Tairgim:
Go n-ainmneoidh Dáil Éireann an Teachta Ailbhe Mac Raghnaill chun a cheaptha ag an Uachtarán mar Thaoiseach.
I move: "That Dáil Éireann nominate Deputy Albert Reynolds for appointment by the President to be Taoiseach."
Nomination of Taoiseach.
Cuidím leis an ainmniú sin.
Beidh seans eile agam chun cúpla focal a rá mar gheall ar an iar-Thaoiseach ach tá ceist amháin agam: Cá bhfuil Iago? Ach tá rud eile le déanamh agam ar maidin.
Molaim go n-ainmneoidh an Dáil an Teachta, John Bruton mar Thaoiseach.
Fine Gael believe there should be a general election, and I think the Deputies opposite, Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats——
(Interruptions.)
The hollow nervous laughter as they pass the graveyard.
Some of them will be looking for it tomorrow.
The Deputies opposite, comprising Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats, do not have a mandate to form a Government, no matter who leads the Fianna Fáil Party. In 1989 the people neither voted for nor were they offered a Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrat Government. If the 1989 general election decided anything it was that the voters did not want a Fianna Fáil Government with an overall majority.
I must say this. The people were possibly satisfied — and the polls appear to confirm it — that for the first 18 months there was acceptance of the Government as formed, but since the sacking of Deputy Brian Lenihan until today there has been and is considerable concern over what has been happening in the country. Since last summer I have felt that the only solution to the series of scandals we have witnessed over the past 12 months was a general election.
I have said this previously, both publicly and privately, as many Deputies on both sides of the House know. Politicians, politics and the business community have all been tainted unfairly, by these scandals. I say "unfairly" because most Deputies and business people are as appalled by what has been happening as are members of the general public. As I have said, the only way we can clear the air and clean the system is by having a general election because no matter who is elected as Taoiseach today, I do not believe the public have changed their minds: they do not want to see Fianna Fáil with an overall majority now or at any time in the future. This will present challenges to every Deputy elected to this House after the next general election.
In addition to the scandals to which I have referred — I do not want to list them here, they are well known — there have been a number of other incidents which cast grave doubts whether a Government comprised of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats can continue to work. Besides Deputy Reynolds' well known view of the Government, there is deep bitter resentment among many Fianna Fáil Deputies at the role played by the Progressive Democrats in the sacking of Deputy Brian Lenihan as Tánaiste, the non-appointment of Deputy Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence and, most recently, the resignation of the former Taoiseach, Deputy Haughey. This resentment has been angrily and publicly articulated both inside and outside this House by many of the people who are now being named, I do not know with what accuracy, as possible Ministers.
How can a Government so composed deal with the problems of high unemployment, a worsening economic situation, a crisis in the health boards, bankrupt local authorities, a rudderless educational system and the entirely new challenges which face us in the European Community as a result of the signing of the Maastricht Agreement last week and, above all else, the tragedy of Northern Ireland? The two major issues which must be faced and which demand special attention are unemployment and Northern Ireland, and these issues are connected. There are now well over 270,000 people unemployed in this country, the highest level in the history of the State. The acting Minister for Finance, Deputy Ahern, is quoted in today's papers as saying that this figure is going to rise. Families who for generations had all their members at work now have a son or daughter or, even worse, a father unemployed. Regardless of their social background or financial circumstances, all parents live with the fear that if their children find work it will not be in Ireland.
This tragic problem demands all our efforts, both inside and outside the Dáil. Deputy Bruton has put forward the most constructive proposal so far — a jobs forum. I suggest to the new Taoiseach that a new Department should be set up, a Department whose only responsibility would be to get people back to work — a Department of Employment headed by a Minister for Employment whose first task would be to establish the jobs forum proposed by Deputy J. Bruton.
The tragic situation in Northern Ireland now needs the undivided attention of one Cabinet Minister. I do not have to remind anybody in this House, particularly those who served on the New Ireland Forum, of the economic costs of violence on this island — investment opportunities postponed or located elsewhere, tourism not achieving its potential and money spent on security which we would all prefer to see spent on job creation. We would gladly make these sacrifices if it would help to bring violence to an end and bring peace to the people of Northern Ireland. Over the past 20 years violence has touched virtually every family in Northern Ireland. At this stage violence is for paramilitaries an end in itself. People in this House and on this island have to help bring an end to that violence.
