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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 1 Jun 1978

Vol. 307 No. 3

Vote 30: Office of the Minister for Education (Resumed) .

Debate resumed on the following motion:
Go ndeonófar suim nach mó ná £27,055,000 chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31ú lá de Nollaig 1978, le haghaidh tuarastail agus costais Oifig an Aire Oideachais (lena n-áirítear Forais Eolaíochta agus Ealaíon), le haghaidh seirbhísí ilghnéitheacha áirithe oideachais agus cultúir, agus chun ildheontais-i-gcabhair a íoc.
—(Aire Oideachais.)

: Before the break for questions I had been dealing with the question of community schools and in particular with the various aspects of the deed of trust to which the Minister may or may not be committed. I referred in particular to the question of reserved posts. This concept is strange at the best of times and, possibly, is repugnant to the Constitution. Certainly, it is not one that should be included in the draft deed of trust. It is inescapable that many aspects of the draft deed of trust will worsen the conditions of service of teachers in these schools and of teachers who may transfer into these schools from other types of schools, notably schools under the control of vocational education committees.

To give one example of what I have in mind I would point to the right of a teacher under a vocational education scheme not to be dismissed except in certain circumstances. This right is being weakened seriously as a result of the draft deed of trust and if the deed is retained in its present form the likelihood is that many teachers from these areas whose skill might be needed in the community schools would not be persuaded to move into such schools.

The basic problem is not solved simply by getting however many teachers to apply under inadequate conditions of the deed of trust. The basic need is to change the deed of trust to make sure that it reflects the conditions of service which are generally agreed by and agreeable to the organised teachers in these and other schools when they want at any stage to be transferred to them.

The third point is in relation to the presence of teachers on boards. Here again we are at a loss to know whether the Minister feels himself committed in respect of the schools which are already operational, to sign the existing draft deed of trust or whether he considers it is open to him to redraft it in order to put teachers on it. He referred to this at length in the addendum to his Estimate speech. I read this with considerable interest but ended up no wiser than when I began. All that emerges from this detailed exegesis of the present state of the community schools problem is that we still do not know. We know one thing from this and that is that the Minister's personal opinion, and presumably that of his Department, would tend to favour a situation in which you can have different kinds of deeds of trust for different community schools and in which he could sign 24, 35 or whatever number there are, deeds of trust for the existing community schools, sweep them off his desk and get down to a round of further negotiations about subsequent deeds of trust.

At the same time he puts us on notice that both managerial and teacher organisations are strongly of the view that decisions in regard to existing and future schools should be taken at the same time. Here we have what appears to be a ministerial group and what appears to be the view of the managerial and teacher organisations with whom he is negotiating, and it appears to be a stalemate position. In this stalemate position the best the Minister can suggest—and I can see his reasons for suggesting this—is that the revision should be feasible on the basis of the experience acquired to date. He also suggested that even if he were to sign deeds in the present form in relation to the original group of schools, it might also be feasible to make provisions as agreed at a later date in the case of deeds already signed.

I would love to be as optimistic as the Minister that such deeds, if signed, could ever be subject to any substantial revision. He will be aware of the fuss and hullabaloo which occurred when the last Minister for Education but one made some relatively insignificant changes in the structure of management in primary schools, a system that had remained unchanged for over a century. When I say "relatively insignificant" what I mean is that the fundamental power structure in relation to the management and control of these schools remained unchanged after the introduction of boards of management.

The Minister will be aware that this series of changes necessitated a complex and lengthy process of negotiations, discussions and arguments with all the parties involved. Given that history, for him to expect that it will be possible to review and revise within anything like a reasonably short period deeds of trust signed with various parties to govern community schools in the form of the draft deed of trust which we have now seen, is surely to be optimistic beyond the wildest dreams of any political reality.

The fundamental problem within the context of which I raised this, and which should now be obvious, is that this problem of the composition of the boards of management in community schools cannot and probably never will be solved satisfactorily at the level of the individual school. The corollary of that is that it is unlikely either that we will have a satisfactory resolution of the problem of our education administration simply by creating direct links between individual schools and the Department of Education in Marlborough Street.

