Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 8 Feb 1983

Vol. 339 No. 9

Dáil Reform: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann resolves that its procedures should be reformed to improve efficiency and its control over the public finances.
—(Minister for Industry and Energy).

I would like to express my appreciation to the very large number of Deputies who spoke on this debate on the reform of the Dáil, particularly to draw attention to the fact that a number of newly-elected Deputies spoke in this debate for their first time in the House. That indicates, particularly in the case of new Deputies, the extent of public interest outside the House in the need to reform the way in which this House works.

The central objective of the reform of the Dáil is to enable this House to take the leadership in public affairs and to set the direction in public affairs that it should be capable of doing as the elected assembly of the people. Unfortunately our procedures are not as relevant to modern day issues as they should be. The Dáil is in many cases unable to take the lead that it should be taking in public affairs and that role has passed instead to interest groups outside the House who bypass this House and exert pressure on Government directly to get whatever they want done. The result of that is the situation wherein the Government come back to the House after they have made a decision, after they have either succumbed to or resisted the pressures of interest groups, and announce to the House what they have decided or what they are going to do. As a result of that the House has not the positive input that it should have, consisting as it does of the people elected by the entire electorate into Government and national decision-making.

In the concern expressed on all sides of this House in seeking to reform it we are all trying to create a situation wherein the Dáil will be sufficiently efficient, expeditious and timely in its debates so that it will be able to have the input in time into the Government decision-making process and will have at least an equal — it is to be hoped greater — role as an elected assembly in the decisions that up to now it has tended in many cases only to rubber-stamp in the form of debates taking place after the decision has been made already. We can enhance the status of the House in this regard in two major ways. Firstly we can have better access by the public to the House so that they will see it as being more relevant to their concerns. Secondly, we can make the Dáil more businesslike in the way in which it does its business and hence in the example it sets to people outside the House. We can have better access by the public to the House in two ways, firstly and most obviously, but not necessarily most importantly, by broadcasting either by radio or television the proceedings of the House; and secondly, and more important, by providing through a committee system the taking of evidence from the public on both legislation and matters of public concern which are not at the time the subject of legislation. In this way the public who are concerned about a problem will have a means of ensuring that their concerns are expressed to a representative group of Deputies through an evidence-taking committee system. That will mean that a person who has something with which he is concerned will have an alternative which he has not got at the moment simply to go in to the Minister or the civil service to talk about the problem. People will be able to go to representatives of the House to talk about their problems. Therefore, there will be an alternative focus for public concern here in the House, broadly speaking working in public, in addition to the existing focus of governmental discussion through the civil service which in most cases takes place in a private arena. Those are the two ways in which we can improve access to the House and to democracy by the electorate and thereby strengthen the role of this House in national policy-making.

We can and must also — indeed it would be wrong to proceed with greater access unless we did the second part as well because it would be counter-productive — make the House more businesslike in the way that it itself proceeds. As many Deputies have said for the first time in this debate, we must try to reduce the tendency, which we all have become accustomed to, of making rather lengthy speeches because we know that if we do not make a long speech now we will never get a second chance to speak on the subject. That needs to be dealt with, by changing the method of looking at the issues in regard to parliamentary questions, how they work, how that system can be improved, by improving research facilities and by increasing the information available to Deputies about the way in which the public services operate.

I would now like to go down in some greater detail through points made in the debate and respond to them. A number of Deputies were interested — the Leader of the Opposition was today — in having Bills discussed in committee rather than having the Committee Stage in the full Chamber of the House. I would like to express a personal view about that. I am not sure that that is a brilliant idea although I believe there are many people on both sides of the House who would disagree with me. I believe there are even greater opportunities for delay, inattention and boring debates if the debate in committee is taking place away from the centre of attention in the House where the press are looking on. At least here there is some brake put on the extent of obstructive tactics, if we are doing it under the watchful eye of the Chair, the Press Gallery and the people in the Public Gallery. If the Bill-making process were passed into a committee room there is a danger that there would be even greater opportunities for repetitive and obstructive discussion. You could have a situation where Bills were delayed even longer than they would otherwise be delayed through unnecessary and repetitive argument.

