackle this problem we must use all our assets wisely and well. By that I mean our people and our national assets. They are there in abundance waiting to be developed. If we as a nation with a mere three million people have not got the will to solve the problem, nobody from outside will solve it for us. The world does not owe us a living. We are in the hard world of today and we have to earn our own living. We are quite capable of doing that. We have the ability to do it, but ability is not much good without opportunity. Now we have the opportunity presented to us in this budget.

Where are these opportunities? We have our natural resources which have been highlighted time and time again. We have the basic raw materials for all the industries we need to solve our unemployment problem. We have them right on our doorstep and it is better for us to use them than to bring in foreigners to use them for us. Even if we have to bring in foreigners to use a certain amount of them, nevertheless in my view Ireland is still the land of opportunity and, in the words of the Minister, 1978 is to be the year of opportunity.

In looking at our unemployment strategy for the future I believe it will have to be more broadly based than it has been in the past. When we think of jobs, naturally we think of manufacturing jobs, but over the years manufacturers will have the problem of trying to stay competitive in a very competitive world. We cannot blame business people if they have to put some of their money into more modern machinery to adapt to the consumer needs of today and to stay competitive. Having made their prices competitive, they can think about opening up the factory for longer than the eight hours most of our factories are open for today.

Shift work can be considered because in that way more goods can be produced more cheaply and can still be sold by using the resources lying idle for two thirds of the day in many of our factories. Lying there is a great national investment, a waste of a national resources and of a personal resource. I accept that the Irish make-up and character has not been orientated towards shiftwork. We have always looked for the easy way out. We have got away with it up to now but I do not believe we will do so much longer. We must educate our people towards these changes, changing times, change in work and change in the type of jobs available. If we accept the challenge that change brings we can make a sensible inroad into the unemployment problem.

Last week at the RDS, at an engineering exhibition, I noticed many and varied opportunities for small engineering companies, opportunities that have been identified from the import list, opportunities on view there for Irish entrepreneurs to replace the imports flowing into this country. They were identified by the IDA and the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards, two agencies that every day point up various areas of opportunity only waiting for entrepreneurs to take them up.

I have little doubt but that there will be many jobs created in the tourist industry as we hope to maintain our competitiveness and as forecasted figures show more and more tourists coming here in the ensuing year.

There are many job opportunities also in the leisure industry, many that have remained untapped so far. Indeed we have the finest inland waterways in Europe. Can anybody say we make the fullest possible use of them? There are job possibilities in every sphere. There are those in the environment, in the creation of town parks and recreation areas so badly needed around the country. If young people undertook such jobs at least they would be better off than remaining on the unemployment register. By so doing they would be creating a national asset, one that will be called into question in the not-too-distant future.

I believe we will have to examine the area of early retirement and plan for it. We must plan for leisure, educate people in this respect so that when the time comes it will not be the big shock we all fear. Anybody on the point of retiring will tell you that the greatest fear they have is what they will do with their spare time. If we approach the situation in a broad-based fashion, if we use wisely our natural resources—those of land, sea, mines and so on—we can reap beneficial results. We are now in a 250 million consumer market. We need no longer rely on our neighbours in the British market as we did for years. There are many and varied opportunities there with the consumer waiting to be supplied, and if we do not supply him somebody else will.

I believe such opportunities exist because I am often out in the market place and see them. However, they need to be identified. There is need for more research into and development of consumer tastes—what the consumer will be demanding in the future. Here we have fallen down badly because not sufficient of our resources has gone into research and development in identifying goods to be produced. In this respect I believe our academics have let us down. We have spent millions and millions of our national resources keeping our third level institutions going. If we examine the contribution they have made to our economy we will find it is a very small percentage. When we examine the make-up and business acumen of managers of Irish-based industries we must admit that the leaders of our business sector have not come from third-level education.

They have failed us here because they have not taken up the role of repaying to society what it has given them. They should be in the area of modern science to identify problems and to produce many of the answers needed today. But are they? Rather they prefer to drift into a soft job in the public service or elsewhere, creating problems for us businessmen trying to carry the country on our backs. They create problems through red tape, paperwork and so on, frustrating us many times along the way. The time has come for them to examine their situation because the load is being carried by too few. Too few are expected to produce the national wealth to carry this country back on the road to national reconstruction. It is time each individual in this society took up his part of the load. It is precisely that challenge the Government have thrown down to each of us in this budget. I hope everybody will seriously examine their position, see how they can help, what contribution they can make, make it honestly, thereby making this small nation great, because it can be made great if only we are prepared to accept that hard work is the order of the day and that there is no substitute therefor. There is an old saying that time lost is not found and that today never comes again. The time is opportune, the white flag is flying, the ball is in and the game is on—describe it how you will—the opportunities are there for Irish people to build this into the nation they all desire.

I do not think it is an impossible dream to tackle the unemployment problem. There are structural changes that will have to be made. I do not accept that defeatist attitude evident in many sectors and indeed expressed in this House. We do not have to accept this defeatist attitude. What have we got? We have all the tools we need to do the job; all we need is to get down and do the job. We need to multiply our effort. Indeed we, as public representatives, have a very special role to play in motivating our people into a greater national effort. We have the responsibility of ensuring that every individual interested in improving enterprise and effort in all areas is fully aware of the incentives existing, of the various schemes to help them in business, whether it produces one, ten, 100 or 1,000 jobs. I have always believed that if we look after the small man the big man will look after himself. It is our duty and responsibility to identify any possible areas of investment or enterprise in our own fields.

I do not believe in dealing with the problem only at national level. Each area should make an effort to solve its own problems and not expect the Government to solve them. I know that history has made us a dependent people and that we always tended to look to the Government, and now we are looking to Brussels. If we look in our own backyards we will see many areas that can be developed. When one or two local entrepreneurs start up in an area it is amazing the interest that builds up at local level. The Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy opened four small units in Longford recently and since then people have come to me believing that they could also start up. I have little doubt that these three people will be added to the list. The industrial base in my area is purely small industry. We have two large units starting to build, but the small local man is much more important because he needs to keep in business in order to earn his living, he cannot blow out when the trade winds change as large foreign businessmen can. Small industry is the backbone of the American and French economies, why not make it the backbone of the Irish economy? The time has come for a great effort to be made. I hope that 1978 will be the year of which future historians will say: "Ireland stopped talking and started acting." We can no longer afford to slumber in the traditions of our fathers. The world is advancing, let Ireland advance with it. Only this way we can cherish the children of the nation. Let future generations not condemn us for not taking up the opportunities presented in this budget. This is a once-off operation and we owe it to our children, to their children and to the nation to avail of the opportunity. It is time we stood up to be counted, and took up our cross and carried our fair share of the national burden.

What an appropriate ending to a speech by a member of Fianna Fáil, that the people must take up their cross and carry it. That is exactly what this budget will do to the people. It will place a cross on the shoulder of every man, woman and child, which will have to be carried for many generations to come. I am glad that one of the new Deputies has recognised the situation so quickly and has been so honest as to point it out here. The Deputy made interesting comments when talking about academics and what they had or had not done for the country. I am quite sure that, being an honest man, the Deputy had in mind a certain economist, an academic, who played a big part in winning the last general election for Fianna Fáil and who has already been recognised by those in high places as putting them into a position which practical men like Johnny Callanan and myself would recognise will be difficult to climb out of in years to come.

It is Deputy Callanan.

Sorry, Deputy Callanan.

A new expression has been coined in the last few days known as "manifesto economics". Manifesto economics has added 8 per cent, 2 per cent and 2 per cent and has come up with 5 per cent. This is the new national wage agreement. In this House, on radio and television and at every opportunity, the Minister for Economic Planning and Development and for Finance stated that the maximum which would be acceptable would be 5 per cent. Having not alone said that, they even threatened that if this was exceeded the Government would take the money back not alone from the workers, but from anybody who dared to take a bigger increase than 5 per cent. I had visions of farmers and big businessmen being dragged screaming up the steps of Leinster House and the Ministers for Finance and for Economic Planning and Development emptying their pockets on the floor and saying: "You took more than 5 per cent, now hand it back or else." When it was all over, when the decision has been made, when the workers showed that they have minds of their own and they were going to do what they thought was best for themselves and for the nation, when they decided that the very least they could accept was 8 per cent plus 2 per cent, the people who had said the maximum which could be acceptable was 5 per cent said: "That is all right, that is what we were thinking of, we thought that that should be about the maximum." The manifesto said 5 per cent. We now have 8 per cent plus 2 per cent which was negotiated by the workers' representatives.

I have been a trade union official for 13 years and I know a little about these things. I took part in national wage agreement negotiations at a time when a Fianna Fáil Taoiseach who has now gone to his reward was not afraid or ashamed or too big to meet the workers' representatives in order to try to reach a national wage agreement. That Taoiseach did not say that it was somebody else's business. It was national business and therefore his business, so when he was asked to meet the representatives of the trade unions he agreed, and an agreement was reached. This is a democratic country and the constituent members of the trade unions will ultimately vote on whether it is acceptable or not. While I am very much in favour, in the national interest, of agreement being reached, the Government should not start cheering just yet. Will the two gentlemen referred to earlier, keep their mouths shut between now and the vote being taken so as not to spoil it? They did everything they could to destroy it up to now. The agreement has been negotiated in spite of the lack of assistance from them. Will they now stay quiet until the final decision is taken?

The last Deputy referred to the loss of 4,000 jobs. I am sure he was only repeating what the Ministers for Finance and for Economic Planning and Development have been saying during the past three days. This suggestion is utter nonsense. The figure has been simply taken from the air and is being used as has been done before to hit the workers because the Government fear, and rightly so, that they will not be able to create all the jobs they talked of. Later they will use the alleged loss of 4,000 jobs as a result of the pay agreement as an excuse for some of their failure.

The men in Government now, with one or two exceptions, were in office for a long time before. They know that the main trouble regarding national agreements is not an increase of about 3 per cent in the wages of industrial workers but the cost to the State of the increase in the wages and salaries of civil servants. Instead of admitting that this is the problem there is an attempt to keep down the wages of the lower paid workers. It is well that that be put on record. I do not wish anyone to take me as saying that public servants are over-paid. Having worked with some of them for more than four years I am satisfied that in some cases they are under-paid in terms of the amount of work they undertake and I am satisfied, too, that at the bottom of the scale there are many State employees who are being paid miserly rates for the work they are doing. In every job, including our own here, it can be claimed that there are people who are over-paid for what they do but I consider that the Taoiseach, for instance, is not paid the rate to which he is entitled. The same applied so far as all of his predecessors were concerned. It is ludicrous that a Taoiseach should be paid less than some of the senior civil servants. That situation should not be allowed continue. When there is mention of an increase for us there is a fear that somebody—presumably, the gentlemen of the Press-would point to the increase. For that reason we are inclined to keep down the salaries paid to ourselves.

I am sorry to interrupt Deputy Tully but would he agree that the man being paid buttons continues to be paid buttons in so far as percentage increases are concerned?

I am glad to recall that during wage negotiations in which I took part many years ago with the Taoiseach of the day I insisted on a floor in so far as the lower paid workers were concerned. At least that situation guarantees that the person at the bottom of the ladder gets more percentagewise than those who are much better paid. That helps to some extent but since Deputy Callanan has mentioned those on lower incomes I shall go a step further and talk about those on social welfare in respect of whom the Deputy's argument is clear. Social welfare recipients, regardless of which category of payment they are in, are getting a 10 per cent increase. This increase must compensate them from October 1977 until the time of the next increase which, presumably, will be April 1979. In other words, their increase is for a 15-month period. In the case of a person in receipt of about £12 per week the increase will be just more than £1. Those in employment are getting a 5 per cent increase but this, according to the Minister, will represent 8 per cent or, as he said when he was a little more excited, £10 per week. If the real amount of the increase will be about £6 per week how can the social welfare recipient be expected to survive on an increase of about £1 per week for a 15-month period? For many years there has been an acceptance that unemployment is endemic, that the unemployed, like the poor, will be with us always. In the swinging sixties when, apparently, there was money for everything, unemployment was not reduced and there was no money to pay a decent amount to those in receipt of social welfare claims. It was not until the change of Government five years ago that an effort was made to give a reasonable increase to people in this category. According to this Government they can manage on what they are getting and they seem to regard as something of a nuisance the fact that there are more people in this category now. That sort of thinking will create a lot of trouble in the years ahead.

I am opposed to percentage increases for any category of persons.

Has that been said by the Deputy during his contribution?

