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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 23 Apr 1985

Vol. 357 No. 7

Private Members' Business. - Financing of Education: Motion.

I move:

"That Dáil Éireann deplores the major cutbacks in educational finances which have led to excessive increases in the size of classes, the unemployment of large numbers of teachers and many other serious problems in our schools and calls on the Government to make full and adequate provision for education."

Those are the terms of the motion put down by me and my party for this important debate. This is a critical time for thinking about education because in the last months of the old year, the last term, parents are making decisions and thinking what the year beginning in September will mean for their children, what provisions will be made for their education and what questions they will have to answer. This debate is particularly opportune, following on the teacher's meetings held in Easter week. It was interesting to follow those debates and to read them. Reading between the lines is of even more significance. One can clearly discern the trend of thought emerging.

There are really two versions of what is happening in relation to provisions for education. There is the Minister's constant reiteration that there are no cutbacks, there have been no cutbacks and will be no cutbacks and that any cutbacks which have been occasioned have been caused by the Fianna Fáil Estimate of 1982. I do not wish it to appear that there is anything personal in what I have to say but I will have to expose that claim as an absolute untruth.

The Minister has stated on radio and in the newspapers that there has been no cutback but this is contradicted by the recent report of the National Economic and Social Council, a very representative and responsible group. In their latest report, Economic and Social Policy Assessment, published in January 1985 they state that the percentage of gross national product spent on education has fallen and will continue to fall. That group is representative of Government Departments, trade unions and agricultural organisations. There will be allegations from the other side of the House of exaggeration on this side and reference to the misdeeds of the bad old Fianna Fáil people and the shining deeds of the present Government. Before that hyperbole is embarked upon I would ask for an answer as to whether the NESC are correct in what they say or whether the Minister's statements are correct. The public at large are entitled to know whether this body are telling the truth or whether the Minister in her repeated statements is telling the truth. This is the question to which I want an answer before the gloss is put on whatever the Minister has to say. On one of the mornings in Easter week I distinctly heard the Minister state that there has been no cutback in education.

The National Planning Board were quite emphatic in their view and stated that the board recommend that because of the demographic pressures on the educational system there should be no cutbacks in real current public expenditure in this area in the years up to 1987.

This was one of their comments on the National Plan. Two very responsible bodies have made these statements.

On Saturday, 13 April 1985The Irish Times published a demographic study of Ireland which stated:

...with present trends, every fourth person in Europe would be 65 or older by the end of this century. But the Republic is still a long way from that situation with 30.3 per cent of its population in 1982 still under 14 years compared to about 20 per cent or less in most other EEC countries.

A difference of 10 per cent is quite startling, the figure being 30 per cent here and 20 per cent in Europe. If a statistic is produced tonight showing that we spend so much on education vis-á-vis other European countries it must be set in the context that the number of participants within the educational system bears absolutely no relation to the numbers going through the system in other European countries. We do not have a problem; we have a resource but it is being handled as a problem. There is no commitment by the Government to recognising the demographic reality. Politicians are prone to standing up at party functions and talking about the great resource we have in our young people, but if we cannot adequately cater for that resource we are failing. That is what is happening in the educational system.

Deputy O'Connell spoke about the PR exercise and the way the Government are going about their business by pretending that things are not as they are. That is exactly what is happening on the educational scene. There used to be a time when one chivvied the Department for being tardy or old fashioned but one was always very sure that what they were saying was true and that they had a basic integrity. One was sure that they gave an honest answer, even if long delayed, and that any statistic or report would be quite accurate. This was required because of the nature of the Department and its dealings with people. Absolute confusion has now arisen. I am not being personal when I say to the Minister that I have never met with such anger from people writing to me and telephoning me or among people I meet.

People have become quite incoherent because they cannot express what they feel about what is happening in education. On the one hand the Minister tells us that there are no cutbacks, that curriculum reform is being proceeded with, that there is equality of opportunity for girls and boys, that there is commitment to the disadvantaged and that a comprehensive parents council is being set up. However, the reality is totally different. First, the people were amused but then they became incredulous and now they are very angry. They are anxious to know what is going on, what is the truth behind the facade in Marlborough Steet. There is confusion, uncertainty and alarm throughout all levels of education. The planners, administrators, school managers and teachers' unions as well as the parents and students are totally confused regarding the Minister's intentions. The weeks leading up to examinations are critical for everyone involved in education. Following that extraordinary interview which was reported in The Irish Press and which was followed by the Minister denying, then confirming, then denying and again confirming what she was reported as saying, the parents of young children are totally confused as to what the position will be in September next. They do not know whether children of four will be admitted to primary schools then. Likewise, school managers in post primary schools are unclear as to whether the age of transfer is to be changed. Despite the various papers emanating from the Minister's office the uncertainty increases.

Because of the cuts introduced in respect of pupil-teacher ratios, school managers and teachers at second level do not know what timetable they should prepare for their pupils for next year. They do not know whether they will be allocated the existing number of teachers or what they are to do in the event of a teacher retiring, resigning or dying between now and the beginning of the school year. Neither do they know what subjects or options they may provide. Third level institutions, too, are unclear whether they will be in a position to maintain the services they maintained in the past academic year. Those leaving school after the intermediate and leaving certificate examinations do not know whether they will obtain employment, whether they will be admitted to apprenticeships or training courses or whether they will find places in third level education. All the time the Minister has busied herself in making self-laudatory statements about what she has done for the disadvantaged at primary level, about what she intends doing in the area of curriculum reform or about what she intends doing in regard to eliminating stereotyping on the basis of sex in schools. The reality is that what is happening in the education system is totally different from what the Minister claims is happening. It is a case of everyone but my Johny being out of step. It is like an Alice in Wonderland tale in which everyone but the Minister is wrong.

The inadequate provision for remedial education in primary schools is potentially explosive. I acknowledge the £500,000 that has been allocated in this respect but it is unworthy of the Minister to say that she is the first Minister to allocate special funds to the disadvantaged. I recall at some time between 1977 and 1980, when I was teaching and not involved in politics other than at local level and as a member of the National Executive of my party, the favourable response of the then Minister, Deputy Wilson, to the problem in inner city schools. He sanctioned the employment of additional teachers so as to bring about a favourable pupil-teacher ratio in areas of real disadvantage and in which there was potential danger to young people.