That has got to be borne in mind in referring Bills to committees. If one referred contentious Bills to committees the possibilities for delaying the legislative process would perhaps be even greatly enhanced. That is not an overriding objection, it is just a caution I would enter in this regard, that one could find a situation that the Government simply could not get their legislation through because so much stuff could be bottled up in committee. We know in the Congress in the United States that there are stories of committee chairmen being able to prevent legislation ever getting out of the committee simply by not putting it on the agenda for the committee's next meeting. That sort of elaborate delaying tactics could be used. Obviously that would not suit the Government. It might at the time suit the Opposition but all Oppositions hope some time to be in Government. Therefore, a procedure which we might adopt in this regard has to be so carefully thought through that it does not simply result in negative obstruction becoming the guiding feature of the legislative process.

A number of Deputies made a suggestion that there should be a system of pairs for Deputies who are involved in committee work during normal Dáil sessions so that the committee meetings will not simply break up whenever a division bell goes. That is an eminently sensible suggestion and it is something I intend to discuss with the Whips. This is something which could be done without any change in Standing Orders because it is simply a matter of informal agreement between the parties.

Deputies referred to the lack of research back-up in the House. There are three research assistants in the Library. To the best of my knowledge, in the past at least, perhaps because of three elections in 18 months when there was not much time for research, the services of the existing research services have not been over-utilised. In fact, it is argued that they are under-utilised. Before we simply start spending more money on hiring additional research assistants we need to find out if the type of research assistance we have is what Deputies really want and if not, how it can be restructured to ensure that it is. I believe that when the Joint Library Committee are appointed they should give their attention to this matter. They should advert to the fact that in this debate there was a widely expressed concern across the House that research services should be improved. It may be that many of the Deputies who expressed that concern did not attempt to use even the services we have. It might be well if those who have expressed that concern would try to use that service to the full over the next few months and in doing so we will find out what its limitations are. Let us not decide we will add to it without finding out what is needed.

I believe one area where the research services could be improved is by strengthening their expertise in the economic area. I am speaking of my experience in Opposition now when I say that many of the questions which Deputies tend to ask are related to economic matters. It is important that there should be up to three qualified economists on the staff of the research services. That would be immediately beneficial to Deputies. There is the issue of whether you provide your research services through the political parties or in the House. If you decide you will have a parallel research service in each of the political parties alongside the research services in the House there is a danger that you could have quite an amount of duplication. The same sort of data would be prepared by different people for the same purpose without getting the best value from it. There is a need to rationalise our provisions in this regard. We must remember that the political parties receive quite substantial grants from the Exchequer for research work and they have tended to use it to a very great extent for election-related activities. It can be represented as being public information but in fact a lot of the money goes alongside normal subscriptions and tends to become absorbed in the overall party activity which is not really oriented towards parliament or examination of public issues.

Perhaps it might be appropriate in respect of the allocation made to political parties if a specific amount were set aside for research and they were required to spend a proportion of the money they receive from the Exchequer — some might argue that the amount received is not very generous — on Dáil-related research rather than simply on their general activities. I believe we have reached a point in our parliamentary democracy where the parties are competing with one another to an excessive extent in the expenditure of money raised from voluntary contributors on electioneering. I find, from my limited experience, that the amount spent on elections, particularly by-elections here, far exceeds the comparable expenditure in much richer countries. In Britain, for instance, the amount spent in a general election campaign or a by-election campaign is about one-fifth of that spent in an equivalent constituency here. That is also the case in France and other continental countries. We tend to spend vast sums on the matter. I know as long as one party spend this sort of money the other parties feel they have to do it also. That results in the parties spending much more of their money than they should on competitive electoral activities when they could usefully in the interests of the House and of democracy spend such money on research, helping Deputies to prepare for debates and ensuring that we are better informed in entering into debates than we have been in the past.