Percentage increases mean that the fellow at the bottom of the ladder gets little or nothing.

Deputy Tully, to continue.

The Government decided against reducing the old age pension qualifying age to 65. The last speaker said that we must consider the question of early retirement. I have heard a number of Ministers talk in this vein, too, but I wonder whether they know what they are talking about. Do they think that there is a way in which somebody can be given a small pension and be put away so that a job is made for somebody else? That seems to be what they are talking about. To have reduced the old age pension qualifying age by a year would have benefited approximately 12,500 people and would have cost the State about £6,500,000 in a full year. However, the Government decided against any such reduction although they decided to abolish wealth tax which, in 1970, would have netted the Exchequer £12 million.

Much has been said regarding the exodus to other places of wealthy people as a result of the wealth tax. All I can say in that regard is that it is regrettable that more of them did not leave if that was their attitude on being asked to pay a relatively small amount of tax on their immense wealth. That type of person is no good to any country. I doubt if very many of them left but I know a few did and they are no great loss. They gave very little employment and concentrated only on enjoying themselves. I except that the only reason for them being here at all was that they could live cheaper here than elsewhere.

A step taken in the very early days of the previous Government was the abolition of death duties. Anybody, particularly a person in a rural area, would know the terrible hardship caused when a member of a family who owned the property died and the Revenue Commissioners wanted their pound of flesh which according to the law they had to get. I saw things happening which should not happen in a civilised country as a result of death duties and I was glad to see death duties abolished and replaced by a system of tax which the present Government have decided is not the right way to do it and they are playing around with it and what they are trying to do is difficult to understand. It is possible that academics have something in mind and in years to come we may discover what exactly they are about.

As far as social welfare generally is concerned, there was a very reasonable approach adopted by the previous Government, particularly by the present Leader of the Labour Party, Deputy Cluskey, who piloted the idea and had it carried by the then Government, that the mothers were the persons entitled to get the children's allowance. Women were very glad that that was done because it meant that they had a reasonably large amount of money at a time with which they could buy clothing and shoes for their children. While most husbands would hand up the money to their wives, there was the odd fellow who thought it was beer money. Is it not a pity that this Government have decided not to increase children's allowances? What was the thinking behind that? Have we reached the stage where, like some other countries, we have decided that there are too many children? Have we decided that the size of families should be reduced? Is this the beginning of a trend to abolish the allowance or to reduce it drastically? If so, it is a very bad idea and I hope it will not be proceeded with.

Of course, the number of persons unemployed has been trotted out in this House again and again. I have often wondered where the mass media got their figures or their directives. There are quite a number of persons in the Press, radio and television who are specialists, who are experts and very honourable persons. There appears to be an odd one who is prepared to publish a banner headline on something which could not be less true. One thing which always got a headline was when a claim was made in this House by the then Opposition, Fianna Fáil, that there were between 160,000 and 185,000 on the live register. The Fianna Fáil Party were perfectly satisfied at that time that they knew the exact number of unemployed. When the Taoiseach was asked a couple of weeks ago to state the number on the live register he honestly said he did not know. Of course he did not know and he did not know before this but he used a figure which was used in a banner headline and it was the accepted thing that this was the size of the unemployment problem.

What caused that unemployment problem? Of course, there was a world recession, which had a great deal to do with it. The IDA for many years had been doing a good job. Unfortunately—I do not know whether it was through Government directive or not although I have an idea it took a Government directive to make the change—they were bringing into the country capital-intensive industries which cost a tremendous amount of money to start and gave very little employment. It was not unusual to find a factory being started which it was claimed would employ many hundreds and which employed less than 100. Indeed, one industry that had employed 300 reduced its workforce to about 100 when a great deal of money had been given for the purpose of modernisation. If that was the idea, it was terribly wrong and it is wrong that this should continue. We asked that labour-intensive industry be brought in so that employment would be created. We must concentrate on that type of industry. Otherwise it is waste of time. There is no other way in which the number of unemployed can be reduced.

Figures were given in the budget which suggest 20,000 jobs this year, 5,000 extra jobs last year. I should like to put on record that following questions asked in this House over the last couple of weeks, it can be stated categorically that Fianna Fáil did not put one penny into industry, into local authorities, into building, for the purpose of giving extra jobs in 1977. They simply used up the money which had been provided by the previous Government. I should like to put on record that all of that money was not used. That was wrong. The money made available in the budget of the previous year for the purpose of giving employment should have been used. It was a mistake. Now they are talking about additional money. It is not additional to what was provided last year. It is additional to what was spent last year. The money made available was not spent in the way it should have been spent.

I should like the Minister to tell me what has happened with regard to the housing programme, the number of houses that were completed last year. The records are easy to get. Despite the fact that Fianna Fáil were prepared to challenge them on every occasion, we accept the records that the Department will make available to the House because the civil servants concerned are honourable men and women and will produce correct statistics and will not change them for anybody. Fianna Fáil would not ask for the figures but we will do it. I would ask them to produce figures for the number of houses built last year and the number they will build this year.

It is significant that on 16 December 1976 in this House, the then Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Lynch, now the Taoiseach, made a comment which he tried to correct afterwards. The comment was that we were building too many local authority houses in relation to the number of houses being built—in relation to anything— it did not matter a damn. What he did say was "we are building too many local authority houses". There were efforts made to have that changed on a number of occasions in the House and people said that I misquoted him or misinterpreted him and that it was not what was meant and they went around in circles. However, the White Paper issued very recently—National Development 1977-1980—contains a paragraph which with your permission I should like to read. It is paragraph 5.8:

As a result of the expansion of local authority housing output in recent years, there has been a lessening in the degree of relative urgency of the housing demands made on local authorities. At present, apart from Dublin and some other areas, housing needs are being met almost as they arise and in Dublin the number of three-person families (man, wife and one child) on the housing list has grown to 70 per cent. However, the cost of providing local authority houses has risen sharply in recent years from £4,600 in 1972-73 to £11,000 per unit in 1977. In some central city areas, where property, land compensation and building costs are higher than normal, the all-in-cost per unit of accommodation may reach as much as £26,000. The continuing and accruing subsidy of up to £1,500 per unit per annum for normal rented local authority dwellings now being provided is placing a very heavy burden on the Exchequer. In the face of these high costs and given the progress already made towards satisfying needs, the level of activity in the local authority housing programme and for the extent of Exchequer subsidies will have to be subjected to continuous critical review in the light of available resources. The local authorities will be requested to examine the circumstances of housing applicants in more detail to determine priority needs.

The Deputy will agree that a debate on housing would be much more appropriate to the Estimates.

Thank you. I am not entering into a debate on housing. I am reading something which relates very closely to the money made available in the budget for housing. I would like to point out that this statement, with the approval of the Government, says that we are going back to the bad old days when a couple who got married had to live in a hovel or in very overcrowded conditions for many years. They needed to have three or four children before they would be considered for rehousing.

Recently the Minister for the Environment, who is a very decent man, made a comment to the effect that he was providing extra money for various things. My colleague, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, at the opening of the new bridge across the Liffey said that many new houses would be built in the City Quay area because Dublin Corporation had agreed to this. During my period in office I had approved these houses, and I believe that city centre development must go forward. There we have churches, schools, shops and community halls. People live in these areas and they do not have to cross the city twice a day going to and from work. The Lord Mayor must not have read this document because it is quite clear to me that the present Government intend to cut down substantially on the erection of local authority houses and we will go back to the bad old days when it was almost impossible to get a house unless one was very lucky or had been married for a long time.

That is not so.

The Minister of State had a barney with me two years ago over the amount of money being made available in Kerry. I told him I would swamp them with money and so I did.

I will not allow the Minister to interrupt and I will not allow him or the Deputy in possession to have a full-scale debate on housing. It does not arise on the budget.

Do I have to quote the budget speech to show what I am talking about?

The Deputy can refer to housing in passing and to the expenditure and money provided, but we cannot have a detailed debate on housing. The Deputy knows that as well as I do.

While the Leas-Cheann Comhairle was correcting me I would have completed what I wanted to say about housing. With due respect to the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I am simply saying that I am satisfied that the amount of money made available in the budget and the statement in the White Paper mean that the situation in which the slums were being cleared away will change and we will be back to the stage where new houses will need repair three months after they have been finished.

There was a lot of talk about the building and construction industry and the amount of immediate employment that could be given if certain things were done. The people who made the criticism have been in office for six months. They came into office at a very good time because they had a full six months to prepare this year's budget and to provide for the things which they wanted to have done. When it came to the point it appears that much of the criticism and many of the points in the manifesto were simply for the purpose of making a case. They forgot about all that and hoped that everybody else would do the same. The people do not accept that things should be done in this way.

I live in a farming area and the farmers there were complaining about tax. On the night before the election I was present at a meeting at which the whole matter was discussed. I know what was promised by the canvassers for Fianna Fáil and I also know the provisions in the budget. I am not crying any salt tears for the farmers because I have always believed that they should pay their fair share of tax, but people should not be codded into believing that there would be no increase in the multiplier, that they would be paying less tax and that there was no question of any change in the valuation level or of taking away agricultural grants. All these matters are included in the budget and the Government are putting in the boot, hoping that farmers will forget all about these promises during the next three of four years. I believe that those who are in a position to pay tax should do so, but the Government have broken their word to the farmers and have been very dishonest with them.

I want to mention briefly something which is barely skimmed over in the budget, namely, the question of local authority tenants. When I came into office there had been a rent strike for two years. I settled it in a reasonable way in association with the National Association of Tenants' Organisations, who kept their word and did everything they said they would. There was much criticism and everybody in the Opposition, and some of my own colleagues, wanted more. It was said that I was not doing enough. One of the matters which received a lot of attention at that time was the question of the claw-back. This has been done away with in the budget. That is the Government's decision and I accept it. I believe that anyone buying a local authority house at a cheap rate should buy it for himself and not sell it. There were people who were caught in the trap, but the local authority could decide to waive the claw-back. There was one group who insisted that anyone who bought a house for cash, possibly with the object of selling immediately, should get the same consideration, if anything was being done, as the people who had bought before my scheme came into operation in 1973.

According to a report in The Cork Examiner about 12 months ago the Taoiseach said that he would guarantee that those who paid cash would get the same treatment as those buying on instalments. Two representatives one of whom has lost his seat in the Dublin South-West area thought that the Taoiseach meant what he said and that this would be done and they included this in their election manifesto. It was not done. I made the change and I did not include those people and neither did Fianna Fáil when they came into office. When the present Minister for the Environment was asked about this he said that the Government did not propose to do anything. When asked about the manifesto he said “We are not responsible for that”. I do not know whether he meant that he was not responsible or that the Taoiseach was not responsible or whether he was referring to the two representatives from Dublin South-West. We talk about honesty in public life. I do not blame the two representatives: the Taoiseach said this and they thought that it was the truth. That is the sort of thing that is going on. We refused point blank to enter into an auction and to tell lies.

Some good things were done in the budget. I refer to the abolition of rates on private houses. In 1973 we started to remove the housing and health charges from the rates and this was completed in 1977. This meant that a large proportion of the existing rates disappeared. In 1977 we removed a quarter of the existing rates and we proposed in 1978 to remove three-quarters of the balance and abolish rates completely by the following year. There is very little difference between our proposals and what the Government have done. They removed a small extra proportion this year.

There is one matter to which we must give our attention. There are elected representatives to local authorities all over the country who do their best for the general good. I would be very annoyed, as would most public representatives, if the removal of rates from dwelling-houses resulted in these public representatives being regarded as a lesser breed and if any efforts were made to curtail their reponsibilities and powers. During my period in office I gave them the powers to which they were entitled. They are carrying out a national duty at local level. They are doing it for very little, as the expenses some of them get do not compensate for what they do. This matter must be looked at very carefully. I warn that the Labour Party will be very vigilant to ensure that no back-door methods are used to take away the authority of elected representatives at local level.

The removal of tax from cars was a good gimmick from the "think-tank" and I believe that more than anything else it won the election for Fianna Fáil. But was it a good idea? Anybody with a car under 2000 ccs will not condemn it, whether he thinks it good or bad. Those slightly over the limit think they are being very hardly done by. Yesterday, I spoke to an owner with a car slightly over the limit and he said that his much more wealthy neighbours pay no tax while he has to pay about £120. He cannot see why this should not have been done in another way, why a certain percentage of the tax could not be taken off all cars. This gimmick takes away the money normally used for the Road Fund for the purpose of carrying out road repairs, work on bridges and so on.