Ask any community school principal what he thinks of the arrangement by which he has to go cap in hand to the Department for every last halfpenny he wants to spend in his school. It is a system which is not suited to the nineteenth century, let alone the twentieth, yet it is a system which is frustrating development, cramping flexibility, creativity and innovativeness in our educational system. As I said, the answer to it is for the Minister to take the radical step—it is not so radical when you consider what was done in 1930—of having an educational administration which is locally based, locally responsible and accountable, as well as being nationally and financially accountable in Marlborough Street.

The doggedness with which the Minister is continuing to insist on trying to solve the community school problem at the level of the individual school is indicative of the thinking that the Government and the Department are unwilling to allow any of the strings of power leave their hands. The same is true of their attitude to the science and humanities project of the City of Dublin Vocational Educational Committee which already has been referred to at length by Deputy Collins. I am glad he referred to it because that means I do not have to repeat anything he said. I agree with him that it seems to be extraordinary, at a time when we are spending so much, that such a relatively small project which has such substantial potential for innovation in Irish education should have been told that the special mode of examination, without which it will die, is not going to be extended beyond June 1979. The total amount involved is less than 1 per cent of the current budget of the City of Dublin VEC. There are 24 schools involved and 15,000 children who have been introduced by these projects to a type of education and a way of learning that was not available in Irish schools before now.

The principal of one of the schools in question told me that at the beginning of this project he was seriously worried by the absence of any real interest among his pupils in science. The science part of the project was started and now, within a few short years, he has more demand for places in science classes than he can satisfy in his school. That is a good omen for the future of the country, the economy and the children attending schools.

The decision not to fund the assessment system beyond the end of June 1979 is serving notice to these schools that this experiment is regarded as not being important enough to continue, and furthermore it is also serving notice that the Department still believe all curricula innovations and development can best be organised from the centre of the system.

With all due respect to the many dedicated and skillful people who work in the Department, the overall approach of the Department to education is not conducive to promoting the kind of innovativeness which has reached a flowering in this project. I know projects have been started by the Department which are still going under the aegis of that Department. This is authentic, school based, real and important to the children, and it is amazing to the teachers, but it is being knocked by the Department because it is not under their direct control. That is the beginning, the middle and the end of it.

It is one thing to say that, whether in relation to the organisation of schools or the organisation of curricula, the Department will not let go, but the Department are under the control of a Minister who has a mandate from this House to do what he wishes in relation to the education. It is ultimately up to the Minister. If the Minister decides that the Department should let go, at least in part, it is important that he should create the conditions where this can happen. We have no evidence that this fundamental aspect of the problem has yet been considered by the Minister.

I will review the manifesto in the light of the Minister's speech this morning and in the light of some of the things that have happened since the manifesto was published which are not referred to in the Minister's speech. I described the manifesto before as a rather cautious, careful response to organised pressure groups rather than a coherent and carefully thought out policy. However, there were a number of commitments in the manifesto which I intend to bring to the attention of the House.

: We are discussing the Estimate, not the manifesto.

: I only intend to discuss the manifesto in so far as it is referred to in the Minister's speech. I will pass over the first commitment, which was to set out in a White Paper the lines of future educational development. It would be unreasonable for us to expect a White Paper within a year, but we expect it soon. The second commitment was to encourage and promote the Irish language throughout the educational system. There was a lot of criticism here yesterday about the attitude of the Department of Education to the general question of the revival of Irish. The Minister this morning delivered his speech in Irish. That was an interesting development, and I hope the daily newspapers will take the hint and publish the speech in the language in which it was delivered. Is the Minister aware that in November last, the first year class in Irish in St. Patrick's Training College, Dublin, numbered about 200 and that only one class was provided, whereas four separate classes each numbering about 20 were provided in English? I would be grateful if the Minister when replying would advert to this situation if it is true, and state what steps he may take to ensure that the Irish language receives a more appropriate curricular and programme treatment in that institution.