That is something that is directly outside the activities of this House but it is something the parties should look at. Perhaps we could consider in the very long term—I am speaking from a personal point of view here—looking at the present situation in Germany where after the last war they were very concerned to ensure that their parties were democratic and that their parties acted as agents for the preservation of democracy. They made certain legislative provisions in this regard to ensure that parties allocated their money for purposes that were genuinely concerned with public affairs rather than having what is effectively negative competition with one another in postering campaigns. That is a view I have expressed publicly in the past and although it is not strictly relevant to this debate, I am taking the opportunity of expressing it in the presence of representatives of most of the parties in the hope that some Deputies may think about it and respond later.

A number of Deputies made what I consider to be a valid point, that is, that there is not much to be gained from having a lot of committees producing very learned reports if there is not an opportunity for Deputies to discuss those reports in the House. We all know from the post we receive each morning that there are committees of this House who are producing extremely valuable reports. We are now receiving reports of committees of the third last Dáil which have been printed only recently. Anyone who has the time to read those reports will realise the outstanding work that has been done by the various committees. I refer in particular to the committee on State-sponsored bodies but the tragedy, as some Deputies have pointed out, is that these reports are never debated. They simply arrive through our post and are used by academics who are studying the subject in question. It is in this House that these Dáil committee reports should be discussed. We should have a limited time with each speaker limited to, say, five minutes, so that the reports will be given at least an hour or even half an hour's time here. After taking perhaps 30 or 40 hours to produce the least we might do for the Deputies who spend their time on the exercise is to give some time in the House for debating the reports. That must be a priority in terms of Dáil reform. We must ensure that all the valuable work done by these committees is followed through and that the Deputies concerned are given some credit for the work involved. If we fail in this regard the committee system will be self-defeating.

Deputy O'Malley and a number of others who have relatively long experience here were somewhat sceptical about our succeeding in encouraging enough Deputies to service these committees and posed the question as to whether, having regard to the pressures we are under because of the electoral situation, we would be prepared to give our time to committees. As I said in my opening remarks, one way of solving that problem would be by having smaller committees, committees of five or six rather than of 12 or 14. This would result in our being able to have twice as many committees sitting at the one time. It would be likely to ensure also that individual members of the committees would be well known to be involved in such work and to get more credit in respect of the subject with which they were dealing. Another possible answer to this problem is the giving of special priority to committee work. I am glad that there has been a good deal of positive response during the debate to that suggestion. It would be helpful if we asked the broadcasting people, by way of the conditions laid down for them, to give special allocations of time to committee work. I am glad also that there is a consensus in the House in regard to broadcasting but we should avail of the opportunity of broadcasting to upgrade the very important work of committees.

Perhaps the most heartening of all aspects of the debate is the consensus that there should be broadcasting of our proceedings. We have not had such a consensus in the past. Up to now one major political party were somewhat hesitant in that matter.

It is interesting to note that we are one of the very few countries which do not have broadcasting of our Parliaments. In 1976 there were only four countries in the Inter-Parliamentary Union who did not have sound broadcasting of any part of parliamentary proceedings. We were one of those though we now allow live broadcasting of the budget. Also in the Inter-Parliamentary Union in 1976 there were only seven countries who did not have television broadcasting of some part of the proceedings of the Houses of Parliament. For our part this is a reflection of something referred to by Deputy Kelly — because the British were slow in this regard, we are even slower. We have a tendency always to follow whatever is introduced across the water but we do not usually act for five or six years afterwards. The point I am making is that in approaching the matter of the broadcasting of the proceedings of Parliament, we seek to do it our way rather than to follow someone else.

It is not because we did not think of it first.

We were the first to think about many things but we do not always act as quickly as our thoughts run. Instead of following the British example we should try to give the lead. I hope that in the reform of our House we will be making changes that have not been thought of in Westminster and that in a few years' time the British will be coming here to see how we have reformed our system so that they may learn from us. Drawing from the mistakes and experiences of others, we should set about becoming one of the most efficient Parliaments in the world.