When I took over at the Custom House I found, as I expected as a local authority member, a really extra-ordinary situation. While the State were prepared to pay grants for national primary roads and national secondary roads and carry out huge works on them, they were not prepared to give anything for the upkeep of national secondary roads and in most cases would give nothing for county roads as most people describe them. I changed that. I made a block grant available so that a local authority would decide where the money was most needed to be spent, whether on national primary, secondary or county roads. This resulted in a pretty good job being done. But I had not nearly sufficient money and no Government have yet been able to raise the amount of money required, because our roads are deteriorating. The present hard weather will do tremendous damage. For instance, County Offaly got a substantial amount this year but not nearly enough, because Offaly roads suffered very badly in previous harsh weather and they will suffer again now.

Money should be available for them, but taking away the Road Fund completely means less money will be available which raises the consideration. The rates money is taken away and the richest man can have his house free of rates as well as the poor man— it may not mean very much to the poor man—and his car, if under 2000 ccs, is also free. But the old age pensioner who gets an increase of £1.40 a week would be able to get much more were it not for the fact that he has to pay his share of tax to replace the money taken to help the people who have much more than he has. This aspect of the budget is wrong and bad and should be reconsidered because it cannot be continued. I do not believe that the man who has never in his life been able to aspire to a car or a house should have to pay for those who have both and perhaps two, three or four cars and who can now escape tax which the old age pensioner must pay, because assuredly somebody pays: the Government do not pay out of their own pockets.

A great deal of money must be found somewhere for the purpose of roads, whether national primary, national secondary or county roads and other much-used roads not in those categories. Many new bridges are needed. Yesterday, and today I crossed the new bridge over the Liffey. No doubt it is a tremendous improvement. I should say that; but I believe that but for the fact that I happened to be in the Custom House that bridge would never have been there, at least not in this century because no effort was being made by anybody to get it there. Certainly my predecessors would not agree to it.

At the opening luncheon—I was not present—the Minister for the Environment, according to the newspapers, mentioned that a lot of money was to be made available for the purpose of building new roads on the far side, on the City Quay side. There was a question about whether it would interfere with housing and the answer was no, it would not. Of course it will not; the houses will not be built. In 1968 the then Minister for Local Government, Deputy Kevin Boland, had before him a compulsory purchase order for City Quay which he refused to sign and that must have been on the instructions of the Government. I signed one two years ago whereby provision would be made for the housing and the roads, but of course that is gone with the wind also. That bridge is a beauty. A bridge has also been built in Drogheda, a great bridge— I do not know if the Leas-Cheann Comhairle has had an opportunity of passing over it—but it is an excellent one. There is one in Wexford which he knows quite well.

We are now getting far into the Estimate.

No, I just want to make a point on which I shall conclude in a minute. I think I was responsible for initiating the erection and completion of eight bridges on main roads during my term as Minister. If it was 92 years since a bridge was built over the Liffey it must be nearly as long since a bridge was built on a main road. Certainly, Fianna Fáil built none in all their years. There does not appear to be in the Estimate the money necessary to continue that programme, but it must be continued. The Chair would not like it but I could list a number of bridges that must be built within the next two or three years but they will not be built.

I am merely suggesting that all these points are appropriate to the Estimate and I am sure the Deputy will raise them on the Estimate.

Yes, but I should hate to have the situation arise which became the norm during the last term of Fianna Fáil when Estimates like that never came before the House but were passed on a £10 token vote on the day before the Summer Recess. I have the idea that something like that would be likely to happen and because the finance for those items is covered in the budget I am taking the opportunity, with the permission of the Chair, of referring to them as I go along.

There is another situation for which I do not blame Fianna Fáil alone because, while they are responsible for a great deal, their predecessors, Cumann na nGaedhael, and the previous inter-Party or Coalition Governments were also responsible for some of it. I am referring to water and sewerage. The money made available in the budget for those headings is inadequate. That money is needed; it must be made available and used. We may talk ourselves sick about the environment but unless we are prepared to make the necessary money available for water sewerage schemes—not only for new ones but for renewal of outdated ones—we shall have no improvement in the environment; in fact it is bound to become worse.

I have referred briefly to industry. We must take a very close look at industrial relations I think that a crude attempt was made during the Ferenka dispute by the present Minister for Labour to, as I would consider it "pull a fast one" in a suggestion he made for a settlement which was not acceptable to anybody. Since that, he has kept very busy in the background. I believe it is the duty of Government Ministers, if they do not come out in the open, to attempt behind the scenes to ensure that the business of the country runs smoothly. Yesterday, the Taoiseach was asked about the Post Office dispute, and I was interested to hear him say that he inherited it from his predecessor. It is true that there were disputes but there was no strike when the Government took over and there has not been a strike for the past seven months. This country's industry will collapse unless somebody succeeds in bringing the people running the Post Office out of the last century and into the present one.

I would ask the Deputy to move away from this matter because if I allowed him to deal with the Post Office dispute we should have a full debate on it during the budget debate and it is not in order on the budget.

Would it not be a great thing if we could have a full debate on it?

Yes, but there must be another opportunity for it, not on the budget.

We are talking about industry and we need roads, factory services, factories, people with money, people with know-how and communications.

The communications in this country, despite reports that they have improved over the last couple of days, are terrible. You cannot even get a phone call out to the city from this House. Let us not talk about improvements.

I would ask the Deputy to leave this matter because we do not want a debate on the post office dispute.

It is a national crisis.

It cannot be debated on the budget. Be fair to everybody.

Let me conclude by asking the Government to recognise that it is their job to govern. A former Taoiseach who has gone to his reward when asked in this House on one occasion regarding something that he was criticising, "What would you do?" replied, "It is a Government's job to govern, it is the Opposition's job to criticise". I am now criticising the situation and I am going to leave it at that.

Leave it at that, please, otherwise I will have to let everybody else in on it and I do not intend to do that.

I have no objection to everybody else being let in on it.

The Chair has because it is completely out of order on a budget debate.

If there were no industry there would be no budget and we would not need a debate.

Let us go to the many questions which will arise from time to time about how the State is being run. We have Ministers and Ministers of State. I am not objecting to the decision to appoint the Ministers of State, but it appears that some of them are not quite sure whether they have the right to act for the Minister to whom they are attached and to make important statements or whether they should be making only very minor statements. One I have in mind is the Minister of State at the Department of Industry, Commerce and Energy. When a Parliamentary Secretary was appointed to that Department we understood that she would be responsible specifically for prices and all the women's organisations got up and cheered and said, "This is great. We now have a woman in charge of this who is going to look after prices, and therefore our point of view will be put".

I understand from what I have been told that it is the Minister himself who is looking after the prices section of the Department, so in fairness to the Minister of State that should be said.

You are making my speech for me, Sir, because while the lady was——

I am not. I am pointing out the position. The Minister of State said that in the House only last week.

You are making my speech for me. I admired the way the lady handled the big number of questions. She appeared to be extremely efficient and had done her homework. I claim to be an expert on this sort of thing and I thought she was doing it very well. I was surprised to hear more recently that the Minister of the Department had said that he was responsible for prices. The Taoiseach had appointed this lady and said that she was going to be responsible for prices and she was welcomed on that ground by the women's organisations.

What has happened in regard to prices? It appears that the Government in some peculiar way have succeeded in muzzling everybody. The news media generally were prepared to publish reports on terrible rows about price increases, no matter how small. They reported the increases when applied for, when granted and when they were put into operation. They reported them as if there were three increases. A few months ago I listened to an early morning radio programme on which three increases were announecd. An hour later in the post I got the report of the Prices Advisory Body and from it I learned that there were 43 items increased. Only three were announced on the radio.

We are told that prices will be kept down. There was a suggestion in the manifesto that the Prices Advisory Body were being codded and that they were not giving adequate attention to claims by manufacturers. A special effort was to be made to ensure that in future nobody would be let away with increases to which they were not entitled. What have we now? Not alone have increases continued, as they must do because it is either lose jobs or give the increases as has always been the case, but the Government themselves by deliberate action have increased prices. They increased the price of cheese and of town gas by removing the subsidies on them. Bottled gas is being increased by 2p or 3p today. So it goes on. If you go into any shop you will find that the prices there change daily. From shop to shop there is a remarkable disparity in prices, from which it would appear that a big profit is being made by somebody. Maybe that was the case when we were in Government and perhaps we did not watch it properly, but one of the planks of the Fianna Fáil platform before the election was that they were going to ensure that they would not make the same mistakes as we did. Nevertheless prices seem to be going up not by the day but by the hour.

There are two references in the budget to the Buy Irish campaign. What Buy Irish campaign? You can go into most stores in this city and in any of the country towns at present and you have to ask half a dozen times before you will get Irish-made shoes or clothing. You will be offered all sorts of foreign makes, not all from the EEC. Some will come from countries very much outside the EEC, possibly under Third World arrangements, and cheap, shoddy articles are being passed on here at fancy prices. This is a disgrace and it is something on which the Government have fallen down completely. We were attempting to stop this practice which was very prevalent when we took office. It is much worse now. The Deputy who spoke here before me made reference to the question of purchasing Irish goods and to employment and so on. The people in this country generally are not aware that continuous purchasing of foreign goods is putting our people out of employment. Since I first started buying I have always refused to buy any material, no matter what, that is not Irish. If I cannot get Irish material I do not buy. This is a matter of having courage. It sounds bad when a man wearing a crombie coat, a Peter England shirt and Italian shoes preaches about buying Irish. There are a few such people on the Government side of the House at present.

The budget had a few good things and an awful lot of bad things. To go back again to social welfare——

The Deputy has five minutes left.

——there was in the election manifesto—which I confuse with the budget sometimes—a reference to the question of giving the same rights to women as to men in social welfare. I found first of all that women seeking unemployment benefit on a seasonal basis were refused it. There was a question about this in this House, appeals were heard and in this case the people concerned got their benefit. I understand that there has been a considerable tightening-up on people who are sick, particularly women. There has been a tightening-up on the married woman who stays at home to have her first baby. Despite the question of giving equal rights to women she is unable to get a job even if she is available for work. I thought I had reached the ultimate yesterday when I found that when people drawing unemployment benefit for the full period of 15 months seek unemployment assistance they can be left for an endless time before they get assistance. This was brought to my notice when a man with a wife and two children who got a new county council house some months ago was left for five weeks since his last unemployment benefit payment was made without getting anything. When he protested to the Department, he was asked why he did not contact his local home assistance officer. His local home assistance officer lives 25 miles away and the telephones are not working. Literally this family of four are hungry. The Minister for Economic Planning and Development said nearly 12 months ago that £30 million could be saved on the payment of social welfare benefit. Is this one of the economies he feels can be made? If so, he should think again.

All of us want to see the Government running the country properly. As a party, we are prepared to give the fullest co-operation we possibly can to any Government to ensure that the ordinary people have a good living and are able to exist. If we were in office some of the things done in this budget would not have been allowed.

When we were in Government I was rather annoyed at a continuous chorus about jobs for the boys as if we were picking up people and giving them jobs because they were our supporters. I have always held that people are equal and, whether or not they support me does not matter, if they are entitled to something, they must get it. It riled me over the past few days when I came across a situation in which it seemed that many jobs—I grant you they are not very well paid, but they are jobs nevertheless—have been I would almost say created and given to people for no other reason, as far as I can find out, than that they happened to belong to the Government party. To know that is being done by people who talked about jobs for the boys is just a bit rough. Thank you, Sir, for your forbearance. I tried to cover a fairly wide field. As the late Seán Dunne used to say, you can say very little in a hour. I said what I could.

The Deputy managed fairly well.

A compliment like that from you is very much appreciated.

This budget is in essence the regulator of the nation's finances. It is about the allocation of national resources as equitably as possible between the competing demands pressing on the Government. The extension of the social services, education, health, social welfare and others is primarily a matter of finance. We would all like to move faster but national finances are not unlimited. Progress depends above all else on the success of our efforts to promote and stimulate economic development.

The local authority sector makes particularly heavy demands on resources. In compensation this sector confers immense benefits on the community in terms of good housing of our people, good roads for movement of persons and goods, adequate water supplies for domestic, agricultural and industrial uses, sewage and waste disposal arrangements, and a host of other services which are indispensable to modern society.