The Minister talks of providing extra teachers in the remedial area but she might tell us where these extra teachers have been placed and also how many such positions remain unfilled. How many children are not being catered for adequately because of the unsatisfactory pupil-teacher ratio? There is a very thin dividing line between the slow learner and the child who needs remedial teaching. Very often a child would not be in the remedial category if it were not for the lack of remedial resources and the lack of capacity to discern the child at an early stage as having a remedial problem. Because of the lack of resources to cater for him after he has been discerned, the child becomes remedial instead of being a slow learner. There is an even thinner line between those needing remedial teaching and those who drop out. Many pupils are leaving school because they do not think they can cope. They are dropouts because of the system; but the problem, no matter which angle we view it from, can be related back to the unfavourable pupil-teacher ratio. The child who drops out is very easy prey for anyone bent on mischief. There is a thin line, too, between the mischief maker and the one who engages in crime. Even if one cannot say clearly now that there is a link between crime and cuts in education there is a very clear line potentially between those two elements.

The Coalition's programme for Government included a commitment to the allocation of remedial teachers to second level schools. What has happened in that regard? We ask that there be a clear commitment to the further provision of remedial teachers at both first and second level education. A statistic published last year indicated that 20 per cent of pupils entering second level education have reading and writing problems. That is a direct result of the lack of investment in remedial education.

I make a very special case this evening for the replacement of caretakers at primary schools. During the past two and a half years the position has been that caretakers who resign or retire from primary schools or who die are not replaced. While that may have been included in the 1982 Estimates, we are now half way through 1985 and times have changed greatly in the meantime. The Minister must realise that the non-replacement of these caretakers is imposing intolerable burdens on school principals who are unable to carry out essential duties because of having to cope with repairs, with vandalism and with various other matters that normally a caretaker would deal with. Several teachers from some of the larger city schools have been in touch with me about this problem. It was very shortsighted to have provided that these caretakers could not be replaced. One would have thought that once the results of that policy became obvious, the Minister would have reversed it. There are many cases of vandalism at schools at night because of the absence of caretakers.

Another problem that results from the embargo on replacements is that parents find it almost impossible to contact a principal in a secondary school because of the absence of a secretary. School secretaries are not been replaced. In many instances it has been pointed out to me that these caretakers lived within the community in which the school was placed. One school principal told me over Easter that the caretaker, on his way to bingo, or for his pint in the local pub, would check the school to see that all was in order. He had a proprietorial interest in the school and in keeping it in order. They were craftsmen of a kind as they had knowledge of carpentry and electrical work and the school was their business. The same applied to secretaries in second level schools who took an enormous load off the school principal. I am the spokeswoman on education for the largest party in the House and I want the Minister to let us know if four year olds will be accepted in primary schools next September.

The Minister constantly repeats that there are no cutbacks in education and I have been accused of indulging in hyperbole by stating that there are. I should like to quote some figures. They are not a public relations exercise, they give the facts. The GNP percentage spent on education has fallen and will continue to fall. The post primary budget has decreased in real financial terms over each of the last three years. To say that the figure increased from £380 million in 1983 to £440 million in 1984 and to £410 million — which was a decrease anyway — in 1985 masks the real figure which is the one in relation to the outturn in relation to the rate of inflation for the year for which the figures are quoted. The shortfall in 1983 at second level was £16 million. The shortfall in 1984 at second level in real terms was £37 million and the shortfall in 1985 at second level in real terms will be £65 million. The total education budget for 1985, non-capital, at primary level, shows an increase of 2 per cent which, in real terms, in minus 4 per cent, 5 per cent or 6 per cent.

At post primary level it is minus and at higher education level it is minus 6 per cent. The truth is that there is a decrease in funding for primary, post primary and higher education levels and some of the Minister's economies have, to date, been the cause of hundreds of teachers walking the streets. It has created an unprecedented level of large classes as illustrated by the ASTI in their recent survey and has caused important subjects to be dropped. We must face this problem head on. I accept that the Minister is committed to the intrinsic value and the basic long term value of curriculum reform. I too am committed to this and I have said so on many occasions. However, the Minister is not prepared to put her commitments on the line. While very hard work is done by the Curriculum and Examinations Board in regard to the various documents which they have released and which make interesting and heartening reading, how are they going to implement their recom- mendations? Expectations are raised but there is no commitment by the Minister to the necessary finances to fund such reform. The Minister is an innovator at heart but she is not giving expression to it in regard to providing the necessary financial outlay which is needed in regard to such innovation.

In a brief conversation with the Minister on radio recently — she had seven minutes and I had one — from 80 miles away, I said that curriculum reform could not be carried out unless the commitment to resources was there. I was told that there had been marvellous reform and I accept that that is the case. The school in which I taught for years has carried out curriculum reform through various measures but we are talking about reform throughout the whole country and the Minister said on several occasions that she is the only one who has tackled this problem and done anything about it. Nevertheless, in the radio interview, she said that this had been going on for years. She cannot have her cake and eat it. She cannot say she is the person who dreamt it up and then say that there has been a real input by teachers and pupils over the last ten years. Any reform that has taken place is due to the good will of school principals and teachers who saw the need for such reform and did something about it. The best kind of curriculum reform is that which is tailored to meet the needs and wishes of the community in which the school is placed.

A fascinating book The Challenge of Change, by Tony Crooks and Jim McKernan was published recently and talks about curriculum development. I understand that the Minister could not come to the launching of this book but she was ably represented by her secretary. The authors say that reform took place during Fianna Fáil Government. Imagine that — and we are accused of not doing anything for education. They surveyed all sorts of principals and teachers throughout the country as to what the response should be in regard to full scale curriculum reform. The answers are very interesting. The majority of principals surveyed by form of questionnaire said that the teacher-pupil ratio was considered the most important constraint by principles. Financial reasons and lack of resources were the next two constraints listed by principals. Nine sources of support were identified and they were all considered very important.