Any Government elected by this Dáil must recognise that some of our problems relate to Northern Ireland and that all of them fade into insignificance when compared to the need to find a political solution which is acceptable to both communities in Northern Ireland. Sometimes the best contribution we can make is by remaining silent. The appointment of a Government Minister who is sensitive to the rights of both communities, to quote the New Ireland Forum, to be what they are and to be where they are would be helpful at this stage. There is no violent solution which will satisfy the aspirations of either community; there is a political solution which will satisfy neither community but will help to bring an end to violence. It is the responsibility of all of us to help the constitutional parties in Northern Ireland to find that solution.
I propose Deputy John Bruton as Taoiseach.
It is a great honour for me to be called upon to second the nomination of Deputy John Bruton as Taoiseach. More than anything else Deputy John Bruton is a thoroughly modern man. To call him a radical is to tell the truth about him. Yet, it is no lie that his vision is grounded firmly on solid principles. He is a man who sees the best traditions of the past, not an anchor but as a stepping stone to the future and it is to the future that we in this House on this day should direct our closest attention.
It is Deputy Bruton who is today's candidate for the future. In 20 years time he will still be younger than either Deputy Haughey or Deputy FitzGerald are now. Yet, 20 years ago he was already serving in this House with both of these giants of modern Irish politics. Here is the right blend of youth and experience, a man with a solid past as the foundation stone for a bright and long future.
As Deputy Barry has said, unemployment and Northern Ireland are today's major Irish problems from which all other significant problems flow. Yet, it can be said truly about both of these issues that they in essence and in quantity arise from 70 years of short term decision making which has been a frequent feature of Irish politics since independence.
The figure of 288,000 on the register of unemployment represents directly the sum total of human misery. I should explain that the published figure for last month's unemployment is 276,000 and not 288,000 as I have mentioned. That is because 12,000 unemployed people over 55 years of age are pushed to one side under the heading "pre-retirement allowance". This of course, I can assure the House, is an untrue reflection on those 12,000 people because they know, as do we, that they are as available for work as is Deputy Reynolds who, under these rules created by Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats in Government, would be already in his fourth year of pre-retirement leave. In line with Deputy Bruton's philosophy there is room for people over 55 years of age; every person counts.
Some people think it is a disadvantage for Deputy Bruton to be a son of the soil, but I do not so think. My family's history is as deeply embedded in the illustrious culture of Dublin as is Deputy Bruton's in the fertile lands of Meath. This pedigree is what gives Deputy Bruton his cherishing of Ireland's past, his understanding of Ireland's present and his vision of Ireland's future. As Fine Gael spokesman on the Environment I know only too well the priority he attaches to environmental matters and how deeply the natural environment matters to him. This is not just a fashionable trait; it is a deeply embedded instinct which directly derives from his love and understanding of the land of Ireland and its people.
There are seven years and ten months to go to the end of this century. Not alone should Deputy Bruton be around to celebrate the 21st Century, but he has a clear vision of what he wants for Ireland in the next century. He has both the time and the courage to implement policies that will transform Ireland and Europe for the better. Indeed, and this is a crucial point for Dáil Éireann in making its choice of Taoiseach today, the policies needed to change Ireland for the better need time; what is not needed is more short term expediency. Deputy Bruton has time.
Deputy Bruton has time not just in terms of years but also in terms of attitude. To coin a recent phrase, Deputy Bruton is a politician with attitude. This attitude springs from two very deep reservoirs within him, both of which may be temporarily out of fashion, namely, patriotism and Christianity. These are the twin spark-plugs that turn on his boundless energy. Many of our great patriots in the past died for Ireland. Today's great patriots are called on to live for Ireland. Deputy Bruton lives for Ireland and his vision, his passion, is that all other Irishmen and Irishwomen can live for Ireland and live in Ireland.