In 1978, the Department of the Environment will spend more than £550 million, and all but about £30 million of this vast sum will be disbursed through the local authorities, county councils, county boroughs and other urban authorities. The local authorities, however, will be raising from their own resources not much more than about £150 million of the estimated £520 million they will spend this year. The Government are providing to the local authorities the balance of £370 million. This comes by way of grants and capital from the Local Loans Fund. What could be a clearer manifestation of the Government's commitment towards services which are so important to the life and welfare of every citizen?

This year sees a major new grant to local authorities. More than £800 million is being provided to compensate them for the income they are foregoing on rates on domestic and certain other properties. In accordance with the Government's manifesto undertaking, rates have been abolished from 1 January this year. Over the past 15 to 20 years much consideration has been given to ways and means of easing the burden of rates on house-holders. It is probably fair to observe, however, that until the Fianna Fáil initiative to abolish domestic rates entirely, neither the many grandiose proposals nor the limited reliefs on rates actually granted really contributed fundamentally to remedying this situation.

The election manifesto pinpointed the level of unemployment as a real threat to our future. The recent White Paper on National Development saw the increasing of employment as a major national aim. The Government have done more than expressed concern about unemployment. They have matched their words with action. Measures implemented since the Government took office have been sufficient to attain the target for 1977 of a 5,000 reduction in unemployment. The further job boosting measures announced in the budget will bring further sustained improvement towards getting unemployment to an acceptable level.

Much of the increased employment which will flow from the Government's action will come in areas for which the Minister and the Department of the Environment have responsibility. Foremost is the building and construction industry. The well-being of this vital industry is important for the economy as a whole. It is important for the employment it gives. In the disastrous unemployment situation we inherited from the previous Government, no sector was worse than the building and construction industry. Average monthly unemployment in the industry had practically doubled from 12,464 in 1973 to 24,500 in 1976. An unprecedented peak of 25,901 building and construction workers on the live register was recorded in February 1977. In June last, unemployment in general building was running at about 25 per cent. In other construction industries unemployment was at a level of somewhat less than 20 per cent. These figures compare with an unemployment rate of 11.6 per cent for all industrial groups.

One of the platforms of our manifesto was a promise to act swiftly to remedy this situation. I am glad to say that, in this as in most other undertaking we gave, we delivered on our promise with the minimum of delay. In less than a month, the Government had approved proposals for extra expenditure on roads, water and sewerage supply schemes, hospital building, environmental works and local improvement schemes.

The Minister for the Environment also announced the introduction of the £1,000 new house grant scheme and the raising of the maximum loan and income limits for local authority house purchase. Builders demonstrated how anxiously they had been awaiting such positive moves to bring some life into a declining industry. They reacted almost immediately to the fillip given to the industry. With the new air of confidence being shown, the desired jobs began to come on stream. I believe that confidence played a vital part in this operation.

The Minister for Finance has referred already to the achievements to be attained in job creation in the building and construction industry by the end of the year, some of which bear repeating. The specific measures introduced by the Government, involving expenditure of approximately £5 million resulted in the creation of 1,670 direct, on-the-site jobs, off-site or spin-off jobs in ancillary industries, are estimated at another 500. A further 1,000 jobs are estimated to have been created in house building as a result of the increased loan and income limits applicable to house purchase from local authorities and a scheme of grants for first-time owner/occupiers of new houses.

These very satisfactory results vindicated our contention that the building and construction industry is one of the most fruitful areas for the injection of extra investment when there is an acute unemployment problem. This is why we are continuing this year our programme of massive public financial support for the industry. This year's public capital programme shows capital expenditure of £458 million affecting the building and construction industry in 1978. That amount represents an increase of 23 per cent on the corresponding provision for 1977. It is estimated that as a direct result up to approximately 5,000 extra jobs could well be created this year.

That is a very significant figure. I must emphasise that these are on-site jobs. It can be expected that there will be consequent off-site jobs in the manufacture of building materials and other service areas of nearly one third as many jobs again. By any yardstick that amounts to a substantial number of new jobs and more than fulfils the undertaking given in regard to employment in building and construction in our election manifesto. We are sufficiently realistic to know that what has been done will not be anything like enough to solve the unemployment problem in the building and construction industry, but we have made a start and we have the confidence of the people, which is vital to our efforts. Hopefully we have created conditions in which the industry will expand its workforce with renewed confidence to enable it cope with the increased demand likely to arise as a result of the general improvement in the economy.

So far I have concentrated on employment in the building and construction industry. I should like to turn now to the question of output of the industry, its various sectors and the prospects for the industry in the next few years. At present the output of the industry amounts to 14 per cent of the gross national product. As we are all aware the import content of materials used is relatively low. Employment is given to approximately 100,000 people. Output reached a peak in 1973, declined drastically in 1974 and 1975 and began to recover about a year ago. In our White Paper on National Development, 1977-1980, we indicated that the total output of the industry is expected to increase significantly in real terms during that period.

I have referred already to the measures taken last July to boost employment. These measures had the effect of reversing what looked like being another disastrous year for the industry. It is now estimated that output in 1977 increased by approximately 3½ per cent over that in 1976. The picture for 1978, in the light of the massive injections of public finance made by the Government to generate work in the industry, is even more encouraging. As a result of the 23 per cent increase in capital allocations for the industry I have mentioned already, it is estimated that the total output of the industry in 1978 will increase substantially in real terms. I have good reason to believe that the increase in output in the construction industry in 1978 as compared with 1977 will be unprecedented in the history of this State. Although the industry as a whole is expected to show spectacular growth I am very pleased that considerable growth can be expected in 1978 in those areas of the industry for which the Department of the Environment are directly responsible, namely, housing, road works, public water supplies, sewerage schemes and miscellaneous environmental services. The allocation for these services is a massive 37 per cent up compared with the January 1977 allocation. The number of houses completed in 1978 should show a continuation of the dramatic improvement in the rate of completions in the second half of 1977 after a bad slump in the first six months of that year.

The other works mentioned are mainly of an infrastructural nature. They will facilitate industrial and agricultural expansion, so vital to our economic wellbeing. So far as other sectors of the industry are concerned, in recent years agricultural building has shown the greatest rate of growth. Here output has risen from approximately £20 million in 1974 to an estimated £69 million in 1977. It is expected that this rapid rate of growth will be maintained in 1978, thereby contributing directly to the agricultural expansion envisaged. Output in educational building should also increase rapidly this year to meet the needs of the rising school-going population.

Increase in output in other areas also are expected, including those of industrial building, hospitals and public buildings. All told I am confident that, as a direct result of the measures taken by the Government to boost the industry, output in 1978 should undoubtedly reach a record level, when the industry might again enjoy a degree of prosperity which seemed unbelievable in the grim days of 1975-76 and early 1977.

Before passing over from the Government's endeavours on job creation it is appropriate to refer to the involvement of the Department of the Environment with ventures proposed to stimulate youth employment. The Minister has provided a special allocation of £5 million to finance youth employment schemes which have been put forward by the Employment Action Team set up by the Government to devise schemes for the employment of young people. Two of the schemes suggested by this team and approved in principle by the Government will be operated by local authorities. One of the schemes involves environmental improvement works and quite a few million pounds have been provided for it. This will be a continuation of the scheme initiated by the Minister in late autumn 1977. I am satisfied that these works will provide many lasting facilities of recreational and amenity value to the community. It is important that they should provide lasting facilities.

The second scheme will deal with the recruitment of additional apprentices by local authorities. There is no doubt that achievement of the targets set out in the White Paper, National Development, 1977-1980, will create a demand for additional skilled workers. This scheme will help meet that demand while giving an opportunity to school leavers to learn worthwhile trades such as plastering, plumbing, fitting and so on. The only fear I have in relation to the expansion of the construction industry is that there may be a lack of skilled workers. If such a situation arose it would be most unfortunate but the Government are taking all steps to encourage young people to acquire those skills and are providing the necessary facilities.

The priority which this Government attach to housing is obvious from the swift implementation of the many housing measures provided in the election manifesto. In relation to private housing the allocation for housing grants for the current year has increased dramatically. The provision for these grants in 1978 is £17 million. Compare that with the 1977 provision of only £4.95 million. That gives an indication of what is happening. Even that limited amount was not spent last year because of the restrictions placed on eligibility for new house grants and the valuation limits imposed for reconstruction grants. The Government scheme of £1,000 new house grants will account for £10 million of the 1978 provision. This means that 10,000 first time house owner occupiers are expected to benefit from the grants this year. Many of those are young people who would otherwise find it impossible to buy their own homes. They would eventually have had to be rehoused by the local authorities after perhaps spending a considerable time living in undesirable conditions with adverse social consequences.

The increased demand for houses has revitalised the private house building sector and the house construction industry. The level of activity generated by the new scheme is evidenced by the fact that in the Department about 8,500 applications were received for the grant by the end of January. In the election manifesto Fianna Fáil also promised to increase the maximum loan and income limits for local authority loans to realistic levels. The limits had become unrelated to housing costs and income levels. This was clear from the diminishing numbers of loan applications being received by local authorities and the decrease in the amount of money being paid out each year. In pursuance of their promises the Government announced an increase in the maximum loan and income limits operative from the 26 May 1977 to £7,000 and £3,500 respectively. The increase in the limits has resulted in a substantial upsurge in applications for loans. This is a good indication of the success of the scheme. In 1978 there has been a very substantial increase in the amount of money allocated for house improvement grants. The total sum provided is £6 million, which is almost three times the expenditure in 1977 under the old scheme of reconstruction grants.

The new scheme of house improvement grants was introduced last December and full details of the scheme were announced. The maximum grants for all improvement works including the provision of water and sewerage services have been substantially increased right across the board. There is no means test for applicants or valuation limits for houses to qualify for the new grants. The imposition of the valuation limit by the previous Government had disastrous effects. In the short time since the new scheme was announced there has been a high level of interest by householders.

Many Deputies will have noted that the high level of allocation of capital resources to the local authority housing programme is continuing. This is part of the special deal for the building and construction industry and for employment generally. The allocation for 1978 is £80.77 million. The rehousing of families who are in most urgent need remains a priority. Output in all areas will be maintained at a level to encourage widespread investment and employment.

The scheme of price controls on new houses, and the structural guarantee scheme do not frequently hit the headlines, although they are of great importance in ensuring that house purchasers get value for their money. The system to control new house prices was introduced by the previous Fianna Fáil Government in February 1973.

When this Government introduced the £1,000 grant for new houses the controls on house prices were extended to all grant-type houses and flats. Previously the controls were less wide ranging. They applied only to houses in schemes of four or more and did not apply at all to flats. By extending the controls the Government were ensuring that public funds were being used to aid the purchasers of reasonably-priced dwellings. Purchasers of houses built individually and purchasers of flats are now afforded the same degree of consumer protection as applies in other cases. The benefits of the system of price controls are not confined to first-time purchasers. Any grant-type house or flat provided for sale and which does not otherwise qualify for exemption is deemed to be exempt from the payment of stamp duty only if there is attaching to it a valid certificate of reasonable value. This is a good and compelling reason for persons who are not first-time purchasers to ensure that there is such a certificate in respect of the dwelling concerned.

There has been no fundamental change in the method of assessment of prices submitted by builders. In the later months of last year and continuing into this year there has been a tendency towards an increase in the ratio of applications rejected. This seems to be due primarily to builders settling their prices on the basis of the rate of inflation continuing in house building costs at the unprecedented high levels of 1974 to 1976. There are no grounds for such an assumption. The index of house building costs— labour and materials—complied by the Department of the Environment shows an increase of only 3.3 per cent since July 1977. Therefore, I would ask builders to ensure that the prices submitted by them take proper cognisance of the considerably reduced rate of inflation of house building costs and to moderate their prices accordingly.

Unless they do so there will be an increase in the number of applications for certificates of reasonable value being rejected and there will be consequent inconvenience to builders and purchasers alike. This is a situation we have no wish to see developing.

The reductions achieved by the price control has not been unimpressive. In 1977 reductions amounting to £668,000 were secured on 1,182 houses. In 1976 the aggregate reductions for 1,391 houses was £451,000. The number of applications or certificates received in 1977 was 1,115 covering 7,210 houses and flats. At 31 December, 106 applications embracing 721 dwellings stood refused.

I am concerned particularly that builders work within the system and, in so far as possible, built the grant-type dwelling. My Department will cooperate with them in every way possible in issuing as speedily as we can the certificates of reasonable value.