Twelve constraints were identified and, in their replies, principles rates the teacher-pupil ratio, the examination system, lack of time to implement curriculum innovations and lack of in-service education and training as the most significant. Of course we will be told that this is not true and the Minister will quote selective statistics to prove otherwise. This is a reputable book published under the aegis of the Institute of Public Administration, and with the blessing of the Department of Education. The results have been tabulated and we will have more to say about this in the latter part of the debate in which we will talk exclusively about curriculum reform. I am sure all this research has been done scientifically and correctly and the replies indicate that there will be no growth — in fact there will be regression — in the area of curriculum reform if the Minister does not give a committment to increasing finances and a turnabout of the adverse pupil-teacher ratio.

People are confused regarding the haphazard policies emanating from the Minister. I have been invited, through the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, and I thank the Minister, to a day-long seminar in the RDS tomorrow on equality of opportunity for girls and boys in Irish education, and some very wonderful speakers are listed for it. They are all very eminent but most of them are of one political faith. We will be assailed and assaulted in the newspapers on the days following on all that has been done to remove discrimination against girls in education, but it will be totally untrue. I have spoken to principals and teachers and and I have met young women who wish to take up subjects unrelated to what normally goes on in their school and cannot do so. Because of cutbacks, in the pupil-teacher ratio their school cannot employ a teacher to teach honours mathematics, woodwork, physics, chemistry or whatever has been cut back. Teachers leaving means that course subjects must be concentrated on. What the Minister is saying about removing discrimination against girls in education is all humbug.

The Joint Committee on Women's Rights issued a report to the effect that the major restraint in the promotion of equality of educational access for girls in subjects unrelated to what they had hitherto taken up was due to the lack of teachers and resources and the pupil-teacher ratio. It is all very well to make sweetie statements saying that the teachers will be so co-operative, the students will be co-operative and we will all be co-operative. It is ridiculous, because the only way they can be co-operative is to get the provision to supply the teachers to enable the subjects to be taken up in the classrooms. You cannot be co-operative if you lose a teacher in a discipline. How can a teacher of 50 pupils turn around to teaching honours mathematics? I know of a school where honours mathematics cannot be taken, and three or four brilliant girls attending that school are fit to go on and take a very high degree in a related science subject. The distance between them and the nearest boys' school offering honours mathematics is logistically not on because of traffic problems and those girls lack the means to get to that school.

Therefore, let us cut out all of this talk that everything is being done to promote this type of equality and curriculum reform. Numerous noises are being made and we hear many speeches, with a great deal of publicity, and seminars are being set up and drums are being beaten, but we are becoming very tired of that music, of hearing that we must go back to 1982 to realise that due to Fianna Fáil we have none of these things and that here was no commitment whatever to this advantage until the Coalition came in in 1982.

Let us cast our minds back over 20 years and realise the huge strides that have been made in education. One has only to take up a book such as John Coolahan's Irish Education History and Structure and to go back to 1958 and trace from Deputy Hillery's time to the time of the late Deputy Donagh O'Malley and all the other innovators in their day to know how trite and stupid many of the speeches and much of the comment and the blurb are. It is not education. I do not know what it is. It is education by delusion so that the masses will be in some way indoctrinated into believing that huge advances in education have been made and will continue to be made. The reality is different.

"What will Fianna Fáil do?" is the question asked in debates time and again in this House. If Fianna Fáil were in power what would they do? The Government ask how we would go about doing what we say we want done if we were in power. I will tell the House exactly what we will do. Fianna Fáil in Government will work towards a reversal of the pupil-teacher ratio until it is brought back to the 1982 levels. We will ensure an adequate career guidance service and the provision of a proper remedial service in schools. In common with other social and national organisations we believe that the extent of provision, the standards and the achievements of our educational system must be upheld and improved upon rather than diminished as at present. Above all we want to see true provision for the disadvantaged, for remedial classes and for career guidance. The issues which were raised in 1982 and which remained in 1983, 1984 and 1985 the Taoiseach has said in the national plan cannot be altered and will be adhered to rigorously. Therefore, vice-principals at second level will be ex quota only in schools of more than 250 pupils — that is a very important issue; guidance teachers will be ex quota only in schools of more than 500 pupils; the pupil-teacher ratio will be increased. The scale of grants towards the cost of clerical assistants I have spoken about already; and of course, school transport charges were introduced.

The cutbacks in the pupil-teacher ratio have meant that not alone the subjects I have mentioned, such as honours mathematics and physics and so on and in many instances continental languages such as German which are so important in the EC, cannot be taken up because principals have had to juggle and jiggle with the remaining teachers; the course subjects, Irish, English, mathematics, history and geography at junior level and perhaps biology as the equivalent at senior level have become overstretched because of cutbacks. Therefore, two things occur. We have an erosion of subject options while we are told increasingly that the main object of education is to be versatile and to have many skills, to have mobility of mind and an idea that one can move from one career option to another as they retract and expand, that one must at least have a chance to take up various subject choices. The basic subjects which should be taught very adequately require a rapport between students and teachers which is not taking place either because of the inadequacies of the ratio.

Our basic aim in this debate is (a) to point out the situation as it is and (b) to indicate the untruths of what we are being assailed with. I have quoted statistics which I stand over, particularly those of the NESC which indicated that there have been and will be real cutbacks in the educational system. Most of all I want to expose the myth that all is well, that everything is sweet and everybody is happy within the educational system. People are becoming more and more angry by the day, but they would not be as angry were it put to them that we are sorry we cannot do so-and-so, we cannot supply you with A, B, C or D. Instead they are being told that they are getting adequate funding, there are no problems. When the Minister is replying apart from her brief, I would be glad if I could have the answers, in particular about the NESC figure of the funding for education.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That" and substitute the following:—

"Dáil Éireann recognises the progress made by this Government in educational development and reform in particular its emphasis on special intervention for the disadvantaged, and considers that adequate provision has been made to maintain this progress."

My first reaction to the motion proposed by Deputy O'Rourke is one of surprise as to why it has taken the Opposition two and a half years to put forward this motion. Perhaps they feel they have distanced themselves sufficiently from their involvement in those cuts and that the public will have forgotten their involvement or, perhaps, it is the typical political opportunism of present day Fianna Fáil that, following the Easter congresses of the teachers' unions and the recent publication by the ASTI of their document on the subject, they wish to jump on what they see — mistakenly — as a band wagon.