Deputy Brennan, among others, advocated the concept of having minority reports from committees as distinct from agreed reports. I have reservations about that proposal. It is not that I do not think the Opposition should not have an opportunity to express reservations about any report, though the reservations might just as well come from Government backbenchers, but if we introduce the concept of minority reports we are likely to have as many such reports as we have members of the committees because no one will want to appear to agree with anyone else. Much of the value of the committee system is that it allows for consensus to be reached and that puts some pressure on us to reach a consensus about an issue.

I take the point made by Deputy O'Rourke that there always has to be a creative tension between Opposition and Government and perhaps also within parties about various issues. It is not my intention to take from that point of view but I believe that we have had too much creative tension and not enough attempts to reach consensus. There may be other countries where the reverse is the case, but as a country we cannot be accused of having too much consensus.

I should like to refer also to some of the suggestions made regarding the type of committees we should have. Some Members suggested that we should have a health committee, a social welfare committee, an environment committee and an agriculture committee. In other words, the suggestion is that we should have committees relating to the various Departments. That has tended to be the pattern in most countries. In many cases there are committees which more or less mirror departments of State. Personally, I would not be much in favour of that approach because all that would happen would be that the Agriculture Committee would become an extension of the Department of Agriculture exercising pressure on the Government to get more money for agriculture. The type of people who would go on the Agriculture Committee — farmers — would want to express that point of view anyway. Likewise, the type of people who would go on the Social Affairs Committee would tend to agree with the co-operative objectives of the Department of Social Welfare and the Department of Health, and would become an extension of the pressure group for more expenditure of that type. They would be competing with the pressure group for agriculture and the pressure groups for other Departments. In effect, instead of this House becoming an assembly which presides over and rises above pressure group politics, we would turn this House into an extension of pressure group politics. I do not believe that is the way we should be going; we should be going in the other direction, trying to make this House become the arbiter between the pressure groups rather than a reflection of them.

A better approach would be to have a Public Expenditure Committee, looking at all public expenditure and weighing the demands of one Department against the other, in the same way as the Government do. This would mean that if the Government came to a particular distribution, there would be another authoritative committee of elected representatives who might come to a different, but balanced view rather than a view representing one pressure group in respect of one Department's field of endeavour.

We should not have too many standing committees. We have to have the Library Committee, Restaurant Committee, Committee on Procedure and Privileges and so on, but it has been suggested that we must have a Standing Committee on, let us say, Crime, a suggestion made by Deputy Mitchell and with which I do not disagree. The idea that we should have a Standing Committee on Crime lasting forever is not a good one. Our aim should be to set up a committee to deal with a special subject, ask them to bring in reports and then they could deal with another subject, using our limited resources to do so. It is not a good idea to have too many standing committees which go on forever, which have to justify themselves by bringing in new reports, even though they may have done all the work necessary on their subjects.

It must be remembered that there are a limited number of Deputies prepared to serve on committees. If we set up Committee X there would be five, eight or ten Members with less time for other work. I suggest that the better approach is to set up a committee to report on a particular subject within a reasonable time and then deploy those Deputies into other subjects.

Deputy Kelly suggested that we should have published a parliamentary programme for the session wherein the Government would indicate the Bills they hoped to introduce during the session. Governments will not be too keen on that idea because it means committing themselves to a programme of legislation, and if they do not introduce all on their programme they are open to criticism. Deputy Kelly rightly pointed out that Governments tend to be oversensitive in that regard and we need to change that situation. We are all fallible and I believe Deputy Kelly's suggestion is the correct one because the House would know where it is going in a session and the work in front of it and Members could commence the research they have to do in good time.