The desirability of having a form of structural guarantee for new private houses has been long recognised. The purchase of a house is the greatest single investment most persons are ever likely to make and they may have to meet the cost of their investment for as long as 35 years. The majority of purchasers are not conversant with good building practices. Most builders are reputable and provide an after sale service for a limited period but there have been complaints and it was necessary that some steps be taken in this regard. The result has been the introduction on 4 January last by the Construction Industry Federation of a scheme of structural guarantees. This scheme was introduced with the co-operation of the Department of the Environment. The Department will be involved in the scheme at technical level through the inspection service of all houses covered by the guarantee. Two departmental observers will attend meetings of the guarantee company formed to administer the scheme. There are a number of notable features to be observed in the scheme. There is the partnership between the Department and house builders in the scheme's development and operation. There is its voluntary nature and this has enabled the scheme to become operative speedily without legislation and also to have the flexibility needed in a new venture such as this.

A further welcome aspect of the scheme is that it involves the registration of house builders who have the technical and financial capacity to undertake good building and who are prepared to stand over their work.

The implementation of the guarantee will be the responsibility of the guarantee company. The Department will not be involved in any dispute that may arise between builders, the guarantee company and purchasers. There is arbitration machinery for dealing with disputes. I trust sincerely that the scheme will receive all-round support and will be given due recognition by the lending agencies. It is very important that this be the case if the scheme is to operate successfully.

The area of physical planning and development is one in which I hope to be involved deeply. The commitment of the Government to the protection and improvement of the environment is evidenced in the decision to vest in the Department of the Environment an over-all function in environmental matters. The environment impinges on practically every area of our existence. For this reason it would not be possible for any one Department to deal adequately with all matters pertaining to it. However, it is appropriate that the Department having responsibility for the local authority sector, which provide a range of environmental services as well as operating the physical planning code, should have the major role. The Local Government (Planning and Development) Acts, 1963 and 1976, are concerned with the physical environment and are comprehensive in this regard. The Acts provide the framework with in which objectives for the promotion of development, the revitalisation of cities and towns, the provision, improvement and protection of amenities can be formulated. The basic planning legislation enshrined in the 1963 Act was reviewed and updated by the 1976 Act.

The setting up of the An Bord Pleanála as an independent body to decide on planning appeals followed from the 1976 Act. My party supported fully this legislation. Since An Bord Pleanála took over responsibility for planning appeals, the backlog of appeals which previously built up has been considerably reduced. On 15 March 1977, when the board first began dealing with appeals, the number on hands was 2,177. The board received 2,705 new appeals up to the end of 1977. It disposed of 3,198 in the same period. In the first nine-and-a-half months of its existence the board has reduced the number awaiting decision by 493 or nearly 23 per cent. I should like to take this opportunity of commending the board on this achievement.

Since the introduction of planning legislation in 1964, the main activity of planning authorities has been in the area of enforcement of planning control. Arising from this undue emphasis has been focused on the negative functions of the authorities and the negative side of legislation in the area of physical planning. This is totally at variance with the role the Government see for the local authority sector in the promotion of economic activity and the provision of jobs and homes and I personally would like to see each county council and county borough corporation regarding themselves as having a role of a development corporation. The powers vested in planning authorities are positive and wide-ranging. They are aimed at encouraging the authorities to promote activity through their participation, either on their own or in association with individuals or commercial concerns, in developments which promote the physical, economic and social well-being of their areas.

The development plan is the basis of all physical development. If we are to meet the demands of a growing population for houses, jobs, community and recreational facilities, the need for first-quality development plans is evident. The first five years of review of the development plan has now been completed in most areas. It is expected that review will be completed in the remaining areas in the near future. Furthermore, the majority of plans are now being reviewed for the second time. The objective of physical planning legislation and of the development plans is to secure a satisfactory physical environment for living and working for our communities. The review of plans, which must be carried out at least once in every five years, enables the general public and local organisations to play an active part in the planning process. I would encourage people to make their views on the planning and development of their localities known to the planning authority in good time and to avail of the opportunity to examine the draft plans during the three months they are on public display. I would also encourage planning authorities to give local community groups every opportunity of contributing to the review. Authorities should ensure that the plans are in format and content readily intelligible to the public and to developers.

It is also important that the aims, objectives and requirements of the authority should be set out in clear and unambiguous terms. It is only by the involvement of the community at an early stage in the planning process that their support in the implementation of the objectives of the plan can be achieved. In this way the plan itself becomes more relevant to the public generally.

Considerable problems have arisen in recent years from the development of housing estates by private developers and the extension of suburban areas adjoining existing towns. These problems lie in the completion of these estates to a satisfactory standard and in the provision of recreational and community facilities to serve the new communities. The Government are committed to the improvement of facilities in all new urban developments. In relation to private sector developments, planning authorities should ensure that at the planning stage adequate security is given and clear, precise conditions are attached to the planning permission and thereafter enforced to ensure that roads, footpaths, lighting, open spaces, numerous other aspects, are provided and completed by the developer before the houses are occupied. In purchasing their homes young families make considerable sacrifices. It is not good enough that they should be burdened with an inadequate environment because the developer has not met his obligations for the completion of the estate.

I have referred earlier to the need for first-quality development plans to provide an adequate framework within which the Government's targets for economic development can be achieved. The regional development organisations have an important role to play here. These organisations were set up in 1969. Their main function is to co-ordinate programmes for regional development in each region. Their value rests on their ability to tackle problems at regional level. They can reconcile priorities and harmonise development programmes so that local planning may be more effectively co-ordinated. They facilitate local participation in regional development and present a regional view.

The organisations are made up of elected representatives and officials for the local authorities in the region and representatives of Government Departments together with representatives of the various semi-State bodies operating in the region, such as the Industrial Development Authority, the ESB, CIE, Bord na Móna. It will be clear therefore that their structure is such as to enable them to make a worthwhile contribution towards regional development and I sincerely hope that they will continue to do so. They have played, and continue to play, an important part in assisting their relevant local authorities and other bodies in co-ordinating their development plans and investment programmes. In doing this the organisations have carried out or initiated many worthwhile studies in the field of land use, transportation, population, employment trends and future needs in many fields. I am glad to say that the EEC has recognised the value of such studies and is contributing half the cost of a study at present being carried out in the midlands region which is designed to produce a strategy for development in the 1980's for that region.

The Minister for Finance in introducing the budget referred to the termination of the Road Fund system. As a consequence of that, certain expenditures formerly payable from the fund will be met from the Votes for appropriate Departments and in particular from the Vote for the Department of the Environment. These matters will arise for discussion on the Estimates debates. I feel it proper, however, to refer in this debate to certain of these items which came within my responsibilities as Minister of State.

The computerisation of vehicle registration is proceeding at a faster pace than had been anticipated two years ago. This is a direct consequence of the abolition by this Government of the road tax on the majority of private cars and on all motor cycles. By the end of next year we should have a complete national file. This will be of great benefit in security matters, in the improvement of road traffic law and for the ready promotion and assessment of statistical data.

We will be spending almost a quarter of a million pounds on the promotion of road safety through the National Road Safety Association. The provisional road accident figures for 1977 show that 576 people were killed and 8,099 were injured on our roads. The figure for deaths is 51 up on the total for 1976, an increase of almost 10 per cent. A much sharper increase—almost 50 per cent—was recorded in the Dublin Garda Metropolitan area. While the total of 576 is lower than in any of the years 1972 to 1975, it is nevertheless a reversal of the downward trend in road deaths which had been evident since 1972. Even more disturbing is the fact that road deaths in the second half of 1977 at 344 were the highest on record for a half-year period. I am dismayed at these figures. One is horrified at the sense of loss and shock suffered by the bereaved. The pain and suffering occasioned to those injured in road accidents is appalling.

Consideration must also be given to the economic consequences of accidents. The cost of road accidents in terms of medical services, Garda costs, damage to property and loss of output can be estimated. It has been estimated at some £40 million in 1976 by An Foras Forbartha. With more people killed and injured during 1977, and allowing for the inevitable increases in costs, the fact is that the community will face an even more staggering bill for road accidents in 1978. Material damage to cars involves the importation of spare parts and components with an adverse effect on our balance of payments. Finally, there is the effect of accidents on motor insurance. There is no need for me to explain the benefit which would ensue for motorists' insurance premiums if road accidents could be drastically reduced.

I know that the responsible authorities—the Garda, An Foras Forbartha and the National Road Safety Association—are putting a tremendous amount of effort into grappling with the road safety problem. As far as I am concerned, I will support their efforts to the fullest possible extent.

In that context of road safety I want to refer to the operations of the Medical Bureau of Road Safety. The bureau plays a most important role in the analysis of blood and urine samples, by which blood alcohol content is measured in the case of persons suspected of driving while under the influence of alcohol or drugs. As the House knows, it is proposed to introduce new legislation in this matter in the very near future. At this stage, I can assure the House that the Medical Bureau are continuing their work of research to assist us in making decisions towards reducing the appalling effects of drunken driving.

One of my particular areas of concern is research. I have already referred to the size of the expenditures for which the Department of the Environment and the local authority sector are responsible. We must obtain the best possible results for these outlays. We must take all available steps to ensure that the various programmes continue to fulfil their purpose and that they do so as effectively and efficiently as possible. We need to keep fully abreast of the community's needs, with developing technology, with the best international practice and developments and so on.

An Foras Forbartha are the focal point of research in the areas of activity of the Department of the Environment. An Foras are financed almost exclusively by the Exchequer. This year they will get in excess of £1¼ million. Research is undertaken by An Foras in the fields of physical planning, construction, road traffic and safety, water resources and general environmental matters. The results of this valuable work are generally published in reports which are then available to local authorities, Government Departments and other interested persons.

Perhaps I should now mentioned some of the specific projects undertaken by An Foras. This will clearly illustrate the importance of the work being done. In the planning area subjects include office location, impact of oil and gas development and urban design. They operate a conservation and amenity advisory service for planning authorities. The water resources division plays an important role in the collection of data on the qualitative and quantitative aspects of our waters. This data is essential for the efficient planning and utilisation of national water resources. On the building side, work is being done on such matters as energy-use in housing, the rationalisation of conditions of building contracts and so on. Research into the design and construction of roads, road traffic management, and road safety matters is part of the ongoing work programme. An Foras provide assistance in planning and organising traffic censuses and in the compilation of road traffic and accident statistics. Achievement of the Government's objectives for the environment will require continuing effort by An Foras in providing research and advice on problems to be tackled.

I am sure that everyone believes firmly that this budget is one which will play a major role in getting this country moving again. That is the reason people returned Fianna Fáil to Government under our Taoiseach, Deputy Jack Lynch—for the sole purpose of getting the country moving again and restoring confidence. I believe that the provisions of this budget will play a major and vital role in achieving the aims and aspirations of the Irish people.

Gach bliain bíonn díospóireacht againn ar an cháin-fhaisnéis nó mar a tugtar air faoi láthair, an bhuiséid, agus is díospóireacht ana-thábhachtach é. Tugann an díospóireacht seo deis do Theachtaí ar gach thaobh den Teach ceisteanna eacnamaíochta agus airgeadais agus sóisialacha agus rudaí mar sin a phlé. Ag an bpoinnte seo nuair atá mórán ráite agus scríobhtha faoin cháinfhais-néis seo tá sé an-dheachair ar fad rud nua a rá. Mar sin féin, os rud é go bhfuil dualgas ormsa mar urlabhraí Fhine Gael ar chúrsaí iompair agus cumarsáide agus chomh maith leis sin, os rud gur chaith mé tréimhse mar Aire na Gaeltachta san Chomhrialtas, ba mhaith liom tagairt faoi leith a dhéanamh inniu do rudaí áirithe a bhaineann le cúrsaí cumarsáide agus iompair agus cúrsaí Ghaeltachta, teanga agus cultúr.

It is very difficult to be original at this stage in speaking on a budget that has been widely discussed in a debate carried on over several weeks, a budget that has been the subject of many comments and discourses. The annual debate on a budget gives an opportunity to the House to assess the Government's economic and social strategy because it is the mechanism through which the House and the country get an idea of the techniques and methodology of the Government in regard to economic and social development.

This budget and the debate on it place special emphasis on economic development and more specifically on job creation. It is the 17th annual budget for which I have had the privilege of being a Member of this House and I have contributed to the debate on most of them. This budget is unique in one respect; it is the first during my membership of the Dáil where a new dimension has been added to the whole matter of national economic development. The budget has been described by members of the Opposition and commentators outside the House and by the Minister who more than anybody else can be regarded as the architect of the economic strategy, Deputy O'Donoghue, as a gamble.