The third commitment in the manifesto was in relation to a school building programme to cope with existing suburban pressures and to replace obsolete schools. The fourth commitment related to the reduction of the pupil-teacher ratio in primary schools, and noted that the Fianna Fáil Government would immediately set about reducing all casses to 40 with a final objective of 32. At Question Time yesterday the Minister made it quite clear that he could not give any commitment that there would be no child in a class of over 40 at the end of this Government's term of office in a few years' time. This will be a surprise to people who took the manifesto at its face value and who honestly thought that even though they would not have a reduction to 40 immediately at least Fianna Fáil were not talking about the Government after next, but this Goernment. The problem is much bigger than the Minister realised when the manifesto was produced. I am putting the best possible construction on it by assuming that Fianna Fáil did not know. We now know that there are 170,000 children in classes of over 40 and that the rate of decrease last year in these large classes was only about 2 per cent and that it will be extremely difficult to ensure that the reduction to 40 will take place at any time between now and the next general election. This is sad but it is inescapable. The Minister has now faced the fact that the message must be given to the people that this will probably not happen, and that if they thought it would happen they should scrutinise electoral commitments more seriously in future.

The fifth commitment was that a pupils transfer committee would be established.

: The Minister's news now astonishes me. It was not contained in his Estimate speech or in any public announcement that I am aware of.

: It has nothing to do with the Estimate. The Deputy is dealing with the manifesto apparently.

: The Minister will presumably spend money on this committee and I am certain that it will come under the aegis of his Department in some shape or form. We were told that Fianna Fáil would immediately increase the capitation grant for primary school pupils. All that the Minister did was to honour a commitment by the outgoing Government in this area. The seventh commitment guaranteed adequate finance to voluntary schools and post-primary and secondary schools generally. This is a meaningless piece of waffle. I give the Minister credit again in relation to the eighth commitment, in relation to raising third level grants. The Minister referred to this at length in his Estimate speech and announced that the eligibility limits were now also in the process of being raised. It has taken longer to raise the eligibility limits than it has to raise the fees. Raising the eligibility limits costs a great deal more than raising the level of grants, and it is more difficult to estimate the total cost of raising the eligibility limits in advance than to estimate the cost of raising the grants. One of the reasons for the delay is that the money that will be needed to provide for the increased grants and the raised eligibility limits does not have to be found in the current year and will only have to be raised later on, when presumably other problems will be ignored so that the necessary money can be raised.

I was intrigued by the Minister's assumption this morning that the raising of the eligibility limits corresponded to the Government's commitment, because, as Deputy Collins pointed out, what the previous Government did in relation to eligibility limits for farmers was to reduce them. People have different views about whether or not those eligibility limits should have been reduced but the fact is that they were reduced. This reduction has been carried over into the new scheme and is therein described as an increase. I do not understand how less can be said to equal more.

The ninth commitment referred to by the Minister is to establish the NCA by statute and to introduce legislation for the new universities. I would remind the Minister that by establishing the NCA as a degree awarding institution he may solve some problems but he will certainly create others for himself. Where is the legislation for the universities? Deputy Collins referred to this and pointed out that a problem might arise in relation to a possible referendum over the question of university seats. This is not the problem. There need not be a problem about a referendum. There is no need to abolish the university seats. The Constitution simply states that three members of Seanad Éireann shall be elected by graduates of the National University of Ireland. If the National University of Ireland were disjoined in the morning there would still be 40,000 graduates who will elect three members of Seanad Éireann. At an appropriate time when we are next holding our referendum on something else, we can put in a provision which will enable the subsequent graduates of the individual colleges to commence and continue voting on that panel.

There is no reason why that should hold up passage of the necessary legislation. What I am more afraid of is that as reported in the newspapers, the authorities of St. Patrick's College. Maynooth, are having second thoughts about achieving independent status and that it is this that is holding up production of legislation rather than the question of a referendum. The House will be very glad to hear any information on this matter from the Minister.

Item ten related to the promotion of a new career foundation that would, on completion, attract a career foundation certificate. This was not mentioned in the Minister's speech and I do not know what progress has been achieved in that matter. On the question of higher education, I was intrigued to see at the end of the Minister's speech a reference to increases in the value of certain scholarships. This was presented to us as part of the good news. Of course it is good news that scholarships go up, but what is extraordinary is that we should have had to wait for so long for that to happen. The announcement of the increase in the higher education grants was made months ago. Why should we have to wait for so long for the announcement of what I hope will be a corresponding rise in the scholarships awarded by the Department of Education? What the Minister should have been doing is apologising to the House for the delay in announcing an appropriate increase in the scholarships.