Deputy Kelly or some other Deputy referred to the possibility of our being able to publish in each day's papers an advertisement saying the business to be taken in the House and the time. Members of the public would know that the Committee on Building Land were meeting at 11 a.m. in open session and they could come to listen. We are responsible to the public and should publish our business. The idea that if one communicates this type of information to the Opposition Whip one is discharging one's responsibility in the matter is not accurate. It would be more desirable if the public knew what business we would transact during the day.

Obviously that is not very easy in respect of debates of this kind because we do not know how long they will take. We do not know when the next Minister will come in. I might speak for one hour, two hours or even five minutes and we could not advertise that in advance. If we advertise the times of debates, we will have to agree on time limits for speeches. If a debate is not concluded by the time one is to proceed to the next business, then it could be deferred until the next day. I realise that that could cause inconvenience but it needs to be looked at because we have to make the House more accessible to the public. We cannot expect members of the public to come to the Gallery in the hope that there might be something of interest to them going on. If they knew at what time something was going to happen, more people would come into the Gallery.

I agree with a number of Deputies, including Deputy G. Mitchell and Deputy Manning, who referred to the need to have a debate on the budgetary options the Government are considering. That is a direction in which the Government are moving in line with their discussion document, A Better Way to Plan the Nation's Finances and the statement made in this debate by the Minister for Finance.

Deputy Kelly referred to having a parallel system of parliamentary questions wherein we would not just cross-question members of the Government but in respect of certain subjects of an administrative rather than a policy nature we would have the opportunity of questioning the officials administratively responsible for executing as distinct from making Government policy in certain areas. That is a revolutionary suggestion which strikes at the heart of the doctrine of ministerial responsibility, the doctrine upon which our public service have operated up to now, namely, that the Minister knows everything and is responsible for everything that happens in his Department and so must be prepared to answer in this House on anything that happens. As any Member who has been a Minister will know, there is no way the Minister knows everything that is going on in his Department and this doctrine is nonsense. There is a strong case for introducing something along the lines suggested by Deputy Kelly wherein the people who are executing the policy as distinct from making it should be answerable to this House for what they have been doing in their area of responsibility. That would require a complete reform of the public service, the introduction of the Devlin concept wherein officials became responsible for the execution of policy as distinct from the Minister's being responsible for its execution. I know the Minister for the Public Service, Deputy Boland, is considering this carefully. Clearly, we could not introduce Deputy Kelly's suggestion, or anything approximating to it, unless we first made a decision about the management system in the public service along the lines I indicated. This is something this House will have an opportunity to debate at some stage.

Many Members on all sides expressed the view that parliamentary questions had got out of control, that we were not able to get the Minister we wanted to answer questions on the day we wanted and that there was such a huge volume of questions down on relative minor matters, costing very considerable amounts, that the system was becoming a subject of ridicule.

On the other hand, the majority of Deputies felt that any interference with rights in regard to parliamentary questions could cause very great problems. That might lead to people feeling deprived of their essential rights. We should be extremely hesitant about interfering with the parliamentary question system. It is the one right that many Deputies have to information. It is, however, worth recalling that we probably have the best parliamentary question system in the world with regard to Opposition and Government backbenches. No continental country gives an answer to a parliamentary question for a month or more, if ever. In some cases, the Government may keep on postponing a reply. In Britain there is a longer time lapse between the date of putting down a question and it being answered and most questions are given written replies, very few being taken orally in the House of Commons. We have the much greater facility of a written reply within three days. We should look very carefully at the matter in the context of an overall package deal for reform of parliamentary questions which would give additional facilities to Deputies in return, perhaps, for removing some of the excessive administration costs under the present system. We might be able to work out something sufficiently well balanced to be seen by all to be a fair reform removing existing abuses and giving compensating improvements. I would be hesitant to move in the direction of any unilateral restriction in this area. It would be a recipe for trouble and in the area of parliamentary reform the last thing which we need is trouble, if it can be avoided.

A matter very frequently mentioned during the debate was that Ministers — and I am sure that Deputies were referring to Ministers of all parties — make announcements at branch or cumainn meetings or at dinners around the country or perhaps in Dublin, but not in this House. To some extent that is an unfair criticism.

