asked the Taoiseach if the views expressed by him on RTE Radio, September 2, and BBC Panorama, September 3, represent the official policy of his Government in relation to Northern Ireland.
2.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Government Northern Ireland Policy.
1.
asked the Taoiseach if he will enunciate current Government policy in relation to the political situation in Northern Ireland.
With the permission of the Ceann Comhairle, I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 and 2 together.
I have on numerous occasions, both here in the Dáil and outside, elaborated on Government policy in relation to Northern Ireland. The most recent occasion was that of my address to the Airlie House Conference on European Community/American relations in Waterville on 22 September last. The main principles of our policy are as follows.
We recognise that within Ireland as a whole, and especially within Northern Ireland, there are two distinct political traditions, which have been sustained by the history of the last 70 years and given a fresh and sharper shape by the events of the last ten years. We also recognise that these divisions co-exist with large areas of common heritage, common interest, close social and commercial relations, co-operation and friendship at the individual, local, corporate and national levels.
Our policy supports and aims to foster reconciliation between these two traditions. We reject the domination of one tradition or another and seek rather to bring about arrangements which accommodate the full richness, vigour and diversity of both traditions. We aim to build on what we have in common and to eliminate sources of division and rancour.
We believe that, ultimately, the way to do this and to create permanent peace and stability in Ireland lies in the free and voluntary coming together of the people of Ireland under agreed political structures. To this end we favour a process of discussion and negotiation between all parties involved which would ensure that appropriate structures rested on a wide measure of consent among the people of both traditions. We offer no threat to the unionist section of the community in Northern Ireland. We would be prepared to meet any reasonable request of theirs and to give such guarantees of their position as a minority in Ireland as a whole as would be necessary. We are not at this stage advocating any particular structures of Government. We believe that the process we propose would be promoted, without any question of imposing a solution, by a declaration by the British Government of their readiness to encourage the unity of Ireland, by agreement, in independence and in a harmonious relationship between the two islands.
We utterly and unreservedly reject violence as a method of bringing about political change. We have been and remain fully resolved to prevent use of our jurisdiction as a base for attacks on Northern Ireland or for the deeds which are repudiated and abhorred by the overwhelming majority of the Irish people. Here, I want to underline my strong conviction that not more than about two people out of 100 in this jurisdiction support the violence of the Provisional IRA or the aims which distinguish them from all democratic parties in this House and to repudiate any suggestion to the contrary based on what I believe to be faulty methods and analysis on that particular aspect of the recent ESRI report. We will continue our major effort, with a corresponding commitment of resources, to combat terrorism in every effective way possible within the rule of law.
An approach based on security alone cannot succeed. It is essential to promote change by peaceful and political means and to end the political vacuum and stalemate in Northern Ireland. The immediate priority is, therefore, to establish in Northern Ireland a system of devolved administration which the majority of people in both sections of the community can support and sustain; because without such a system there can be no acceptance by both sections of the community of the institutions of government, no trust between the two sections of the community, and therefore no peace. Indeed, I note that the recent survey by the Economic and Social Research Institute indicates the support of 78 per cent of the people here for such a settlement. A similar poll carried out by the Opinion Research Centre for Independent Television News in Northern Ireland last July indicated a similar measure of support there for a form of government which would encourage both sections of the community to work together. The major responsibility for devising the form and substance of such a system rests with the British Government but a solution will require the co-operation of the two Governments and of both parts of the community in the North. Political progress must be away from any approach based on an increasing degree of integration of the Northern administration with that of Britain, to which the Government would be firmly opposed and which would have the most adverse consequences.
Finally, we aim to encourage every development which brings Irish men and women of both major traditions closer together and enables them to get to know one another better and which fosters contact and mutual respect. We support all efforts to build on the great deal we all have in common and to promote co-operation in areas where mutual benefit is to be derived, whether it is in the joint advancement of areas of common interest in the European Community, cross-Border economic co-operation or co-operation in the arts, in the world of commerce or finance, or in social life. In promoting the development of this Irish dimension of life on this island, we are not, at this stage, committed to any particular institutional expression of the undeniable reality.
These, then, are the principles of the Government's policy, principles which I believe command overwhelming support among Deputies and Members of all parties in this House and among the Irish people.