Deputy Bruton's patriotism is as outward-looking and as generous as is his Christianity. In both cases he rejects the narrow view but the broadness of his mind is matched by the depth of his commitment. His Christian commitment is best encapsulated by what has become, for those of us who have the privilege of working with him, his motto: "every person counts". The Bruton philosophy that "every person counts" is as exciting as it is simple. It is the cornerstone of both Christianity and democracy and it is all the more important for it is now the clarion call of all Christian Democratic parties in Europe. It is firmly and confidently within Europe that Deputy Bruton sees Ireland's future.
In 1973 Deputy Bruton was first appointed to a ministerial position. It was also the year Ireland joined the EC. Deputy Bruton's commitment to Europe predates his long parliamentary career. Both his experience and his linguistic skills equip him to deal with and relate to the Europe of the future. It is within Europe that he sees the solution to the epic tragedy of Northern Ireland and to the awful tragedy of unemployment.
Fine Gael, as a Christian Democratic party, unlike Fianna Fáil or any other party in this House, are in the mainstream of politics in Europe. It is the philosophy of life which has brought great prosperity and social justice to western Europe at a time when extreme forms of socialism were bringing tyranny and ruin to eastern Europe. Now in the closing years of the second millennium, throughout Europe and the Christian democratic philosophy is more than ever seen as the way of the future. Deputy Bruton is Ireland's way of the future, and I commend him to this House.
Ba mhaith liom and Teachta Dick Spring a mholadh don Dáil mar Thaoiseach. With the exception of Deputy Spring, no candidate for Taoiseach in this House today has led his party before the electorate as leader of his party seeking a mandate of Taoiseach. Deputy Spring is the only Member of this House who went to the electorate in 1989 as leader of his party and sought from them a mandate for Taoiseach.
He did not get the nomination.
That is the first reason I wish to propose him. Secondly he is the longest serving party leader of any party in this House at present, and thirdly, quite frankly, he is the best. It is self-evident from the opinion polls, from the respect he has received across the entire spectrum, from the published accounts of the various opinion polls that are on record in this House and outside it that Deputy Spring is the most popular leader of any party, the most respected and, therefore, the best qualified. However, I would not be so naive as to anticipate that such compelling arguments would win over Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats Deputies. It is quite obvious that Deputy Reynolds will be elected Taoiseach today, and I personally wish him well in his onerous office.
I want to make four brief points to the incoming Taoiseach and subsequently to his Government which will be ratified later today. Deputy Reynolds, during his recent press conference, promised open Government, and we will keep him to that promise. This House, this country and indeed this nation desperately needs open Government in which all of us can be proud, where transactions are transparent, people are accountable and differences of opinion, honestly held and clearly articulated, can be put before the nation and voted on in a democratic manner. We offer Deputy Reynolds, in support of such a pursuit of open Government, the Ethics in Government and Public Office Bill which the Labour Party brought forward last spring. We request him to earnestly consider it, with amendment if necessary, as the basis of the statute of the Republic.
The second point I want to refer to is Northern Ireland to which Deputy Reynolds also referred at his press conference. Nobody in the House has a monopoly on concern or compassion in respect of Northern Ireland. All of us share a desire — indeed, a sense of urgency — to do something about it. My party leader, Deputy Dick Spring, made a suggestion to Deputy Reynolds in response to his press conference about the urgent need for a convocation by the incoming Taoiseach of all of the party leaders in the Republic to come together to explore ways in which some kind of new initiative can be launched from this side of the island to the beleagured people of the other side of the island so as to break the impasse that is clearly there now, the resolution of which ultimately falls upon the shoulders of politicians.
The third point relates to the economy in general and unemployment in particular. It is quite obvious that nobody has the answer to the problem of unemployment, that no particular Government has the unique solution and that no particular individual has found the way. However, it is evident to me that within the House, in the back benches of your own party, in the benches of the Opposition parties and of the Independent Members, the energies, enthusiasm and intelligence available have never been properly harnessed to resolve this problem in our society. I invite the Government of the day, through whatever means are open to them, to seek to engage the energies of every Member in this House and not just those of front bench members of a beleaguered Cabinet or those of isolated civil servants who are not accountable to anybody but the Cabinet Ministers in question.