The schizophrenia of Fianna Fáil has been clearly and unmistakably identified by this motion. It may be uncomfortable for them to bear it but, in the dying days of 1982, two and a half years ago, when the realisation was forced upon them that the country had finally copped on to the financial chaos they had created, the Estimates for Public Services for 1983 were published on 18 November — the same Estimates which were given to me when I become Minister for Education and which included all the cuts that Deputy O'Rourke now decries.

Let me quote once again from a statement issued by Deputy Gerard Brady on 18 November 1982 on the occasion of the publication of the Estimates for Public Services for 1983. He said and I quote:

Some other measures will have to be taken also to restrict current expenditure in 1983 to a level which can be met from available revenue. These will include amendments to the conditions for the appointment of teachers in post-primary schools and a restriction to the larger schools of the appointment of remedial teachers in the case of national schools. The relevant circulars to schools in relation to these matters will be issued in due course when the details have been finalised, following discussions with the educational interests involved. The revised arrangements are to take effect from the commencement of the school-year 1983-84. The adjustment to the pupil/teacher ratios in the post-primary schools would generally be in the order of 1 to 2 units to be achieved over a period of time as vacancies occurred in the schools. A similar procedure would be adopted in relation to a phasing out of the schemes for the appointment of Clerical Assistants and Caretakers in National and Secondary Schools which were introduced in 1978 for the purpose of creation of employment in different economic and financial circumstances.

On coming into office I looked at these measures and took out the worst of them because of the damage they would do to the education system.

The Minister ran away from the remedial decisions.

I refused to go along with their appalling decision to cut back on remedial teachers in national schools. I find it amazing that that should be referred to——

Who brought them into this House?

I also waived the school transport charges for the worst off. As I said earlier, Fianna Fáil seek to jump on the bandwagon of media attention and they have thrown any sense of responsibility and accountability out the window. As a performance of an opposition in a country with, I hope, an intelligent electorate, it is pathetic.

The Minister will find out how intelligent they are on 20 June.

The Minister without interruption, please. Deputy O'Rourke was allowed to speak without interruption.

I did not interrupt.

I am not saying you did.

The Minister has her speech written out. Let her get on with the job she is supposed to do.

Is it the position that Deputy O'Rourke is criticising me for not reversing all the Fianna Fáil cuts? Fianna Fáil made the decisions. Interestingly enough, no member of that Cabinet has come into the House to deny this, although I acknowledge that Deputy O'Rourke was not a member of that Cabinet and she probably does not appreciate all the factors which led to that decision.

I understand a lot.

I want to go back for a moment to Deputy Brady's statement because I think it is a gem. In 1982 when in Government the Fianna Fáil Minister for Education never mentioned the nasty word "cuts" but in the luxury of opposition such words can come trippingly off the tongue.

Did the Minister use that script before?

In the statement I have quoted the then Minister for Education talked about "amendments for the appointment of teachers in post primary schools" and "adjustments to the pupil teacher ratios in post-primary schools would generally be of the order 1 to 2 units". The words "amendments" and "adjustments" are understatements. Now the word is "cuts" with alleged disastrous effects.

Why did the cuts proposed by Fianna Fáil have to be implemented by this Government? In one word — profligacy — by the then Administration which allowed the finances of the country to so deteriorate that it has taken this Government two years to bring order and control to the State's Finances.

This is irresponsible.

The Opposition know as well as I do that we could not afford to continue the level of borrowing of recent years. They know too that vastly improved services or any other sector of the public service can only be provided by way of extra taxation or extra borrowing. Which course do the Opposition wish us to pursue? Let them identify for me and tell the country where additional funds will come from. They cannot simultaneously demand bigger spending and lower taxation, or increased borrowing. They owe it to the electorate to come clean on this issue. They will be judged on the sincerity of their case.

For my part, I will tell the House what I have done and what my approach has been and will continue to be as long as I am Minister for Education. It is based on the following propositions: the level of taxation cannot be increased — it is already too high, particularly for the PAYE worker. Our level of borrowing, particularly foreign borrowing, as a percentage of GNP is too high and must be reduced. Our present level of educational services must be continued for the increasing number of pupils and students in the educational system and where possible improved. The disadvantaged in our society must be given priority in the allocation of funds for education. Finally, the educational system in our country must be made as cost-effective and as cost-efficient as possible.

Within those parameters, I now want to place on the record of the House the details of the policy I and the Government have followed. Of course there were cuts in education, in 1983 — I never said there were not. Of course the pupil/teacher ratio has been disimproved, but what has been done with much of the money saved from these cuts? We have introduced a series of new measures which in the main divert the saved resources to the disadvantaged and other priority areas. Let me be explicit. In 1984, following the introduction of the Programme for Action, the Government made available the sum of £7 million for improved measures as follows: an increase of £4 per pupil, the highest ever, in the rate of capitation grant payable in respect of the running costs of national schools, costing £2.3 million; a special fund of £0.5 million for primary education in disadvantaged areas; an increase of £8 per pupil in the rate of grant payable to secondary school authorities, costing £1.6 million; an increased provision of £781,000 for inservice training, aid for school books and micro-computers in secondary schools; an additional £2 million for primary school building, £300,000 for grants to sport organisations; and £300,000 for the Curriculum and Examinations Board.

I continued these improvements in the level of services in the current year. Additional resources have been made available in 1985 at primary level for the continuance of the special subvention of £500,000 for the disadvantaged; the provision of additional remedial teachers in areas of special need; an increase in capitation grants for national schools; an increase of over 50 per cent in the grants under the national school libraries scheme, and additional investment in in-service training of teachers.

The improvements at post primary level were: the reintroduction of the scheme for remedial teachers in post-primary schools discontinued in 1980 by the then Fianna Fáil Government; an increase in the grant in lieu of school fees; the provision of additional guidance posts in disadvantaged areas; the great expansion of European Social Fund assisted courses in post primary schools; additional investment in in-service training for teachers; and increased provision for the free books scheme.

The improvements at third level were: an increase in real terms of 10 per cent in the maintenance grant for higher education students and an increase in real terms of the income limits for eligibility, both from September next. A tapering mechanism will also be introduced to provide part of the tuition fee for those just outside the normal income limits for eligibility.