This element of gambling makes this budget unique. If the budget is a gamble then the prospects of making it pay off will depend on the ability and competence of the Government to discharge their collective responsibility and on the ability of key Ministers to discharge their responsibilities successfully. I have grave doubts that the Government are capable of pulling off the gamble. Many people outside and many independent commentators have also expressed reservation about the Government's ability to bring off this major gamble. I am not convinced, and I would go so far as to say at this stage, that I see no way in which the present Government can pull off this gamble because while we are here talking about budgetary strategy, economic development and job creation, an appalling national crisis is taking place. What is the good of forecasts for job creation, talking about environmental factors which the Minister of State has just dealt with, if, when we go to our offices we cannot make a telephone call a few miles outside Dublin?

Whether the gamble will come off or not depends on the competence and ability of the Government and the only way we can assess the prospects is to look at the Government's performance since they took office last June. In the field of job creation and economic development there are vital prerequisites. If we are to have an acceleration of industrial and economic development, we must have the infrastructure that is so vitally necessary. There are vital elements in that infrastructure and they are elements on which I have the honour to be spokesman in my party, the elements of transport and communication.

There is another element involved, the element of industrial relations, and the Government's record since they took office in this vital area of industrial relations is absolutely appalling. Through sheer fumbling, incompetence and a lack of appreciation and understanding of industrial relations, we had last November the worst industrial disaster to hit the country since the State was founded, the closure of the Ferenka plant. Today we have an even greater national disaster in the complete chaos that exists in the telecommunications sector of the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. We talk about creating a climate of investment; we have abolished the wealth tax to attract more investment, supposedly; a massive campaign is being mounted abroad to encourage industrialists to come here and yet, in the past week, industrialists and businessmen in vital export industries have had to charter aircraft to go to England or Northern Ireland to make telephone calls.

Let us be realistic and face facts: if there is not to be a good climate of industrial relations here, how can we have the massive acceleration in job creation and economic development, particularly industrial development which is outlined in the budget? Responsibility for the disastrous events which led up to the closure of Ferenka in the final analysis rests with the Government that completely mishandled and bungled the situation. Responsibility for the fact that people cannot make a telephone call, that industries cannot transact their business, that exporters cannot secure vital orders—responsibility for that chaos, in the final analysis, rests with the Government. We have had an extra-ordinary situation regarding this national crisis in the telecommunications field in that the Minister in that Government, the head of the Department that has specific responsibility for industrial relations, the Minister for Labour, has been conspicuous by his silence and obvious inactivity in relation to this telecommunications issue.

I would rather the Deputy would refer to the specific matter of the debate.

I never break the rules of the House, but we are discussing a budget. This is the annual debate on economic strategy. We are discussing a budget which in this instance lays special emphasis on job creation. How can we have job creation if we have not proper industrial relations and adequate telecommunications? This is the question I am posing.

There is a third factor, a third blunder which this Government have made since they took office. That was the decision, inspired by pure party political vindictiveness, to reveal a confidential agreement in respect of the Bula Company. One vital element in industrial development here is confidentiality. It is an element on which most businessmen, Irish or foreign, place the greatest emphasis.

Looking at the incompetence and bungling of this Government in relation to the Ferenka situation, to Bula and to the mishandling of the telecommunications dispute, we cannot have confidence. At this stage I doubt if anybody in the country has confidence in the ability of this Government to pull off the gamble represented in this budget. Again at this late stage I appeal to the Government, the Taoiseach, the Minister for posts and Telegraphs and the Minister for Labour to bring to an end this chaotic situation in the communications area and get these people back to work.

This debate is not on the postal dispute.

There has been very much emphasis in this budget on job creation. There has been an extra-ordinary, although welcome, change of attitude in economic thinking by Fianna Fáil of late, when there is now recognition of the importance of small industry, and of our agriculture, fisheries and other natural resources. It is a great pity that this emphasis on our natural resources, particularly agriculture and fisheries and on the importance of small industry, was not put on these areas 15 or 20 years ago. During the 1960s there was a world economic boom and industry was being established at an accelerated pace in this country as well as in others. There was a golden opportunity then to develop the full potential of the two greatest natural resources we have, our agriculture and our fisheries. The Fianna Fáil Party who comprise the Government of this State today must stand condemned because over the years the potential for development, for job creation and for exports that existed in our agriculture and fisheries was totally overlooked. During the 1960s in particular when there was tremendous opportunity, instead of priority being given to the development of agriculture, fisheries and food processing industries based on these natural resources, we had the farmers marching to Dublin, picketing Leinster House and sitting in front of the Department of Agriculture. Now we have the belated conversion of Fianna Fáil to recognising the importance of agriculture and of fisheries.

Our agriculture industry is the greatest natural resource we have. It is a resource the potential of which, particularly for job creation, has not been fully tapped as yet. There is tremendous scope there for the development of food technology and food-processing industry based on agriculture and on fisheries. In relation to fisheries, our second great natural resources, it is regrettable that a situation should have arisen where the fishermen have to tie up their boats and come to Dublin to-day to protest against the mishandling by the Minister for Fisheries of the EEC fisheries negotiations.

The Deputy is moving into another field of special detail.

The fishing industry has been neglected scandalously down through the decades. During the four years when I had the privilege of being Minister for the Gaeltacht I had an opportunity of looking at this major national industry, because of course a substantial proportion of muintir na Gaeltachta derive their livelihood from the fishing industry. It was quite apparent that after 50 years of native Government the surface of the fishing industry had merely been scratched. Speaking on the Industrial Development Bill some months ago I said that for a small island surrounded by the sea and rich fisheries we had very little fish processing. A year ago I had the privilege of seeing the first fish cannery in this country opened in the Donegal Gaeltacht. If we are serious about the problem of job creation and creating full employment for a growing population, we must place very special emphasis on the development of these two great national resources, agriculture and fisheries.

I have expressed concern already about certain aspects of the performance of this Government since they took office. I have expressed grave concern about the industrial relations' situation, the state of telecommunications, and the revelation of the Bula deal, but another situation of very special significance has developed in relation to the whole question of job creation. Over the past couple of months there appears to be a complete change of policy in relation to two very important aspects of national development, decentralisation and regional development. I can talk in a non-party political way on these concepts because, in recent years, there has been a recognition by successive Governments of the need for decentralisation and regional development.

Particularly in recent weeks in statements from the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy and in public statements from the chief executive of the IDA, there is evidence that there is a change of emphasis and a laying aside of the policy of regional development and decentralisation which has worked very well. The first indication of this change of policy comes from a statement by the head of the IDA that special emphasis is now to be given to Dublin and the east coast in relation to job creation. Nobody objects to a job creation programme for Dublin or the east coast, provided it is not at the expense of the much less developed regions of the western seaboard.

I am extremely perturbed and most people who are involved and interested in the whole question of regional development are extremely perturbed by recent statements and particularly the announcement here by the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy some weeks ago that the functions of the Shannon Free Airport Development Company, an outstanding regional development agency who made a tremendous contribution to the development of the mid-western region, are now being curtailed and confined exclusively almost to the promotion of small industries which the Minister described as small indigenous industries. It would take a very big number of small indigenous industries to replace the 1,400 jobs lost in Ferenka.

The Minister of State at the Department of the Public Service in a speech in some western venue referred to the decision of the Government to drop the concept of western development. There was a recent public statement from the chief executive of Gaeltarra Éireann, another very successful regional development agency, which expressed grave concern at the fact that it was becoming virtually impossible now for Gaeltarra to attract industrialists to the Gaeltacht because of the fact that the differential in grants and inducements which was available hitherto was no longer there. In other words, the same attractions and inducements, virtually the same grants structure, is now being offered to an industrialist to locate in the capital city of Dublin as is offered to him to locate in Belmullet, Ballinskelligs, Carna or Dingle. There is no way one can justify a national development policy of this kind.

Like cities and regions all over the western world, the capital city of Dublin suffered adversely from the effects of the world economic recession in 1974 and 1975, but there is no way one can equate the problems of industrial development in a capital city like Dublin with the problems of locating industry in more isolated and remote areas. Perhaps we are misinterpreting the intentions of the Government in this respect but, if there is a departure—and there appears to be from what I have said about the definite pronouncements of the Minister for Industry and Commerce vis-á-vis SFADCo, and a statement by the Minister of State, Deputy MacSharry—that is a retrograde step.

The decision to curtail the activities of SFADCo is causing grave concern over the entire mid-western region. Many tributes have been paid to SFADCo as a successful regional development agency. Now we have the ludicrous situation that SFADCo are responsible for the promotion of small industries and the IDA will be responsible for bringing large-scale industries into the Shannon region. Surely logic and common sense would indicate that SFADCo should become not merely the industrial development agency for that region but that they should be expanded and their powers and functions broadened to make them a comprehensive regional development agency responsible for promoting all types of industries, small, medium and large. I hope when the Minister for Finance is replying to this debate he will give us some indication as to where the Government stand on the concept of decentralisation and regional development.

Maidir leis an Ghaeltacht, mar adúirt me, tá sé soiléir anois go bhfuil deacrachtaí faoi leith ag Gaeltarra Éireann. Maidir le forbairt tionscail agus fostaíocht san Ghaeltacht, tá brón ormsa a fheiceáil ó Leabhar na Meastachán go bhfuil laghdú mór i gcuid den mheastachán sin. Tá glan-laghdú thar £1/2 milliún ann agus tá laghdú níos mó ar fad ar an deontas a tugtar do Ghaeltarra Éireann chun tionscail a bhunú sa Ghaeltacht. I 1973 nuair a tháinig an Comhrialtas i mbun oifige bhí 1,843 daoine fostaithe sa Ghaeltacht i dtionscail fé scáth Ghaeltarra Éireann. I lár 1977 bhí breis is 4,000 daoine fostaithe sa Ghaeltacht. Tá sé soiléir anois nach bhfuil an dul chun cinn céanna á dhéanamh ach ní thuigimse cén fáth, mar idir 1973 agus 1977 bhí deacrachtaí eacnamaíochta ag brú isteach orainn go mór. Bhí sé an-deacair ar fad tionscail a fháil. Bhí sean-tionscail ag dúnadh. Bhí dífhos-taíocht i dtionscail eile ach mar sin féin, mar adúirt me, d'éirigh thar barr le Gaeltarra Éireann fostaíocht a mhéadú ó 1,800 go breis agus 4,000. Níl deacrachtaí eacnamíochta an domhain ag brú isteach orainne faoi láthair. Níl aon leithscéal ann agus ní thuigimse cén fáth nach féidir le Gaeltarra Éireann an dul chun cinn céanna a dhéanamh maidir le forbairt tionscail agus fostaíocht sa Ghaeltacht a rinne siad idir 1973 agus 1977.

Rud eile faoin Ghaeltacht. Bhí brón mór ormsa agus ag daoine eile ag éisteacht anseo leis an Aire Airgeadais agus é ag léamh an ráitis fhada a thug sé lá na cáináisnéise—ráiteas an-fhada ar fad timpeall 70 nó 80 leathanach agus ní dhearna sé tagairt ar bith don Ghaeltacht, tobar agus foinse ár dteanga agus ár gcultúr. San Pháipéar Bán níl ach cúpla líne maidir leis an teanga, an cultúr agus an Ghaeltacht. Admhaím gur labhair an tAire as Gaeilge i ndeireadh a ráitis. Tá ceithre nó cúig líne Gaeilge ann. 'Sé mo thuairimse, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, cé go bhfuil géarghá le forbairt eacnamaíochta agus cé go bhfuil géarghá le forbairt shóisialach agus tá géarghá le fostaíocht nua a chruthú sa tír seo, mar sin féin ní ceart dúinn dearmad a dhéanamh ar an teanga, an cultúr, agus go háirithe ní ceart dúinn dearmad a dhéanamh den Ghaeilge. Deirtear san Pháipéar Bán go bhfuil sé beartaithe ag an Rialtas Údarás na Gaeltachta a bhunú i mbliana. Tá súil agam go bhfuil sé sin fíor ach ba mhaith liomsa a rá ag an bpointe seo nach bhfuil aon mhaitheas ar chor ar bith a bheith ag bunú udaráis nua nuair nach bhfuil go leor airgid agus comhachtaí ar fáil don údarás sin chun clár forleathan forbartha a chur chun cinn. Ní thuigimse cén fáth go bhfuil laghdú ar Mheastachán Roinn na Gaeltachta i mbliana. Ní thuigimse cén fáth nach ndearna an tAire Airgeadais aon tagairt don Ghaeltacht san ráiteas fada a thug sé anseo. Tá súil agam agus is féidir liom a rá go mbeidh a lán tacaíochta ar fáil ón dtaobh seo den Teach d'aon scéim nó d'aon phlean chun leas na Gaeilge agus leas na Gaeltachta a chur cun cinn.

