I move amendment No.9:
In page 4, before section 5, to insert the following new section:
"5.—Section 43 (1) of the Principal Act is hereby repealed.".
We had not started our discussion on this amendment the last day. This amendment simply proposes that section 43 (1) of the Principal Act should be repealed. If this amendment is accepted it will mean the deletion in its entirety of section 5 of the Bill as presently drafted. Like many of the amendments we have discussed on Committee Stage this amendment is on all fours with what has been recommended by the Law Reform Commission in their report. Having reviewed the arguments for and against this provision and discussed alternatives the commission came to the conclusion that it would be better if section 43 (1) was done away with.
I made this point on Second Stage and I understand that Fine Gael and the Labour Party made similar points. We asked the Minister — I hope he is in a position to answer this question tonight — to give us some indication of the role this section has heretofore played in the prosecution of receiving offences. If I recall the Minister's words correctly he indicated that this section was vital in the prosecution and pursuit of the receivers of stolen property. I sought to counter that argument, borrowing from the limited experience I have as a practitioner, by saying that, after almost 15 years in practice in this area, I had hardly come across one instance when this provision had been availed of. If my experience was a reflection on the use of this provision I wondered how the Minister could consider that this provision, which provides that the past record of an accused can be called in aid of the prosecution in proving knowledge and intent, could be described as a vital aspect of the armoury of prosecution.
One of the reasons this provision was so rarely if ever employed by prosecutions was that it had a huge constitutional question hanging over it. It is prudent for any prosecutor, director or member of the Garda Síochána in presenting a case to consider the prospects of walking into a mire of uncertainty, if one can call it that, of constitutional challenge to proof if the provision is relied upon and used, particularly in the wake of the King case. I think it was a prudent decision on their part to stay out of troubled waters and simply rely on the facts presented by the arresting officer.
Including this provision in the modified form proposed by the Minister will leave the same ambiguity and uncertainty about the future of the new section 5. For that reason I do not believe it will be borrowed upon at all in the future prosecution of this type of offence. The provision should abandoned at this stage. The most compelling reason we should not rely on this provision is the decision given by the High and Supreme Courts in the case of King versus the Director of Public Prosecutions where the Supreme Court reiterated the fundamental principle of criminal law that the character of an accused should never be called in aid of the prosecution in attempting to establish the factor of guilt in a trial. This provision basically allows the Garda at the trial of an accused to seek to put in as evidence a fact of a conviction within a specified period in advance of a trial where it is sought to use that proof of fact in establishing knowledge, guilt and intent. It is clear that this involves putting the character of an accused person at issue. There is absolutely no doubt that the Supreme Court would have very grave reservations about such a provision if asked to adjudicate upon it. The reason they have not had to do this to date is that the Garda as a matter of prudence in the prosecution and earnest pursuit of a receiver have not sought or elected to put themselves in the position where they might have a good conviction thrown into doubt.
I do not understand why the Minister is again ignoring the clear and unambiguous advice of the Law Reform Commission who believe that this provision should be repealed. I have argued both on Second Stage and Committee Stage that we should be firm in our resolution in terms of pursuing the handler, the man behind the scene of crime. By including this provision in the Bill the Minister is again introducing a potential constitutional loophole which could be exploited by a successful defendant or a person who wishes to pursue this constitutional ambiguity. Because this provision has not been of practical aid in the prosecution of such cases in the past and will not in the future, the Minister should simply acknowledge the wisdom of the commission and all parties in Opposition and let this matter rest at this stage.