In adult education an allocation of £150,000 is being provided this year as an initial step towards an allocation of £1 million per annum by 1987 to enable VECs to provide courses free of charge in literacy and community education in disadvantaged areas.

As the House will see, much of the money arising from the disimprovement of the pupil-teacher ratio and other areas has been diverted towards the disadvantaged. I make no apology to anyone for this course of action. I have consistently said during my period of office that the disadvantaged will be my priority. The measures I have taken on their behalf speak for themselves. Do the Opposition want me to improve the pupil-teacher ratio at the expense of the disadvantaged? They know as well as I do that both cannot be improved in the present year. To tie educational advance and reform to further massive demands on the taxpayer is wrong and is completely unacceptable. I have nailed my colours to the mast. I give priority to the disadvantaged.

Does the Minister not consider that those in need of remedial teaching are disadvantaged?

Talking about the disadvantaged brings me to my next point. I read in the newspaper the other day, to my astonishment, that Deputy O'Rourke spoke of a connection between our current economic difficulties on the education front and the growth of crime among the young. It is bad enough that there should be anyone in this House who would be disposed to make political capital out of our economic and financial difficulties. These difficulties have, of course, held back many developments in education which I would have been only too anxious to press ahead with. I utterly deplore the fact that the Opposition spokesperson should use an opportunity in the newspaper to sow doubt and confusion in the minds of the community generally and to seek to capitalise upon the widespread concern about the present level of crime among the young.

Am I not to do my job?

Is the Minister denying the link?

It is monstrous to suggest that the educational system is the cause of an increase in the crime rate. The present day incidence of crime among the young is but a manifestation of an international phenomenon that prevails throughout the western world, the causes of which are complex and not too clearly understood. One factor that is clear is that, in this country, it has mainly come to light among our under-priviledged groups. On that front I can claim to have done more for the educationally disadvantaged, as a member of this Government, than any previous Government did.

I reject that.

I am determined to continue this work. I can claim with some pride, for example, that new remedial posts in post-primary schools are now being created this year for the first time since that scheme was suspended by Fianna Fáil in 1980. In all these activities I have counted upon and received in full measure the co-operation of schools and teachers.

Tell us the number of teachers.

I propose to build on what has already been achieved, to build on the co-operation of the schools and the teachers and to concentrate still further resources to the maximum which our financial circumstances permit in improving the lot of the disadvantaged in education.

Put a figure on it.

Having stated my priority, I want to turn new to the macro-budget for the education group of votes. With all the furore about cuts, sight is lost of the improvement in real terms in the resources made available. I do so because the statements made at the teachers congresses and the recent figures which have been thrown around by some and also by Deputy O'Rourke are both misleading and inaccurate. It has been suggested that there was a reduction in real terms in the expenditure for post-primary education since 1983. That is simply not correct. Such conclusions may be erroneously drawn if one does not take into account the subventions from the Youth employment levy, the ESF funding or the 5½ per cent increase in salaries, wages and pensions for the financial year 1985.

Answer the NESC report.

In point of fact, on the basis of the index of inflation of the CSO instead of a shortfall as alleged in total expenditure for post-primary education, expenditure for post primary education in real terms has been maintained. But if you take current expenditure alone, there has been an increase of £7.145 million in real terms in 1985 compared with 1982. There was a reduction in 1983 and 1984 in real terms on capital spending as, because of the cyclical nature of school building, sufficient cases had not reached tender stage to warrant and increase in real terms.

The Minister would take the price of a bag of crisps——

I am sorry if Deputies do not like what they are hearing but they could at least have the politeness to listen to it.

I have also seen it suggested that the figures for educational expenditure indicated in the national plan Building on Reality, imply a reduction of 5 per cent of GNP between 1984 and 1987. But what is overlooked by those who suggest this is that the national plan projections for education were net figures. In other words, they did not reflect subventions from the youth employment levy or the ESF funding. But more importantly, these projections in the plan assumed no pay increase in 1985. We all know now that an increase of 4½ per cent for the full 1985 financial year in pay and pensions has been approved for all teachers. Those who might be tempted to believe some of the false suggestions that are around should understand the inaccuracies being made in the basis of calculations. I say this. not in any sense of bitterness or anger, but in the interests of setting the record straight.

Let me give the facts about our expenditure on education since 1982. The gross voted provision in 1982 was £738.9 million compared with an estimated expenditure in 1985 of £969 million. Allowing for inflation, this represents an increase of 3 per cent in real terms. This year our estimates have been increased by 8.5 per cent over 1984, compared with a projected rate of inflation of 6 per cent. That is an increase in real terms. That is the reality. This account of our expenditure on education since 1982 and the increase in real terms is an indication of the Government's commitment to the development of our educational system despite the difficult financial situation. We have already provided more funds every year since coming into office. Of course, we would wish to spend more of the national cake on education but that proportion of the cake that is eaten up by repayments of our excessive borrowing over the years has increased, leaving less for the current public services, including education. For example, in 1976 the percentage of GNP for the Exchequer borrowing requirement was 11 per cent. In 1981, the percentage had grown to 16.3 per cent. Since then, this Government, as I said earlier, have controlled the State finances and the percentages of GNP for the Exchequer borrowing requirement has been reduced to 13 per cent in 1985. It is still too high and precludes us from doing all the things we would wish to do in education.

We never have any difficulty in justifying expenditure on education. We could double the budget and justify every penny spent in terms of the quality of the service offered. But what would be the result—total financial chaos.

Our level of expenditure, therefore, must take account of the capacity of the taxpayer to meet the bill. To talk of ensuring a future for our young people does not mean only providing them with the best possible education we can give them, it also means handing on to them an economy in good health.

The worst possible favour we could do our young people would be to saddle them with terrible national debts and to make them pay later for our spending now. This debate and any debate about spending on education must take place in the context of that reality.