In relation to economic planning and development and to the strategy outlined in the budget, particularly in the Minister's speech, and more specifically in relation to the speech of the Minister for Economic Planning and Development, I have not found any reference to a very vital factor. I refer to the element of community development, an area of tremendous potential to this country. It is an instrument of economic development and social progress to which increasing attention is being given in many countries in recent years. We in this country pioneered the practical application of this concept of community development to economic and social development. The great pioneer of community development here was the late Canon Hayes, ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam, the man who founded Muintir na Tíre, the National Community Development Movement, a man who saw the potential in a local community working together co-operating with one another, promoting projects of an economic, social and cultural nature. In relation to the Gaeltacht in particular, I am glad that this concept of community development is being applied in a successful manner. There are today over 20 community development cooperatives engaged in a wide range of economic, social and cultural activity.

One of the most astonishing facets of Gaeltacht development in my four years' experience was the manner in which a local community, properly motivated and led and receiving back-up services from the State, State bodies, semi-State bodies and local authorities could achieve such tremendous things. I need only point to Glencolumcille and the tremendous pioneering work of Fr. McDyer. I could point also to Comharchumann Dhúiche Sheoigeach in West Connemara, and to Comharchumann na n-Oileán i gceantar Gorumna i litir Móir agus Leitir Mealláin. I feel very deeply about the apparent lack of understanding by central authorities and State Departments of the potential for good and for progress inherent in this concept. The latest figures I saw for Glencolumcille indicate now that, under the umbrella of the original co-operative, there are now 11 companies engaged in industrial development, craftwork, tourism development and the development of natural resources. If my memory serves me correctly, there must be approximately 200 people in fulltime employment in that parish. If that could be repeated in every parish throughout the length and breadth of the country—and I see no reason why it could not be— then rapid and dramatic progress could be made in coming to grips with the very serious national problem confronting us, that of creating full employment for a growing population.

I recommend to the Government, and particularly the Minister for Economic Planning and Development —who is being portrayed as the chief architect of the Government's policy— that they direct attention to three areas, first, the policy of decentralisation, secondly, the need for regional development and, thirdly, the vitally important role that community development can play in the overall development of this nation.

Deputy Reynolds, referring to the importance of small scale industry, mentioned that the small industry of today is the big industry of tomorrow. I welcome the emphasis that has been placed on the development of small scale industries. No proposal should ever be turned down on the basis that the industry is too small. I am in favour of maximum support and State aid being given to one-man industries, particularly craft type industries. If we are to achieve our national objective of generating employment on a scale and of a variety which will satisfy the aspirations of our young people, we should not over-emphasise one type of development and ignore the possibilities of other types of development. We will have to have a broad development strategy with special emphasis on agriculture, fisheries and on our natural resources. We need a comprehensive national industrial development programme.

I did not see any evidence in the Minister's speech or in the White Paper which would lead one to believe that the Government are serious when they talk about creating full employment for a growing population. Targets and plans are all right in their own way and are necessary, but there is no point in fixing targets for output or employment unless one clearly charts out the road which must be travelled in order that those targets be achieved. Such criticisms were levelled at the First and Second Programmes for Economic Expansion. The targets were set but the route was not charted.

Having read the Fianna Fáil Manifesto and having compared the promises and hopes that were raised by the manifesto with the Government White Paper, and relating it to the Minister's speech introducing this budget, I can definitely see a credibility gap. One of the phrases in the Fianna Fáil Manifesto which caught the attention of many people, and which may have more than anything else brought about a major swing of votes to Fianna Fáil, was the extrordinary phrase under a chapter dealing with industry and commerce that there were tens of thousands of new jobs only waiting to be created. There is nothing in the White Paper, in the Minister's budget speech or in the overall budgetary strategy which gives any indication of how the Government propose to generate the tens of thousands of new jobs that are only waiting to be created, according to the election manifesto.

There has been a lot of discussion, most of it academic, in respect of the roles of the public and the private sectors in relation to national development and job creation. Most people talking about the role of the private sector vis-á-vis the role of the public sector tend to take a firm stand on one side or the other. Very often the people who are proponents or advocates of the private sector are referred to as capitalists and those who advocate public enterprise are referred to as socialists. The strategy in this budget places the major emphasis on the private sector.

Deputy J. O'Leary mentioned some time ago that there was a substantial job creation programme for jobs in the public sector. The jobs that are being created in the public sector as a result of this budget are once off jobs that cannot be repeated, certainly on the same scale, in the future. We must not lose sight of the fact that it is estimated that for every job created in the public sector there is need to create at least three jobs in the private sector to support them. I do not have any ideological hangup in relation to State enterprise and private enterprise being contradictory. In a small country like this we must strike a proper balance between private enterprise and public enterprise. There are areas that the private sector are either unable or unwilling to enter, and we have quite a good history here in relation to the public sector with companies such as the Irish Sugar Company, the Electricity Supply Board, Bord na Móna and Aer Lingus. We must not provoke a national controversy on the role of the private sector vis-á-vis the role of the public sector. What is needed is a correct balance between the two. I do not like using the word “mix” but it is a word that has crept in recent years into economic terminology. However, it is as good a word as any to describe the proper mixture of public and private enterprise and I do not think that either the budget or the White Paper have this mix in their strategy.

Mar focal scoir, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, tá imní ormsa maidir leis an cháinaisnéis seo. Bhí mé ag súil agus bhí muintir na hÉireann ag súil go bhfeicfimís ins an cháinaisnéis seo agus go mbeadh sé soiléir ón gcainaisnéis seo go raibh Rialtas Fhianna Fáil dáiríre maidir leis na geallúintí áirithe, na geallúintí maidir le fostaíocht ins an manifesto, a chur i bhfeidhm. Níl sé soiléir ar chor ar bith.

I congratulate the Minister on this, the first budget of the new Fianna Fáil Government who were elected so decisively in June last. The budget is an imaginative and a constructive effort to set the country moving again after four years of appalling unemployment, price rises and inflation. It is an undisputed fact that the single most important task facing the Government is the finding of employment for the huge army of people who have either lost their jobs or who, having finished school, with what is regarded as a reasonable level of education, have not succeeded in obtaining any type of employment.

It is distressing and totally unacceptable to find families where not only the father has become redundant but where there are several teenagers unable to find employment. I am hopeful that the budget will go a long way to rectifying such situations.

Listening to some of the Opposition speakers one finds it difficult to understand how they can accuse us of not implementing the manifesto promises and at the same time accuse us of over-implementing those promise. They cannot have it both ways. They have suggested that the country had been doing very well, that we should have left well-enough alone. The electorate would hardly agree with their view. The last budget introduced by the Coalition was supposed to be a panacea for all people but we found that in the following 60 days there were price increases in respect of 123 items. In about October 1975 one of our evening newspapers began publishing a weekly price clock index. During the remaining months of that year, throughout 1976 and for the first half of 1977 that clock continued to spin at an incredible rate but I am happy to say that since Fianna Fáil returned to office the clock has been slowing down and is now virtually at a standstill. Indeed, in the past couple of months several items have been reduced in price.

In March of last year I recall speaking with a housewife at a super-market where she was standing before the vegetable department endeavouring to decide on what she could afford for the evening meal. We did not know each other but she began telling me how her husband who had a small business employing about eight people had been forced to go out of business because of inflation. The woman was understandably very distressed and went on to tell me that her husband had been doing very well in his business in the previous couple of years. Not only was that man's family left in distress but so also were the families of the eight men he had been employing.

However, industry is rapidly regaining confidence under this Government and I am sure that employers in every category will avail of the job-creation incentives that have been introduced. In this regard I welcome particularly the increase in the employment scheme for school-leavers from £10 to £14 per week and also the inclusion of the hotels and catering industry generally in the main scheme of £20. I trust, though, that potential employers wishing to avail of the incentive schemes will realise that the £14 or the £20 per week are only contributions towards a fair week's pay. I note that last year only £0.8 million was used under these schemes. The provision in the budget is £7 million. It would appear from those figures that some publicity might encourage firms to expand and to create new jobs which, hopefully, would be permanent if and when the schemes have run their course. I suggest that there be put into effect an advertising campaign on radio and television explaining fully all aspects of the various schemes and grants in operation.

I have been concerned for some time with the very high rate of unemployment in the Ballyfermot area. During the past three years the rate of redundancies among men in their forties has been exceptionally high and there is hardly any household in the area in which there is not an unemployed teenager. The provision of financial assistance towards the cost of a community-based survey aimed at bringing to light the unemployment problems in Ballyfermot is particularly welcome. The employment action team have met with representatives of the Ballyfermot Community Association for the purpose of discussing matters of mutual concern. The association have established an employment action group with the objective of tackling the enormous unemployment problem in the area. To undertake this task effectively it will be necessary in the first instance to collect detailed information of the overall current employment situation. It is estimated that this community-based survey will provide short-term employment for more than 40 young people at an approximate cost of £9,140. I would expect the survey to stimulate the Government and the IDA into creating more job opportunities for the people of Ballyfermot.

The tax free allowance for working married women remains at £230. Many people were disappointed that the figure was not increased. Before they marry, both men and women receive their tax forms separately but it is not unusual for a woman, after she has married, to continue to receive a tax form in her maiden name while receiving one also in her married name. This situation can continue for several years and a woman can have a difficult task in convincing the tax people that she is the same individual as the person to whom the tax form is being sent in what was her maiden name.

The Minister has stated that it would cost the Exchequer £60 million to tax separately husbands and wives. I am hoping he will clarify this. Does he mean there would be a loss of £60 million revenue to the Exchequer or does he mean that it would cost £60 million to implement the change in the tax system?

A working wife, particularly if she has a family, can be expected to contribute almost twice as many hours per week as her husband. Generally speaking, it is she who is expected to catch up with the household chores, to do the shopping, laundry, ironing and the various other things that must be attended to while still maintaining her job outside the home. If she is prepared to do this, and I realise it is a free choice, she should receive some recognition for her 80 hours plus per week. Sometimes it is not a free choice. Nowadays it can be quite impossible for young married couples to purchase and maintain their own home unless the wife continues with her job. Many a young wife, particularly when a baby arrives, would dearly love to stay at home but finds it is just not possible to meet all the commitments on her husband's salary.

The Minister has very generously increased the married person's allowance by £630 per annum, and this I welcome, but the working wife will still come home with a very small net pay packet and whether or not the average husband will contribute more to the household budget is debatable.

When a woman marries she may retain her maiden name if she wishes. Surely, it would save the tax office a great deal of time, trouble and money if they were just to ignore the fact that that woman had adopted a second name and continued to treat her as an individual in her own right, as she was before she married.

Working wives are only 3.5 per cent of the work force, which is a very small percentage indeed. Obviously they are a section of our community with a high degree of energy and stamina and with a great deal to contribute in the careers they are pursuing, sometimes under a great deal of stress and difficulty. I hope that in the not-too-distant future the State will realise the need for properly staffed and equipped day nurseries where mothers can with safety and peace of mind leave their small children and so be enabled to give proper attention to their jobs during their working hours. There are many people who disagree with this idea but I know from personal experience that babies actually gain and thrive from being in an environment where there are other small children. They learn faster and are in no way deprived.

For every three of four working mothers an extra job could be created by the opening of a nursery. The working wives are often accused of filling vacancies needed by single persons. If these nurseries were established they would at least create other jobs and so the working wives would not be accused of taking jobs away from others. Every individual should have the right to work, regardless of whether he or she is married or single.

Of course, I welcome the news that single women and widows will now be eligible for unemployment assistance. I am particularly delighted that a Fianna Fáil Government have brought to an end the very blatant discrimination, but it is certainly not before its time. When will we come to the realisation that when it suits certain situations men and women are treated equally? For example, they both have to pay the same amount of money on the bus; they are both charged the same amount of money if they go into a restaurant for a cup of tea. The woman has never been able to make the excuse that she does not get the same amount of money as the man and accordingly should have to pay less.

The all round 10 per cent increase in social welfare will be reasonably practicable when the Government are so determined that inflation will be reduced and will not exceed around 7 per cent in the coming year.