A Deputy:
A jobs forum.
That is one of several proposals to be put forward, and the Labour Party have supported that proposal. A social and economic affairs committee of the Oireachtas would perhaps be a more effective vehicle. We have to find new solutions to the problem of unemployment.
The final point I wish to make concerns Europe. The House has not been characterised by an open and effective ongoing debate on the whole question of what we are currently doing in Europe in the various Councils of Ministers' meetings or of what we will be committed to doing after the Treaty of Maastricht has been ratified by all of the 12 contracting parties.
A European affairs committee is desperately needed and the House also needs a form of democratic accountability that will provide an opportunity both to support the efforts of our Ministers abroad and to make them more effective when they are abroad by being able to cite the support or, indeed, the constraints that have been democratically put upon them by this House to which we are all elected.
Those are the four priorities that the Labour Party offer the incoming Taoiseach who will be elected here this morning. We will maintain, as we have in the past, the effective opposition on this side of the House; we will give the lead, as we have done in the past, to ensuring that the responsibilities which the House will now confer upon the new Taoiseach and the obligations which he takes into his hands and those of his Cabinet Ministers will be executed firmly, fairly and with the utmost ability that he commands; we will reform the democratic task of the Opposition — we will criticise and we will ensure that from both Opposition and Government the citizens of this State get the kind of republican government which they have sought in the ballot box and which it is our obligation to deliver.
I wish to formally second the proposal that Deputy Dick Spring be elected Taoiseach.
I have been deprived of the opportunity to second Deputy Spring, nevertheless——
Another historic occasion.
(Interruptions.)
What about the proposal to elect himself?
Let us hear the Deputy without interruption.
Before I refer to the question before the House I wish to say that it is very regrettable that the events taking place in the Dáil today are not being recorded by RTE. That is a problem that should be dealt with as quickly as possible so that the public can get the service from our public servants to which they are entitled.
(Interruptions.)
My party oppose the nomination of Deputy Reynolds as Taoiseach. In our view, what is needed is not simply a change of faces in Government Buildings or around the Cabinet table but a change of policies. Unfortunately, there is nothing to suggest that Deputy Reynolds will depart from the policies which have brought unemployment to record levels, led to such unprecedented scandals in the public sector, left so many essential public services in disarray, and contributed to the general sense of despair and disillusionment which so many of our people now feel.
The question of the Fianna Fáil leadership is entirely one for the members of that party, but the election of Taoiseach is a matter which is of vital interest to every citizen. The election of Deputy Reynolds as Taoiseach does not augur well for any prospect of social, economic or political reform, which is so badly needed in this country. Deputy Reynolds has been a Member of the Dáil since 1977. He has held ministerial or front bench positions continuously since 1979, yet it is almost impossible to establish from the records of the House what, if anything, he stands for. He seems to have been a man without any sort of broad vision or political ideal.
The record of the Dáil debates is no help in providing any clue as to the broad political views of Albert Reynolds, as his contributions — other than on economic matters, where he has always adopted a most conservative line — have been extremely rare. If one looks at the period between 1983 and 1987, when Deputy Reynolds was in Opposition without any restriction of ministerial office and relatively free to speak his mind, the most striking thing is the manner in which he managed to avoid taking a stand on the controversial political and social issues of the time.
When the legislation was going through in 1983 for the so-called `pro-life' amendment to the Constitution, Deputy Reynolds had nothing to say, although there was a long and heated debate in the Dáil and throughout the country on this measure. Similarly, when the Dáil was discussing the proposed divorce amendment in 1986 Deputy Reynolds remained silent — and according to recent newspaper interviews he still has not made up his mind on this major social problem.
The man who would now be Taoiseach had not a word to contribute to the Dáil debate on the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, although the measure was strongly resisted by his party, and a year later when the Dáil ratified the terms of the Single European Act Deputy Reynolds was again a notable absentee from the debate. When Fianna Fáil were bitterly opposing the Health (Family) Bill in 1985, Deputy Reynolds' entire contribution to the debate was a five-word interjection in support of a point made by the former Fine Gael Deputy, Alice Glenn, and which seems to have implied that the then Minister for Health, Deputy Desmond, had "opened an abortion referral clinic."