The original motion alleges that excessive increases in the size of classes have taken place and that large numbers of teachers are unemployed. Wild exaggeration of the effects of a pupil-teacher ratio reduced by one unit does neither the education system, the teacher nor the school management any justice. We have heard much of the damage done to the education system by an increase in the size of classes and about subjects being dropped from the curriculum. Let us get something straight once and for all. Class size and range of subject options are decided by the principal of any post-primary school within (1) the parameters of the pupil-teacher ratio, (2) the length of the school week and (3) the number of hours taught by each teacher. Pupil-teacher ratio is not the sole determinant of class, size or subject options. Never let us forget that fact. It is perhaps understandable that these options are not highlighted at teacher's conferences, but they should be remembered.

With regard to pupil-teacher ratio, every one forgets that from 1972 to 1977 the pupil-teacher ratio for the appointment of teachers in secondary schools was the present figure of 20.1. At that time the national ratios varied from 18.2 to 18.8. Then for the school year 1977-78, the ratio was improved from 20:1 to 19:1. The national ratio varied from 17.8 in 1977 to 17.1 in 1982. The national ratio for 1983 was 17.5 to 1 and an estimated 17.9 to 1 in the current year. These are the facts. To talk then in wild, exaggerated terms of the disastrous effects of the change in pupil-teacher ratio is just irresponsible.

Now let us look at another factor which decides class size and subject options— the average number of hours taught by each teacher. For a long number of years now, there has been a trend for post-primary teachers to reduce the number of hours of instruction per week. An analysis was done in my Department in 1973 of the average teaching week of secondary teachers over a period of years. It showed that between 1964 and 1973 there was an estimated drop of 41 minutes in the average weekly teaching time of secondary teachers. It would be interesting to update that study. The plain fact is that if post-primary teachers were prepared to teach for one or two extra class periods per week, the effects of the reduction in the pupil-teacher ratio would be substantially less or avoided altogether.

Is the Minister saying the teachers do not do their job?

Blame the teachers.

I now turn to the allegation that large numbers of teachers are unemployed. Not one permanent teacher in a post-primary school has lost a job. Not one permanent teacher in a post-primary school has been made redundant. The position is that some 600 teachers who are in excess of the quota have been retained in post-primary schools.

Has enrolment increased?

It defies reason to believe that Fianna Fáil want the taxpayer to guarantee permanent, pensionable employment to everyone who does a BA or a Higher Diploma in Education.

That is an irresponsible statement.

Even from 1977 to 1981 when hundreds of extra graduates were trained, large numbers could not get jobs. If we are going to debate the issue of education cuts let us have a serious debate.

Turning to primary teachers where, of course, there was no disimprovement in the pupil-teacher ratio, the position is that 97 per cent of the teachers who qualified in 1982 have been appointed to posts in national schools. This is comparable to the experience of previous years. The figures for 1983 are 81 per cent appointed and for 1984, 40 per cent. Long term substitute employment is available in national schools where teachers are absent through illness, maternity leave and attendance at University courses. The total number in substitute employment on any given day is estimated at 600. In deciding on the number of teachers to be trained, it is necessary to ensure a supply of personnel to undertake such substitute work which is essential for the proper maintenance of educational services.

Before going on to talk about the ordering of priorities I want to refer again to the issues of class size and subject options, which have been highlighted recently. In assessing the validity of any claims that may be made, it is important to remember that considerable improvements have been made between 1982-83 and 1984-85 in the situation in junior science-an improvement of 19 per cent; senior cycle physics-an improvement of 14 per cent and in senior cycle biology — an improvement of 13 per cent. In addition for other subjects the difference between 1982-83 and 1984-85 is only 1 per cent in either direction, some positive, some negative.

I now turn to the issue of subject choice. On this question, we have reliable data supplied annually by the schools themselves. I have had a detailed analysis made covering every subject at both the junior cycle and the senior cycle for the years 1982-83 and 1983-84 which demonstrates that the accusation in general is not only unsustained but unsustainable. The details of the schools offering various subjects are as follows.

Despite a slight fall in the number of post schools providing a junior cycle course, from 805 in 1982-83 to 803 in 1983-84, the numbers of schools providing various elective subjects showed increases between these two years. This occurred in the case of modern languages — German and Italian — science, home economics, music, art, technology — all three subjects — PE, and classical studies.

There was a slight increase in the number of post primary schools offering the leaving certificate from 775 to 778 between 1982-83 and 1983-84. There were increases recorded for almost all subjects in the number of schools offering particular subjects. Most schools offered higher course Irish, English, Maths, all modern languages except Spanish, geography, all science subjects, all technology subjects, accounting and business organisation, art and music. These again are the facts based on returns from the schools.

I have also heard allegations that there has been a continual reduction in teacher numbers in recent years. This is not the case. There was a fall in the number of incremental teachers between 1982-83 and 1983-84 but a rise in the number of wholetime equivalents between 1983-84 and 1984-85.

In 1983-84, there was a total of 39,811 in primary and post primary schools. Now in 1984-85, there are 40,194 — an increase of 383. Post-primary teachers including whole time equivalents have increased from 19,079 in 1983-84 to 19,310 an increase of 231 teachers. The cost of the teaching service has increased over the years. In 1984, the cost to the taxpayer for salaries was £627 million. In 1985, this cost including the latest increase of 4½ per cent has grown to £669 million, an increase of 6.6 per cent over 1984.

Now let us look at the realities. The Irish education system is strong, vibrant and adaptable. Much development and reform have taken place over the past two years. Following the Programme for Action which charted the way ahead for the next few years, the system is coming into top gear.

I would hate to see it in slow gear.

The Curriculum and Examinations Board is operating well and has already published two excellent papers. The reform of our curriculum is in good hands and is well under way. This initiative, widely welcomed in educational circles, is potentially one of the most significant steps taken in Irish education.

The setting up of a parents council has been facilitated and the inaugural meeting of the primary and post primary tiers will be held on 11 May next. The provision of micro-computers in every post-primary school was completed last year.

The major breakthrough in European social funding for pre-employment and technician courses has led to a considerable increase in the numbers attending such courses. Some 14,000 young people started the pre-employment courses in September last.

Funding has also been approved for the middle level technician programme in the RTCs and colleges of technology. The numbers attending these courses have increased from 4,000 to 10,000 since 1984. The expansion of this programme means that the vast majority of students of RTCs and colleges of technology are now receiving State grants or scholarships.