Will the Taoiseach agree that his approach to Northern Ireland as expressed by him in an interview on RTE on 2 September, when he said that he sought a power sharing administration in the North without any insistence on an all-Ireland dimension is incompatible and totally contradictory to the 1975 Fianna Fáil policy on Northern Ireland?
I reject entirely that suggestion. On the occasion of the interview referred to I said that the establishment of institutions of administration to which all people in the North, certainly both traditions, could give their support and could sustain was a first priority and that did not abandon in any sense the all-Ireland dimension.
I come to the statement of policy to which the Deputy has just referred. Having enunciated the major principles of both encouraging the unity of Ireland and the withdrawal from involvement in the Six Counties on the part of the United Kingdom, the next part of that statement reads that we would promote in the interim the development of political institutions which will ensure civil rights and so on. There is perfect consistency between that statement and what I have been saying since then.
I would, for myself and my party, endorse everything in the Taoiseach's reply as representing agreed policy. But is the Taoiseach aware of the widespread concern at the repeated allegations by Members of his own parliamentary party, repeated as late as last night, that in fact Fianna Fáil policy involves seeking a commitment by Britain to withdraw from Northern Ireland, a matter to which the Taoiseach made no reference either in his original reply or on the supplementary? Is he aware that these repeated statements within his own party are disturbing public opinion and giving heart and encouragement to men of violence here?
I state categorically that at the recent meeting—at which there was an attendance of almost 100 per cent—my party endorsed fully what I have said in my statement and endorsed fully the policy I have been pursuing on behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party. There is no question about it.
Last night on television statements were made by members of the Taoiseach's party that this commitment to withdraw is Fianna Fáil policy, was agreed at that meeting and, they alleged, was even contained in the communique.
We are not having a debate on this matter.
We do not want a debate but we would like to hear answers to supplementary questions.
I answered each supplementary question as put to me. In what respect did I not answer Deputy Cluskey?
I did not hear the answer.
Is it the Taoiseach's intention or would it be possible in the very near future to have some hours set aside for discussion on the statement the Taoiseach has just given the House as to his considered opinion in regard to policy?
I do not think it would serve any purpose at this time.
Has the Taoiseach abandoned the idea of seeking a declaration of intent to withdraw by the British and does he believe that devolved government can come into being, all the evidence being to the contrary? Do these statements and suggestions he has made, with which very few could disagree, really mean anything other than continuing on as we have been without getting anywhere and not dealing with the cause but rather with the effect?
We are getting into the realm of argument.
It is very difficult to take up the Deputy's questions because he is arguing and making statements. I should like to answer his questions if he puts them specifically.
Has the Taoiseach given up the idea that a declaration of intent is a prerequisite to any meaningful discussion between the communities in the North and between North and South?
I have not. What I have been saying since in no way conflicts with what I have said or with the policy statement of 1975 which was referred to. I do not want to repeat what I said in reply to the first supplementary question by Deputy Cluskey. If Deputy Blaney will read it he will see that what I said is perfectly consistent with our overall policy and remains so.
Is the Taoiseach advancing the idea that devolved government is a runner at all, with the experience we have had and in the present circumstances?
We have to keep trying to get a form of administration which would be acceptable.
Would the Taoiseach agree that the 1975 policy statement and his own recently welcomed approach to Northern Ireland are totally incompatible?
This is argument. I will not allow questioning to continue in this fashion.
I know the Taoiseach is trying to make progress in this area but he lacks the political courage or the political muscle within his own party.
(Interruptions.)
I have the complete support of my own party.
I wish to ask one final and clear-cut supplementary question and to receive a clear-cut answer. Can I take it that it is Fianna Fáil policy to seek in co-operation with the British Government a power-sharing devolved Government in Northern Ireland as a first priority and not to seek a commitment to withdraw in advance of such a political solution?
That is true and it is so stated in our policy statement.
Did the Taoiseach inform Deputy Síle De Valera and others of this?
Question No. 3.
With the Taoiseach's insistence on the primary of power-sharing, could he arrange for some more agreement among members of his own party?
Perhaps Deputies opposite should not use power-sharing in order to elect Sinn Fein chairmen of county councils.
(Interruptions.)
The Taoiseach's policy should have the full support of his party and that is lacking.