I should like now to turn to the detailed aspect of the Estimate and to assure the Minister that I have a research team working for me, as he once remarked at Question Time. It consists of my two eyes with which I read and my ten fingers on which I counted and that is the sum total of the resources available to me to examine the Estimate. Nevertheless, this research team has told me a fair amount and I think the House should be the beneficiary.

The Minister made some play before today and in his Estimate speech of the 20 per cent increase in the Estimate over last year, and it is true. The increase in this year's Estimate over the similar Estimate at the beginning of last year is approximately £56,790,000. I make that an increase of about 19.5 per cent or slightly more. However, it is misleading in the extreme to talk about this as a 20 per cent increase and to disregard the fact that a huge proportion of this increase would have occurred anyway unless the Minister had decided to pay teachers less or to cut their pensions. About 60 per cent of the Vote at the very least is related to teachers' salaries and, to the best of my knowledge, the relationship between the teacher and non-teacher items has remained more or less unchanged for the past two years. That part of the Vote goes up regardless. Unless the Minister is prepared to pay teachers less, to lower their pensions or to increase class sizes, he has to find the money to pay the teachers who must teach the children who will be in the schools anyway. This is because it is part of Government policy that every child between the age of 15 and 18 who presents himself at a school is entitled to a place.

In order to establish a realistic comparison between the two Estimates we must try to remove the amount attributable to teachers' salaries. This is difficult because not all salaries are easily identifiable in the Estimate. I have taken a few of the items that are indentifiable as teachers' salaries and I have been as kind to the Minister as I possibly could, because I have left out a lot of items that undoubtedly include teachers' salaries and superannuation.

If one takes in Vote 30, subheads C.1, C.5 and D, in Vote 31 subheads B and F.1 and in Vote 32 subhead A, one has figures that account for the considerable bulk of teacher expenditure in the Estimate each year. If these are added together in each year and subtracted from the total in each year, one comes up with a different figure that can be used to reduce to realistic terms the increase in the Education Estimate for 1978. It is my contention that when those figures are added together for the 1977 Estimate—for this it is necessary to go back to the 1977 Estimates because the volume for 1978 includes Supplementary Estimates also—one comes up with a figure not of £56,790,000 but of £29,759,000. This is not a 20 per cent increase; it is a 10.2 per cent increase on last year. When one considers that inflation during the year averaged out at about 8 per cent——

: It is 7 per cent.

: I think the Minister will have to accept 8 per cent at the end of the day; I am using the figure of 8 per cent for the purpose of my argument. The difference is not substantial in the terms of my argument and I am sticking to the figure of 8 per cent. There will be a gap of about 2 per cent, which is approximately £6 million, with one proviso which I shall return to later. It is quite easy to find this £6 million. I admit I do not know where to find it, but I suspect it is there. It is there in relation to commitments by the previous Government and it is there in relation to increases in administrative salaries, in university salaries, which I have not included in my calculation, to RTCs salaries, in comprehensive and community school salaries, all of which I have not included in my calculation, and to that proportion of the secondary school capitation grant that covers schools salaries.

: What about the new teacher posts created by direct action? Did the Deputy take that matter into account?

: I am just about to come to them. I have been saving that item for the last. It is my contention that the Minister has been pegged to inflation in his Estimate this year. He has embarked on a programme of directly creating teacher posts. This has produced a number of new jobs, which he detailed for me on 25 May in this House in answer to Question No. 110. The information was that there were 900 national school teachers involved, 720 secondary school teachers and 416 vocational school teachers. From further information he gave me in relation to the subheads against which these teachers' salaries can be charged, it is possible to work out how much extra money in real terms he has got from the Government this year to improve the education service. It is £5 million. That amount as a percentage of the Estimate this year is 1.7 per cent—that is the real increase. If one wants to look on the brighter side, one can look on it as a percentage of the expenditure on teachers of which it is somewhat larger—it is about 2.5 per cent. Basically what we have here is the Minister's share of the £50 million that was promised for direct job creation in the Government's election manifesto. Of that amount the Minister has got £5 million.