The Government made the sum of £500,000 available in 1984 and again in 1985 for the disadvantaged areas, as well as additional funds to increase the free books schemes, to provide extra remedial and guidance teachers, and to improve the school library schemes. The higher education grants' scheme is being significantly improved for those students whose parents are in the lower income groups, adult education, particularly in the areas of literacy and community education where courses will attract additional funds this year and up to 1987. These are just some of my priorities. I suggest to the House that the many areas of reform that I have undertaken are in the present financial circumstances the most effective way of spending our resources.

I am concerned that the quality of the teaching in our schools should be as high as possible. What takes place within the four walls of the classroom is what education is all about. The educational system is not all about the numbers of teachers in schools. For that reason a further priority of mine has been to increase significantly the resources for in-service training of teachers. In 1984, a sum of £377,464 was expended on in-service courses, compared with £226,136 in 1983. This year a total of £486,000 is being made available. The provision for 1985 represents a monetary increase of 114.9 per cent over 1983 and an increase in real terms of 87 per cent.

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I believe I have demonstrated to any fair-minded person that the channelling of resources has been done in the most effective way possible. We should be proud as a country — and in this I have no hesitation in including Fianna Fáil Governments in the more distant past — that our education system is as strong and as internationally respected as it is today.

That is noble of the Minister.

This Government take their responsibility to this and future generations of young people seriously. That responsibility includes spending the taxpayer's money wisely and effectively. In handling the challenge of the relatively biggest youth population in the EC with very much scarcer national resources, our approach has been a constructive one. I believe that when the educational history of this decade comes to be written, our achievements will be regarded highly and our approach judged positive. I commend my amendment to the House.

This is the House of Gemma's fairy tales.

The Minister said her first reaction to the motion proposed by Deputy O'Rourke was one of surprise. She asked why it had taken the Opposition nearly two and a half years to put forward this motion. I challenge the Minister on the validity of that statement. She was not a month in office when we put down a motion on school bus transport which effectively dealth with cutbacks in education. On two occasions since then we spoke about the cutbacks. On several occasions we discussed them on Estimates and so on. I challenge the Minister to put that right. Will she kindly withdraw that statement in the interests of decency and truth? A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, will you ask the Minister to withdraw that statement which was grossly untrue?

The Minister said there was no discussion on education in this House.

The Minister said no motion was put down. Will she please withdraw that statement which we on this side of the House reject as totally untrue?

It is on the record of the House.

Fairy tales again.

I take it that we will have to accept the situation as it is. I support fully the motion so ably proposed by our spokesperson on Education, Deputy O'Rourke:

That Dáil Éireann deplores the major cutbacks in educational finances which have led to excessive increases in the size of classes, the unemployment of large numbers of teachers and many other serious problems in our schools and calls on the Government to make full and adequate provision for education.

This motion will show that there is great concern among the people about the trends in education. The purpose is to show the Government of the day, who are obsessed with balancing books, that reducing our education standards will have serious, long term repercussions for this nation.

The amendment put down by the Government is hypocritical in its every sentiment. The Minister has not spoken with one ounce of conviction. She has been told, time and again since taking office, that she is completely off beat. She spent almost all her time this evening telling what Fianna Fáil were doing and arrived at the latter part of her speach before making any attempt, as she said herself, at being serious and telling us what she proposed to do.

The teachers, parents, boards of management, members of the Minister's own party and particularly the Labour Party spokesperson on Education, are unanimous that education development has not alone stopped but has taken a few steps backwards. Imagine trying to convince people that progress has been made in educational development or that there is special intervention for the disadvantaged. This is nothing short of telling untruths.

I am pleased that this motion is before the House because in the past two and half years the trends in education have given cause for concern in our community. Educational standards have been painstakingly built up over many years and slow but positive progress has been made. One must consider that just over 100 years ago generations of Irish children had no formal education whatsoever. Some of the luckier ones found themselves at hedge schools where they were taught the three Rs — reading, writing and arithmetic — and where the teacher, if caught, was executed and the parents of the children tortured.

Slowly but surely, we made progress and then came the free primary educational system where every child under 14 years of age was obliged to attend primary school. Progress was made with the building of secondary schools, which were confined mainly to people with means. That meant that in rural areas, particularly, three to four out of a parish might have attended such secondary schools.

Then came the vocational education committees who built schools for second level education known as "the tech.". This was an enormous advance and with the introduction of the concept of free education, with universities already well on their way in this country, it was decided to build regional technical colleges and every child in the nation could attend first, second and third level education without too much hardship on any parent. Deputy Wilson brought us the closest we have been to cherishing each of the children of this nation equally.

Hear, hear.

We made progress in that area, but in the last two and a half years we have taken many steps backwards. This is in evidence at every level of education. The reason for the steps backwards are the cutbacks proposed and operated by the present Government. Deputy Hussey was given the most important task of being Minister for Education and one would have thought that, with our history of education, any Minister would have been able to fight off any attempt at cutbacks in the education budget. Instead, she weakly gave way to the swashbuckling demands of the Minister for Finance, who showed complete disregard for the rights of young people. Both these Ministers displayed an attitude of no confidence in our children or in their future, when they withdrew from them the educational facilities which were rightfully theirs. Were they reacting to remarks such as that we have the most educated dole queue, or questions like why should we educate for export? Yes, we have massive numbers unemployed and we have massive numbers emigrating. But Fianna Fáil believe that this will not always be the case. We must demonstrate confidence in our youngsters and show them that there is a future for them.

We in Fianna Fáil believe that we can provide a future worthy of our young people and we intend to give them the best education there is, so that they can take their rightful place in society and that wherever they travel they can hold their heads high. The Minister was not an hour in office when she decided to take the school buses off the road, but she was beaten off that track by strong, constructive criticism from Fianna Fáil. She has caused great resentment between families by that very action, which resentment will last for generations to come. The Minister for Finance provided the axe and the Minister for Education wielded it right, left and centre from sheer ignorance of what was going on in the country.