Widows with dependent children must be regarded as a very special category of persons. When a wife dies it is tragic enough but at least the man still has the capacity to earn a decent living and to keep the home adequately provided for. When the husband dies the income of that household dies with him. One week there may be £100 per week coming into a house. The next week it could drop to 25 per cent of that. Where does that leave the woman with huge bills, funeral expenses, and God knows what else to pay? She still has the same electricity bill and the same heating bill, the food bill, clothing bills and the expense of educating her family. She has to undertake all this on perhaps one-quarter of her husband's salary and she has to do it on her own, to make matters worse.

A person who loses his job is entitled to pay-related income up to, I believe, 85 per cent for a certain length of time, to enable him to continue his commitments, such as mortgages and so on, and to give him an opportunity to reassess his situation without having to change his life style unduly. Why cannot a widow be given a similar chance? Perhaps at a future time the Government may consider some scheme whereby a widow suddenly finding herself with one-fourth of the income her husband was bringing home, might obtain a pay-related amount just for a few months in order to give her a chance to adjust to the change in her life and not be pushed into a panic situation where she might, under acute emotional stress make unwise decisions she might bitterly regret. While I am pleading for a better deal for widows, I should like to include public service widows whose husbands died or retired pre-1968 and who are seeking equality of pension with those who were widowed post-1968. This Fianna Fáil Government are doing their best to do the greatest good to the greatest number of people. They are pursuing this objective with all haste and will continue to do so. In one short seven-month period we have accomplished more than the previous Government managed in four-and-a-half years. We are all familiar now with the lengendary accomplishments, such as the abolition of rates, the abolition of car tax, the £1,000 grant towards the purchase of a new house. I am particularly happy about the extra money for grants for house improvements, which the Minister of State, Deputy J. O'Leary, spoke about earlier. These grants are very important and have been greatly increased in the last couple of months. I welcome also the increased loan and income limits under the SDA scheme and the reduction of 1 per cent in interest rates.

There was, I am afraid, one omission in the budget, at which I was very disappointed. There was no increase in children's allowance. The previous Minister for Finance was toying with the idea of doing away with the children's allowance altogether but there was such reaction that he had to drop that idea like a hot potato. For many mothers this money is a life-saver. It is the only money they receive directly into their hands and they rely on it for a variety of reasons. Sometimes it is needed to pay doctors' bills or to pay for prescriptions for themselves and their children.

Mothers are not entitled to social welfare benefits, so married women who do not go out to work outside the home are classified as "not gainfully employed" and are not entitled to any type of social welfare payments. Children's allowances constitute the only method whereby a wife and mother can be compensated for the fact that she is not working outside the home. In my opinion these allowances should be increased to keep in line with inflation at least. The payment of children's allowances is the only way the country and the Government can show their appreciation of the mothers who give so unselfishly of their time and energy in caring for their families.

I do not know how true this is because I have not read it myself, but I believe the Minister might be looking into the question of changing the whole system for the payment of children's allowances. I would agree with this. It is quite obvious that some mothers are in more need than others, and perhaps some system could be devised whereby the wives of unemployed men and widows with school-going children would receive a bigger amount. Both these categories, and some others as well, should be entitled to a more substantial increase than those who have a good wage coming in and who are not in so much need of children's allowances. Perhaps the title might be changed to "mothers' allowances".

There are many other aspects of the budget on which I should like to dwell but I realise they will be discussed by other speakers. I wish to refer to the "Buy Irish" campaign. I should like to make a special appeal to all women throughout the country to make a really big effort in this campaign. I know that sometimes it is rather difficult to continue to search for an Irish-made product when a foreign one is more easily obtainable, but if we stop to consider that we are creating jobs for our own children, our friends and our relatives, is it not worth a little effort? Some shop assistants are of the opinion that unless they stress that an article is made in France or in England a customer will not be interested in purchasing it. I have encountered this attitude many times. I have asked for an item of clothing—a jumper, perhaps—and the assistant has come along and shown me an article and told me that it was made in France or in England. I usually say "That is a pity. Now I cannot buy it because I was looking for something made in Ireland." The assistant usually stares at me with her mouth open and cannot understand this reaction. I would hope that the general public will dispel this kind of idea during the coming year. In the type of situation I have described I hope that they will insist that the shop should stock Irish-made goods.

I have noted quite recently that certain types of packages imported into this country are very similar to our own Irish packaged goods. They are very much the same in size and colour and it is quite easy to pick up one of them thinking that it is Irish made, only to find that it has been imported. I would ask housewives to watch out for this type of situation.

In conclusion, I am looking forward to the coming year with hope and confidence in the economy and in the country. This confidence was completely lost during the term of office of the previous Government. We are getting the country moving again. We did it after the last Coalition and I know we will do it after this one.

I should like to say that I hope the last speaker will not take these words as being in any way personally directed. I ask her to believe that. I understood there was a tradition in this House in regard to the delivery of speeches but which has been breached on at least two occasions today on the Government side. While the Members on this side of the House will naturally make every possible allowance for new Members or for a crisis situation, I want to give the House notice that we will not acquiesce indefinitely in the breach of this convention in regard to the delivery of speeches. If we have reason to suspect that Government speakers are systematically being given material which allows no scope for the operation of their own discretion in the delivery of their speeches, we will eventually make an issue of it.

Deputy Kelly should make his own speech on the budget. What other Deputies do in the House and the sort of speeches they make does not concern Deputy Kelly.

The admonition was not delivered from the Chair last week to the Minister for Economic Planning and Development when he took a very high moral line about the kind of speech that my leader had delivered. I am perfectly entitled to call attention to what I understand to be a breach of the rules of the House. I have not named any particular Deputy and I have not done so because of delicacy.

I do not like hypocrisy.

If the Minister of State forces me to do so, it will be his responsibility. The Deputy whom the Minister probably has in mind is not the only Deputy who has offended in that way. I want to give notice that if this House is to be held up, not by the views of Deputies but by the views of a "think-tank" upstairs, we will not stand for it.

I am sorry, Deputy Kelly. Deputies on all sides have been reading from notes during recent weeks and the Chair has not taken any action because Deputies are entitled to read from notes in front of them. There is no question about that and the Chair has been lenient in this matter. This has been happening on all sides of the House. Front Bench speakers in recent weeks have read their speeches.

My hour is ticking away and——

The Deputy's hour has come.

There is no "think-tank" in our rooms providing our Deputies with speeches. I state that as a positive fact. There is a difference between making a speech from notes with which someone else may have helped, and making a speech during which one never takes one's nose out of one's pages.

Deputy Kelly will get on with his own speech. Deputies are allowed to use copious notes.

He must have very little to say.

A maiden speech may be read if the Deputy desires it. I read my own maiden speech.

Deputy Briscoe and Deputy Tunney will keep out of this. The Chair is responsible for order in this House and for deciding what way a speaker will deliver his speech.

I do not want to make a special issue of this. I beg your pardon. I only want to advert to the fact that this is the second occasion today on which this has happened. The last occasion——

On a point of order——

Deputy Mitchell is in on everything.

I am not in on everything. That is a partisan remark which this House should not tolerate.

Please do not attack the Chair again. You have done so on a number of occasions since you came into the House. You will withdraw that remark.

I withdraw the remark.

That is fair enough. Get on with your point of order, please.

You remarked upon the fact that I consistently interrupt. I do so because I make a habit of being in the House. I am sick and tired of speeches being read in this House. Why can we not allow the Deputies just to hand in their speeches for the record?

That is not a point of order. The Chair is responsible for the manner in which speeches will be delivered, not Deputy Mitchell. Every party in this House has people who read their speeches during recent weeks. There are quite a number of new Deputies here and we give a great deal of leniency to new Deputies. We have always done that. Now, let us have Deputy Kelly on the budget, please.

I accept that but on a previous occasion today, it was not a new Deputy; it was an officer-holder who has had long experience in this——

For as long as I am in the House and it is a lot longer than Deputy Kelly, Ministers and officer-holders have read their speeches. Where an important speech is being made to the House it has always been read by Ministers and office-holders of all Governments.

An officer-holder making a contribution to the budget speech has not by tradition—I beg your pardon in having to contradict you—deliberately read a script; the office-holder who opens the debate and who closes it, yes, but not an office-holder who intervenes in the middle. I have never seen it in my short time here. Anyway, I make no special point about it now.

Deputy Kelly on the budget.

Does Deputy Kelly imply that my party wrote something for me and that it is good? I am very flattered indeed because I did write out on my own whatever notes I made.

(Interruptions.)

There have been rulings down the years on this matter. I shall quote the ruling of the Chair:

A Member is not entitled to read his speech but he may consult notes——

they usually consult notes

A Minister, according to precedent, is allowed to read important statements of policy or facts.

That ruling has been given on scores of occasions.

I am sorry that this has ballooned into a controversy that I did not intend.

It is not worth that sort of a battle.

I merely wished to say that if it developed into a practice this party could not be expected not to take notice of it.

The present budget is the brainchild, nominally, of the Minister for Finance but it is acknowledged to be the product of a long-term economic perspective of the Minister for Economic Planning and Development. While the budget has many aspects, not all of them ones with which I quarrel, I want to seize on one in particular which is the most conspicuous and the most damaging one nationally and, I believe, in the narrow sense also, the most damaging one politically for Fianna Fáil. That is the abolition of wealth tax which the budget proposes.

On Tuesday of last week the Minister for Economic Planning and Development spoke on the budget, and once he had finished telling Deputy FitzGerald how a budget speech should be made by the Leader of the Opposition, he explained to the House that as far back as 1974 when the wealth tax was first proposed by the National Coalition he had been against it. I accept that; he was against it for reasons which he held then and still holds, that it has not an economic value which justifies its existence. That is a reasonable point of view; but he did not relate the wealth tax to the circumstances of its introduction.

I beg leave to remind the House of those circumstances. If ever a Government had a clear mandate for the introduction of a wealth tax, even if not necessarily this wealth tax in its present form, the National Coalition had that mandate. We undertook in 1973 to abolish death duties. We did abolish them; and in our election programme we said they would be replaced, because of their erratic operation on death and the destructive effect they had on families taken short both emotionally and materially by the early loss of the father, by a slight tax on wealth during life. That is what the wealth tax was intended to be.

We abolished death duties, and little enough thanks we got, but there is no use whinging about that because that is part of the political game. The wealth tax would never have been introduced by our Government or any other government if the death duties had not been abolished; it would be unthinkable that anybody, no matter how rich, would pay duties on his wealth during life as well as on his death. It was part of a package. I am astonished when I hear the Minister for Economic Planning and Development or any Minister with any relevance in his post to this area, talking about the abolition of wealth tax without mentioning the form of duty which that tax replaced.

Death duties were not an idea of the Costello or the de Valera or the Cosgrave Governments; they go back to 1894. I cannot remember whether it was Gladstone's last Government or the one which succeeded it that produced them. They go back to a time when Queen Victoria reigned in Britain. They were introduced by the British Government of 1894 and, in abolishing death duties at that time, we were breaking an 80-year old tradition. But now, by abolishing the wealth tax also, for the first time since 1894 wealth bears no capital imposition of any kind, either during life or on death.

Nobody would suspect me of being a bloodshot revolutionary or a man with only one object in life, to distribute every speck of wealth in the country and spread it around evenly. I do not believe in that ideology. It is not practical and not even just, but I say there are purposes for which a wealth tax in life or on death is justifiable and right. These purposes are specially demanding and clear at times when people are conscious of underprivilege and of inequality of opportunity. When I hear this Minister, in order to enthrone whose genius a special Department was created, saying it has no economic value, I must ask myself if we are living in fairyland. Perhaps it does not produce much money for the Revenue; perhaps, although I do not believe it, it might have in its present shape some disincentive effect on the employment of private capital in industry. That may be so, but it has a very important economic effect all the same; the existence of a wealth tax in the present form or in the old form of death duties is a signal to the people that the State operates some system of social justice, that it has some regard for the fact that it is possible to accumulate wealth to a point when it would be proper and fair to take some of it away and redistribute it.

I do not say that point should be quickly reached, and I entirely admit every argument advanced in this House about the importance of not constructing a wealth tax so as to be a disincentive to industry, investment and employment; but to simply sweep it away is to brush from the scene a social signal to the people that has been here since 1894. If that is not reactionary I do not know what is. When I hear that being said and see it done, and when I hear what I believe and concede is an absolutely sincere plea from Deputy Lemass that the pre-1968 civil service widows should get a look-in, I have to ask myself: where do the Government think they are going? I believe that in abolishing the wealth tax they have turned the first sod of their own grave.

Debate adjourned.
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