Many of Deputy Reynolds' front bench colleagues contributed to the debates on these issues. The only interpretation that can be put on Deputy Reynolds' Trappist-like silence is that he either did not consider these matters to be of importance or did not want to take a public stand on controversial issues. In either case, it is hardly evidence of visionary political leadership. There is more required of a head of government than a knowledge of economic matters and an ability to balance the books.
Neither is there anything in Deputy Reynolds's ministerial career to inspire any confidence. I quote what I said when he was nominated as Minister for Finance in 1988 as reported in the Official Report of 24 November 1988:
Deputy Reynolds has always carried the flag for the interests of business and private profit. I have never heard him say anything which suggested that he might have any degree of social conscience, or that he was concerned at the plight of working-class families, struggling to make ends meet under appalling difficulties. His appointment does not augur well for the class I represent.
Nothing I have seen or heard in the intervening period has caused me to change my assessment. When Deputy Reynolds took over the key portfolio of Finance in November 1988 there were 234,000 on the live register. When he departed from office three years later there were an additional 25,000 out of work.
His last budget speech as Minister for Finance in January of 1991 contained no more than a few token references to unemployment, although the numbers on the live register at that stage were in excess of 240,000 and, as we know, his estimates for unemployment levels during that year were wildly out. By common consent, unemployment is the greatest social and economic problem facing the country, yet, unfortunately, I do not see anything in the career of the nominee for Taoiseach which inspires any confidence that the problem will be given the priority it needs. The image of thousands of our young people queuing outside a Dublin hotel yesterday in vain hope of escaping from unemployment in this country by securing a not very well paid job in the new Disneyworld project outside Paris is a shocking indictment of 70 years of independence as a State.
The other absolute priority for the new Taoiseach must be the pursuit of a political solution to the problems of Northern Ireland, which will ensure the ultimate isolation and defeat of terrorism. Condemnation of violence is not enough. Statements of concern are not enough. Sympathetic noises are not enough. Commitment and compromise are required. We must intensify efforts to ensure that there are no bolt-holes or safe havens anywhere on this island for those who murder, maim and destroy.
Compromise is required not just on the part of the British or the Unionists but also on the part of the Irish Government and of Nationalists.
If the Anglo-Irish Agreement continues to be an obstacle to progress then it cannot be considered to be sacrosanct. It is not enough to say simply that Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution will be on the table in any final negotiations. If these Articles are providing a barrier to better relations between the people of Northern Ireland and the people of the Republic and thereby obstructing the search for a solution, we should have the courage to tackle them now.
Deputy Albert Reynolds has had little to say in the Dáil on Northern Ireland during his political career, but if he shows a real willingness to break free from the outmoded sloganising of some of his party colleagues, and if he approaches the search for a solution to Northern Ireland in a real spirit of openness and compromise, then he certainly will have the support of The Workers' Party for any steps he takes in that direction.
As I said we will be opposing the nomination of Deputy Albert Reynolds. The figures guarantee that he will be elected anyway. As Head of Government he will carry an enormous burden. For the sake of our people I hope that my assessment of him is wrong and I wish him well in his new position.
As an Independent Member of Dáil Éireann my position as regards the vote on the nomination for Taoiseach is guided by the record of the candidates and the policies of their respective parties. The record of both Deputy Albert Reynolds and Deputy John Bruton, and the record of the Governments in which they served, has been one of harsh Government measures directed against the interests of the less well off in our society. There were attacks on our health services, the cutting off of resources to schools, the spiralling tragedy of the numbers of people forced to emigrate, the absolute failure to provide jobs for more than a quarter of a million unemployed and the refusal to tackle poverty or even to accept the seriousness and extent of the problem for those living in poverty, with one-third of our population existing on social welfare. The architects of these measures over the last ten years were the leadership of Fianna Fáil, the Progressive Democrats and the Fine Gael parties. The nominee I would support would have to recognise at the very least that with one-third of our population socially disadvantaged, there is an absolute need to provide a basic minimum income, a readily accessible health service, a public housing programme and positive discrimination within the education system. Fianna Fáil, the Progressive Democrats and Fine Gael in the past have failed miserably on all four levels, refusing to implement the recommendations of the Commission on Social Welfare, allowing the development of a two tier health service, one readily available for the rich and one dominated by long waiting lists with under funded, under-staffed hospitals for the workers and the poor.