I know of children who because of such cutbacks had to forego their second level education. Shame on the Minister that she would deny any child of this nation an opportunity of any type of education, an opportunity which Fianna Fáil had given to every child. The Minister, by her scrimping and scrounging attitude, has created the situation in which there are far more travelling on school buses than there is insurance for. We in Fianna Fáil do not support overspending in any respect, but we expect our children to be treated with dignity and not to be herded like cattle to our schools.

In a recent survey it has been discovered that 75 per cent of pupils leaving national school today need remedial teaching in secondary schools. This is an indictment of the Department of which the Minister is now in control. There are children passing through the national school system who on leaving have a reading age of five or six years. Such a child was obviously left behind in the national school and will obviously be left behind in the secondary school. How can that child achieve anything in life? The big problem is that there are so many such children. Seventy-five per cent of pupils going into second level education have a reading age of ten years or less. This is a national scandal.

The art of reading is a most essential ingredient for living, whether it be for work or pleasure. No matter what the job, a person must now be able to read. It is necessary on building sites, farms and council schemes, where orders given in writing are now the norm. If a person cannot read, he or she will just not be employed. Is that the progress to which the Minister referred in her amendment? Where is the special intervention for the disadvantaged in that situation? It is bad enough not to be able to find a job, but not to be able to qualify for a job is an indictment of the Minister's weak grasp of our educational needs. Imagine the embarrassment of those who cannot read, and cannot even fill up an application form for social welfare benefit, which for him or her is inevitable.

There are many situations in which such a person will be embarrassed — in a restaurant, at a football match. An example is the person who left Dublin for Galway and ended up in Kerry because he could not read the signposts. The Minister must realise that we are approaching the 21st century. She is condemning children to a life without being able to read or write. They are bereft of the satisfaction of gathering information from books and they face the tragedy of not having a job. They also have to bear the embarrassment of being scoffed at because of their inability to read. They will not thank the Minister for the cutbacks in this area of education.

All pupils entering vocational schools have a reading age of ten or less and that fact cannot be repeated too often. No amount of platitudes or crying will change that situation. In The Irish Times of today's date there is a story on education. Five thousand new teaching jobs are needed if we are to have parity with the North according to the union. The first two paragraphs of the report read as follows:

New research shows that over 5,000 more permanent national teachers would need to be employed in the Republic to bring the pupil-teacher ratio into line with that of Northern Ireland, according to the Irish National Teachers Organisation.

The general secretary of the union, Mr. Gerry Quigley, said that this was at a time when Northern teachers were dissatisfied with their own ratio which was 22 to one - higher than Britain's.

There are many pupils in classes of over 35 and in many instances in classes of over 40. In such a class the slow learner does not stand a chance. The teacher finds himself or herself in the dilemma that if they move ahead with the brighter pupils the slow learner will be left behind. If called upon to read, the slow learner's anxiety will further lessen his ability, causing untold anguish to the child. Let no one blame the teachers. They do excellent work, often times above and beyond the call of duty. Their work rate and dedication must be matched by the Minister.

Is the Minister aware that there are hundreds of primary, secondary, third level, remedial and career guidance teachers who are unemployed, some of whom the Minister has encouraged to emigrate? All the nonsense of the Minister this evening will not change those statistics. There is a great demand for a reduction in the pupil-teacher ratio, as there is a demand for remedial teachers. The teachers are available. Some 500 of those who qualified in the primary section in 1984 are still unemployed. They are on social welfare. Would it not be better to pay them to meet the demand, rather than to pay them to stay at home?

With regard to large classes, there are 58,343 pupils in classes of 40 pupils. Solving this problem must be given priority. Second level education needs remedial teachers immediately. As I said before, the figure is that of 75 per cent who are in need. For instance, in the vocational scheme in Wexford there are 2,438 pupils in seven schools located in the county and for that number of pupils we have three remedial teachers. There is an embargo on the employment of more remedial teachers and let nobody tell me otherwise.

However, the real problem is in the primary schools. This may have been caused by the fact that parents do not pay the same attention to helping their children as they did in the past. Television is an easy way to keep children out of trouble. In many instances both parents are working and when they arrive home late in the evening they are too tired to spend time with their children. We cannot turn back the clock. We are in a new era for which we need answers, not excuses.

There are 20,500 primary school teachers permanently employed at present but we need 26,000 if we are to keep that sector on a par with the North. There are only 700 remedial teachers employed at this level of education. I estimate that the ratio of national teachers to remedial teachers should be at least ten to one. Momentum was gathering for a resolution of this problem but the Minister has broken that momentum. She should get back to the job for which she was appointed. The cutbacks are causing misery. Commonsense should be the order of the day.

The Minister has attacked county vocational education committees but her obvious intention to lessen the status of these bodies will not be tolerated. An instance of this point arose recently when Wexford Vocational Education Committee intended to build a new vocational school at Gorey. The committee investigated all possible sites and they decided to move to a site north of Gorey town. This site was extensive and would have accommodated future extensions and it would allow for adequate playing facilities and a campus near the residential area of Gorey. The committee debated the topic for one year, they visited the site on three occasions and they called the Department officials to Gorey but eventually they were told by the Minister that they would build where they were told on a site provided by the Loretto community. The CBS will also build there but the site in question is a bog. It is small, there is no change of finding playing facilities near by, the contours are all wrong and the boundaries of the site are the railway line on one side and the national primary route on the other. Some 1,200 pupils will have to be accommodated that area, with not enough room to swing a cat. That is what the Minister's cutbacks are achieving. To add insult to injury, the vocational education committee were told that their views were no longer necessary or required. I am saying the vocational educational system has served this country well and its contribution in the educational area has been enormous. Its local knowledge has been most beneficial. It is vital that we retain the local interest in education. Too often we have seen services diminish with the erosion of local democracy. The resistance of the vocational education committees to the Minister's proposals must leave her in no doubt that the elimination of such committees to accommodate her own weakness at the Cabinet table will not be acceptable.

In third level education the cutbacks have meant that because of the higher entry standards many children have been deprived of the opportunity of having a third level education. Regional colleges were set up by us to help those who were not so good at academic subjects. We recognised that everyone has talent and that everyone has the right to develop that talent. Education is a basic right to whch every child is entitled. Going through the system is not enough. Each child is entitled to bring to fruition his or her talents but the Minister has made a mockery of that philosophy.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 24 April 1985.
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