Or in imaginary places. That has happened.

I am sure that the Deputy would never do that. The concept of an imaginary place is something about which I would have to think. There is no opportunity, procedurally, for a Minister to make a statement in this House unless a question has been put down to him, although there is an opportunity for a personal statement. There is no opportunity for the Minister to make such an announcement in the House, unless an initiative has been taken in the form of legislation or of a parliamentary question, when that is possible. There is the possibility of getting a Member of one's own party to ask a question so that one could answer it in the House, but that is not a very satisfactory method and is not very much used. This might be a matter for the Committee on Procedure and Privileges. Many Members have expressed concern about this and facilities should be considered for affording Ministers, if they so wish, to make announcements in the House. There is no use complaining if Ministers have no opportunity of meeting those complaints within the existing procedures.

There was a widening consensus in the House in favour of shorter speeches. This can only happen if an opportunity is given at the same time for Members to come back a second, third or fourth time. The system of short speeches will not work if Members feel that they must say everything in five minutes and have no comeback. A corollary to introducing much tighter limits would be to allow multiple interventions, within some limit.

It works in Europe.

It does. We must get used to that system in this House, but it needs to be studied carefully. Certainly it is the direction in which we should go. Perhaps the best way would be to try it on an experimental basis in respect of a limited number of debates, to see how it works and Members will probably find that it is a good system. However, if we try to introduce it right across the board in every debate we will run into problems.

There was a wide level of consensus in the House — I do not know how altruistic it was — that we should not sit on Friday, if at all possible. I would tend to agree with that. There is no point in more sitting time just because it is a holy and wholesome thing to do, so that it will appear to the public that we are all working that little bit harder. The old principle of bureaucracy is that work expands to fill the time available. With more sitting time there will be longer speeches and more time wasted. We should aim for better utilisation of the existing three days. Having done that, we could perhaps see if we need a fourth day in the week. However, I would not rule out at all the possibility of Friday sittings for particular types of business, if deemed necessary.

A number of Deputies expressed concern about the impact of by-elections on the House, when almost the whole House moves down to the constituency involved, which has a bad effect on the whole operation of parliament. As I said already, we probably spend too much time electioneering and there could be some agreement between the parties to limit the amount of time and money spent electioneering, which would be a good day's work for democracy. There would have to be a will on both sides to do something about this and some serious rules worked out which are seen to be respected. People must not feel that they are abiding by the rules and keeping their Members in the House for parliamentary debates while the other party are sending many people to a constituency to take advantage of the others' absence. This will not easily be worked out, but it is a scandal that it is extremely difficult to have serious debates in the House during the three weeks in which a by-election is taking place. That will have to be examined carefully.

A number of Deputies, of whom Deputy Brennan was one, suggested that during the recess there should be one day a month in which the Dáil would come back, to keep in touch with public affairs. That is not an unreasonable idea, if it can be worked without undue cost. However, we should not allow ourselves to denigrate the notion of the parliamentary recess. Any Deputy who wants to do serious research on a subject — and any Deputy here who has been responsible for the preparation of party policy will agree with me on this — finds that his only chance of doing serious research on political issues, the preparation of documents or any basic work of that sort is during the recess. If we abolish Dáil recesses we will deprive Deputies of an opportunity of doing that sort of work. I am not saying that every Member avails of the recess for research, but this needs to be borne in mind.

There was also a wide measure of consensus that the Order of Business is getting out of control and that there should be some way of ensuring that only strictly relevant matters should be raised. The Ceann Comhairle is seeking to do something about this and I hope that he will be successful. There was a suggestion that there should be a more real Private Members' time for individual Members who had constructive legislative proposals, for instance, to discuss these, rather than have the time taken up with motions which are largely partisan and designed to score over or embarrass the Government. That suggests the need for two types of Private Members' time, an Opposition time for motions and another time in which legislative proposals, for instance, will be given priority. This needs to be examined carefully.