In our schools, particularly at primary level, we are refusing to give adequate help in disadvantaged areas, to give children from low income groups any chance of building a decent place for themselves in society. By scrapping the building of local authority houses even in the most disadvantaged inner city areas, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats are now the parties of the privileged, and increasingly the working class electorate and the growing unemployed electorate are recognising that fact and are changing their allegience to the parties of the left.
People are fed up listening to how good the Government are for the country. They are fed up hearing that they were the best Government for decades. The people know that the books are being balanced but that it is the sick, the old, the handicapped, the unemployed and the young emigrants who have suffered and paid the unacceptable price. The question now is, will these harsh measures continue under the leadership of Deputy Albert Reynolds? Will the tough decisions continue to be made — tough only on the weak and the vulnerable? It is clear that that will almost certainly be the case. In this context it is now essential that the left wing parties and Deputies unite to present the only genuine alternative, a left wing alternative which will put the people first and give priority to the poor. If this unity is projected within the Dáil, I am confident that the left will be increasingly supported by the people at future general elections.
In the vote on the nomination for Taoiseach, I shall be supporting the Leader of the largest left wing party in the Dáil.
The Progressive Democrats will be supporting Deputy Albert Reynolds in his division on the election of Taoiseach.
(Interruptions.)
I look forward to the formation of the Government by him——
(Interruptions.)
——to hold office over the next two and a quarter years. I hope for fruitful, constructive and positive interaction between our respective parties. On the assumption that Deputy Reynolds will be elected, which I am sure he will be, I wish him well in the onerous task he is undertaking. The burden of the office to which he is about to be elected is truly enormous. He needs the goodwill of all Irish people as he and his incoming Government seek to tackle the many challenges and problems that face us.
On behalf of the Green Party I will vote against the nomination of Deputy Albert Reynolds for Taoiseach——
(Interruptions.)
——not that that will make the slightest difference.
(Interruptions.)
Neither will the Fine Gael votes make any difference, because it is all over, bar the shouting. I want to do some shouting for a minute or two, because I am not entirely satisfied that the Fianna Party have chosen the best possible person for Taoiseach. Had they done so I might have viewed their nominee in a different light.
(Interruptions.)
A Deputy:
Is the Deputy thinking of Deputy Des O'Malley?
Let us hear Deputy Garland. Ciúnas, le do thoil.
Unfortunately, Deputy Albert Reynolds seems to be in the tradition of stroke politics as has been practised here for many years. I hope I am wrong.
Deputies:
The Deputy is.
I would love to be proved wrong. It is very sad for this once great party, Fianna Fáil, whose constitution provides that the resources of the country be harnessed for the good of all, that as many people as practicable be settled on the land, and provides for the decentralisation of power and industry. They were once a great party. I hope to be proved wrong. I hope Deputy Albert Reynolds will be able to get back to those core Fianna Fáil values. I also hope this new Government will not be beset by the scandals of the previous Government. I hope Deputy Reynolds will not be embarrassed by any further revelations at the beef tribunal inquiry because the last thing we want is another series of crises which resulted in the situation we are facing today — the election of a new Taoiseach. I would not go along with the Fine Gael view that what we need is a general election. A general election would prove nothing——
(Interruptions.)
——not that the Green Party have anything to fear from a general election. I can assure the House there will be many collegues with me the next time. Deputies can take the smiles off their faces because they will not like that.
There is a clear consensus in the country at present; 75 per cent to 80 per cent of the people want a continuation of some form of centre right Government — whether we like it or not, and I do not like it one bit. That is the reality, and there is no point in plunging this country into an unnecessary general election.