: What about the secretarial and auxiliary services?

: I shall not forget that. I have a very beady eye.

Before I leave the question of the additional teachers I would like to look very briefly at where they are to be deployed. This also says something about the Government's priorities and the Minister's priorities. The percentage of the Votes concerned attributed to the new teaching posts is 2.2 per cent in the case of the national teachers' Vote, 2.5 per cent in the case of the vocational teachers' Vote and 3.6 per cent in the case of the secondary teachers' Vote. There are times when it is important to talk in figures and there are times when it is important to talk in percentages. This is a time when it is important to talk in percentages, because we should not allow ourselves to be bamboozled by round figures, some of which are larger than others but which are smaller percentages of the original totals to which they apply.

We see that the post-primary sector, proportionately, is doing much better out of the actual teachers than the primary sector. I thought the one thing we were agreed on in the House was that the primary sector, as the major component of the compulsory sector in education, was most entitled to extra teachers. One can look at it another way. The Estimate gives details of the total number of primary teachers, at 17,970, and the total number of secondary teachers, at 10,800. It is unclear from the Estimate whether or not the 900 new primary teachers form part of the 17,970. It is obvious they cannot all be, since approximately 300 of them will not be in the schools until the end of the year. If we assume, for the purpose of the argument, that they do, this would represent an increase of 5 per cent in the primary teacher population in our schools; whereas, if we assume that the 720 are already counted in with the 10,800, this represents an increase of 7 per cent. This means that the secondary system are 2 per cent better out of the new teachers than the primary sector and indicates where the priorities lie.

We are not given any information in the Estimate about the number of vocational teachers. I would be happy if the Minister would investigate the possibility of including such information in future Estimates to ensure that we have more comparable figures.

I want to try to put the Estimate into the perspective of overall Government policy. The Minister drew my attention to the fact that there are some very substantial items, some of which are new, in the Estimate. If, as I have maintained, there has been no increase in real terms in the Education Estimate this year over last year, with the exception of the great job creation programme and if there are simultaneously substantial increases in some subheads, and even new subheads, it follows that the money must have been found somewhere else within the Vote. When we look at the Vote for the Office of the Minister for Education we will see the number of subheads which have either been reduced, not increased, or increased by very small amounts. It is obvious that any subhead that has been increased by less than 8 per cent is suffering a cut in real terms. Subhead D2 is identical. Subhead D4, technological aids, is increased by 7½ per cent. Training courses, audio visual aids, is £5,000 in each year—a cut in real terms. Aontas is £10,000 in each year—a cut in real terms. National Library Development Schemes, £14,000 in each year—a cut in real terms. National Museum, fittings, materials and so forth, £11,000 each year—a cut in real terms. The same is true for the development schemes for the National Museum.

The grants-in-aid are the only source of income of many of the bodies concerned. There are 20 grants-in-aid in the Vote for the Office of the Minister for Education and 13 of them have been cut in real terms. There is one which has been substantially increased, almost doubled, that is the grant-in-aid fund for youth sports and organisations. I am sure that the victims of the circular transfers which are going on inside the Votes in the Department of Education will not be as pleased as the recipients of whatever largesse comes their way. The same is true of several other subheads in the other Votes.

It is extraordinary to me that the aid towards the cost of school books for primary education has gone up by only £2,000 from £258,000 to £260,000. This is a basic social priority. The small size of this increase is almost a greater insult than if there had been no increase at all. The same is true as regards the aid towards the cost of school books in second level education where the real cost of such education is very much more substantial. This is being paid £600,000, an 8 per cent cut in real terms. I will not go into that in any more detail. Money may have been found for some things. I congratulate the Minister on squeezing another subhead past the vigilantes in the Department of Finance in relation to secretarial assistance for secondary schools.

: And primary schools.