Deputy Brennan believes that, as a matter of principle, if we have committees they should be open to the public and press at all times. I am not sure that I would fully agree with that. If one wants consensus, people must be able to speak reasonably freely, to toss out ideas which, if proved wrong, may be withdrawn. If all this is happening in public, people will feel honour bound to stick by whatever they said first and not admit that they could possibly have made a mistake in their initial presentation. If all committee business were to be in public, people might become very rigid, with very little give and take and the dialogue would not be as it should. We should not take the rigid principle seemingly put forward by Deputy Brennan on that issue.

The last point to which I should like to refer is the overall question of how we will handle broadcasting when it is introduced here. There would be a tendency in some speeches to say that we must lay down very strict guidelines with regard to what the broadcasting media are going to report, that they must report the entire debate from beginning to end, that they cannot edit speeches, pick the highlights because, if we allow them to do so, they might do it in a slightly biased way which might give more prominence to one point of view over another. That is not a point of view with which I would concur.

Broadly speaking, in the reporting of our proceedings — whatever about the editorials in the media — I believe that the media have been extremely fair in their reporting of contributions made in this House. They may not have reported as much as we would wish of what we say but, in so far as they do report it, they report it in a reasonably balanced way. Of course we may not agree with the comments they pass in the comment columns and in the editorials about what we are doing in here, but that is legitimate.

Therefore I would tend to the view that if we are going to introduce a broadcasting system we should not be too paranoid about the fact that that would mean that broadcasting executives will have to exercise some editorial judgment about how it works. After a year or so of its operation, if it becoming very biased, then we have the possibility of trying to do something about it. It should be indicated to the media, when they come in in the first instance, that they are coming in on a trial basis, that we want to see how it will work. But I do not think we should start off with a statement of basic distrust of their editorial judgment. That would be my personal opinion, not one I have discussed with anybody yet but one that would probably command a good deal of support.

Those are the main points I wanted to make. I should like to thank Members very much again for their contributions. The Government will proceed now to consider the speeches made and, in the light of the contributions from all sides, the proposals they will proceed with. They will decide also on how they will proceed with those proposals. We would hope, as far as possible, to reach a wide measure of consensus in the House on what is necessary. It may not be possible to reach a total consensus and it may be necessary for decisions to be reached by a majority in the House. But we should aim as far as possible to get a fair measure of consensus so long as a search for total consensus does not halt the march of progress unduly.

Might I ask the Minister a question in relation to the committee system. He spoke of his reservations and indeed of those of many people about the success of committees in view of the fact that many Members of the House have not been in a position to give of their time to such committees. Seeing that the Minister did not deal with this problem in his remarks, might I suggest that perhaps it could be solved if he were in some way to examine the role of the Deputy so that we would have more time to become involved in committee work when our administrative role would be reduced. This would mean we would be able to spend less time in our offices, more time in this Chamber and in the committee rooms.

My view is — and I should like the Minister to comment on this — that radical steps must be taken in an endeavour to reduce the administrative workload of Deputies and which, unfortunately, for many people constitutes a waste of time, or time that could be better spent in the consideration of legislation in the House and in committee.

I agree with the Deputy that what he suggests should be done but I am not too sure I know the way to do it. One suggestion was advanced during the debate that the solution was to change the electoral system.

We all know the difficulties that would be attendant on such a course of action involving, as it would, a constitutional referendum. However, I would not like the cause of the reform of the Dáil to become entangled in a constitutional referendum, when we would run the risk of the matter becoming unduly difficult. However, short of that, the Deputy has made a valid point. It is something we shall have to look at. I should be very glad to have the Deputy's views as to how he feels it should be done. I have an open mind on it myself.

I believe that this whole issue of Dáil reform——

I think this matter has been dealt with and everybody had an opportunity of dealing with it on the motion.

I dealt with it myself and the Minister has just asked for my ideas on it but I shall leave it there for the moment.

Question put and agreed to.
Barr
Roinn