I would like to speak very briefly on the thre main problems we are facing at present but not in any particular order, because they are all equally important. I come first to employment. I was singularly unimpressed by the contributions from Fine Gael on unemployment. They have had many opportunities in governments in which they have been involved in the past to do something about the unemployment problem. The fact is they are as totally bankrupt of ideas on unemployment as the two Government parties.
Labour were in the same Government.
That was before his time.
I do, however, commend Deputy Quinn——
Labour were in the same Government.
Yes, but they were the small boys in the same Government.
(Interruptions.)
Let us hear Deputy Garland without interruption.
I would, however, commend Deputy Quinn's sentiments in that he admitted he did not know the answer. That is very honest and honourable. I would like to assure Deputy Quinn and the Labour Party that the Green Party are very anxious to co-operate with everyone in this House. In fact, we will be launching a major policy initiative on unemployment next month which will, I think, contribute considerably to solving this problem. I will be seeking co-operation from everyone in this House towards finding a solution to the unemployment question.
Regarding Northern Ireland, I echo the sentiments of Deputy Mitchell that this problem needs to be prioritised to the extent that we need a special Minister in this area, if not a full Minister, then at least a Minister of State who would give this matter his or her undivided attention and would not be distracted by other affairs in the great world outside. I say that with no disrespect whatsoever to the Minister for Foreign Affairs who has many duties to perform, but we need to concentrate on Northern Ireland.
The last and one of the most important issues is the environment. I hope when the Taoiseach elect puts together a Government he will set up a proper Department of the Environment, not a Department of local government that is masquerading as a Department of the Environment. We need a separate Department of the Environment under a Cabinet Minister who will deal exclusively with the many environmental problems we have today.
In the past week we had five or six major environmental problems; the probable demolition of Howth House, the felling of trees at Coolattin Woods, the three interpretative centres which the Office of Public Works seem determined to foist on people whether they like them or not, the Dingle marina and, last but not least, the rape of Carton House which now seems imminent. For all these reasons I will be voting against the nomination of Deputy Reynolds.
I am putting the question on the nominations in the order in which they were moved in the House:
Cuireadh an cheist: "Go n-ainmneoidh Dáil Éireann an Teachta Ailbhe Mac Raghnaill chun a cheaptha ag an Uachtarán mar Thaoiseach".
Question put: "That Dáil Éireann nominates Deputy Albert Reynolds for appointment by the President to be Taoiseach".
The Dáil divided: Tá, 84; Níl, 78.
Tá
- Ahern, Bertie.
- Ahern, Dermot.
- Ahern, Michael.
- Andrews, David.
- Aylward, Liam.
- Barrett, Michael.
- Brady, Gerard.
- Brady, Vincent.
- Brennan, Mattie.
- Brennan, Séamus.
- Briscoe, Ben.
- Browne, John (Wexford).
- Burke, Raphael P.
- Calleary, Seán.
- Callely, Ivor.
- Clohessy, Peadar.
- Collins, Gerard.
- Connolly, Ger.
- Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
- Cowen, Brian.
- Cullimore, Séamus.
- Daly, Brendan.
- Davern, Noel.
- Dempsey, Noel.
- Dennehy, John.
- de Valera, Síle.
- Ellis, John.
- Fahey, Frank.
- Fahey, Jackie.
- Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
- Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
- Flood, Chris.
- Flynn, Pádraig.
- Foxe, Tom.
- Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
- Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
- Harney, Mary.
- Haughey, Charles J.
- Hillery, Brian.
- Hilliard, Colm.
- Hyland, Liam.
- Jacob, Joe.
- Kelly, Laurence.
- Kenneally, Brendan.
- Kirk, Séamus.
- Kitt, Michael P.
- Kitt, Tom.
- Lawlor, Liam.
- Lenihan, Brian.
- Leonard, Jimmy.
- Leyden, Terry.
- Lyons, Denis.
- Martin, Micheál.
- McCreevy, Charlie.
- McDaid, Jim.
- McEllistrim, Tom.
- Molloy, Robert.
- Morley, P.J.
- Nolan, M.J.
- Noonan, Michael J.
- (Limerick West).
- O'Connell, John.
- O'Dea, Willie.
- O'Donoghue, John.
- O'Hanlon, Rory.