: I am pointing out to the Minister and the House at whose expense that money has been found. It seems to me that this Estimate procedure is directly in line with that set out in the Government's White Paper on National Development, 1977-1980 which said on page 64:

Hence policy changes will be concerned with increasing the relative proportion of productive investment to public expenditure as a whole. Second priority will be given to expenditures that provide the infrastructure necessary to encourage and support productive investment and related infrastructural services in the public sector. In order to ease the Exchequer burden consideration will be given to increasing receipts for the provision of these services so that a greater proportion of their costs will be borne by those who benefit directly.

This is classic Department of Finance thinking which the Government have followed. They have imposed it holus bolus on the Department and on the Minister for Education.

There are a few detailed points which I feel I should bring to the Minister's attention. The first of those is in relation to the scandalously low amount of money available for in-service training for teachers. There is a scandalously low amount of money available for education generally, if we exclude teachers' salaries, but the gap is particularly loathsome in relation to in-service training for teachers. We will not have good teachers ultimately unless we have good pre-service and in-service training for them. We have done what we can so far with pre-service training but in-service training is little more than a joke.

Successive Governments must share responsibility for that. An INTO survey on the new curriculum, conducted in 1975-76, revealed that 55.8 per cent of primary teachers felt that difficulty was being created in teaching by inadequate in-service training. I spoke a moment ago about the failure of more than one Government. As evidence of that, in the 1976 Estimate a sum of £80,000 was allocated towards special courses for teachers and in the 1977 Estimate, put out by the previous Government, this figure fell dramatically to £45,000. How big is it in the 1978 Estimate, prepared by this Minister for Education? It is £70,000. It is still £10,000 less than the figure arrived at in 1976 under the previous administration. That is not good enough. One might almost calculate that the percentage investment per teacher in regard to in-service training is about £3.75 a year. This is .1 per cent on a rough calculation of the average teacher's salary. If we contrast that with the 1.5 per cent levy on the payroll organised by AnCO for research, development and training in their area, we will see how far behind the educational system is.

I would also like to question the Minister on an assertion of his in relation to giving information to the House about the expenditure of public money. I have on many occasions asked him for details of grants which are paid to primary schools and secondary schools. On occasion after occasion the Minister has replied to the effect that he will not give the information. A classic example of that was when I asked him in Question No. 367 of 14 March last for factual information about public moneys paid to private schools and I was told:

It is not the practice of my Department to give particulars of the amounts paid by way of grants to individual schools.

The Minister has already contradicted himself on this because, in relation to Eccles Street, he actually gave the information that £5,000 was paid to that school by way of a building grant. Later on when I asked him in relation to other schools if they had got building grants and how much they were, he told me that he would not give me the information because it was not his Department's practice to give the information. If it was the practice of the Department to give the information in relation to Eccles Street why not in relation to other schools?

Furthermore, I would remind the Minister, and I would encourage him to do a little historical reading in this regard, that it has been in the past the practice of the Department to give details of such payments in the annual report of the Department. If the Minister goes through the earlier reports he will see every single post-primary school listed and, in the case of private secondary schools, he will find every halfpenny paid to those schools itemised by capitation, laboratory fees, Irish and bilingual grants, choirs and orchestras, incremental salaries and special increases. That scheme existed in the reports up to 1932 when it was dropped. I do not blame the incoming Government for dropping it. I expect it was part of some administrative tidying up in the Department and I do not want to insist that this same information should be made available in the report of the Department from now on, but I do insist that, as a basic matter of public responsibility, the Minister should accept he has an obligation to give this information to the House when asked and he should therefore give it.

I was glad of the reference in his speech to the question of the education of itinerant children and I would wish him to give more attention to this. I would draw his attention and the attention of the House to a follow-up report on the need for the education of travelling people published in January 1978. The report notes that there are still far too many children who have the ability to go to post-primary schools who are not doing so or are dropping out after a very short period. It is pointed out that these children need far more help and encouragement than the primary school child. The report also suggests that only 50 per cent of the children of travellers of school age are attending school regularly. We are talking about 3,000 children out of 6,000. This is the sort of area in which a comparatively small amount of expenditure can yield significant results.

Debate adjourned.
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