- O'Keeffe, Ned.
- O'Kennedy, Michael.
- O'Leary, John.
- O'Malley, Desmond J.
- O'Rourke, Mary.
- O'Toole, Martin Joe.
- Power, Seán.
- Quill, Máirín.
- Reynolds, Albert.
- Roche, Dick.
- Smith, Michael.
- Stafford, John.
- Treacy, Noel.
- Tunney, Jim.
- Wallace, Dan.
- Wallace, Mary.
- Walsh, Joe.
- Wilson, John P.
- Woods, Michael.
- Wyse, Pearse.
Níl
- Ahearn, Therese.
- Allen, Bernard.
- Barnes, Monica.
- Barrett, Seán.
- Barry, Peter.
- Bell, Michael.
- Belton, Louis J.
- Boylan, Andrew.
- Bradford, Paul.
- Browne, John (Carlow-Kilkenny).
- Currie, Austin.
- D'Arcy, Michael.
- Deasy, Austin.
- Deenihan, Jimmy.
- De Rossa, Prionsias.
- Doyle, Joe.
- Dukes, Alan.
- Durkan, Bernard.
- Enright, Thomas W.
- Farrelly, John V.
- Fennell, Nuala.
- Ferris, Michael.
- Finucane, Michael.
- FitzGerald, Garret.
- Flaherty, Mary.
- Flanagan, Charles.
- Garland, Roger.
- Gilmore, Eamon.
- Gregory, Tony.
- Higgins, Jim.
- Higgins, Michael D.
- Hogan, Philip.
- Howlin, Brendan.
- Kavanagh, Liam.
- Kemmy, Jim.
- Kenny, Enda.
- Lee, Pat.
- Lowry, Michael.
- McCartan, Pat.
- Bruton, John.
- Bruton, Richard.
- Byrne, Eric.
- Carey, Donal.
- Connaughton, Paul.
- Connor, John.
- Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
- Cotter, Bill.
- Creed, Michael.
- Crowley, Frank.
- McCormack, Pádraic.
- McGahon, Brendan.
- McGinley, Dinny.
- Mac Giolla, Tomás.
- McGrath, Paul.
- Mitchell, Gay.
- Mitchell, Jim.
- Moynihan, Michael.
- Nealon, Ted.
- Noonan, Michael.
- (Limerick East).
- O'Brien, Fergus.
- O'Keeffe, Jim.
- O'Shea, Brian.
- O'Sullivan, Gerry.
- O'Sullivan, Toddy.
- Owen, Nora.
- Pattison, Séamus.
- Quinn, Ruairí.
- Rabbitte, Pat.
- Reynolds, Gerry.
- Ryan, Seán.
- Sheehan, Patrick J.
- Sherlock, Joe.
- Spring, Dick.
- Stagg, Emmet.
- Taylor, Mervyn.
- Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.
- Timmins, Godfrey.
- Yates, Ivan.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies D. Ahern and Clohessy; Níl, Deputies Flanagan and Howlin.
Question declared carried.
I declare Deputy Albert Reynolds to have been nominated for appointment by the President as Taoiseach.
Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Ba mhaith liom fíor-bhuíochas a chur in iúl don Dáil as ucht mé a ainmniú mar Thaoiseach.
I do not propose to comment on the points made in this debate to which ordinarily I would have liked to reply. I wish simply to say that I am conscious of the great honour being conferred on me. I thank the Dáil for having nominated me to this high office. I am conscious also of the very many grave problems facing us as a society. As Taoiseach I will endeavour to deal with them to the best of my ability.
A Ceann Comhairle, it is now necessary that I go and inform the President of my nomination so that she may appoint me. Accordingly, I suggest that the Dáil adjourn until 3.30 p.m. this afternoon.
Before the sitting is adjourned I want to wish the new Taoiseach well in his work. For reasons I will explain later it is in everybody's interest in this House that he succeeds in his work.
As is our responsibility, we on this side of the House will be critical and at all times vigilant. Obviously it would be our hope that the next time we have a vote on this proposition the result will be different. In the meantime I wish the new Taoiseach well in his work.
On my own behalf, and that of the Parliamentary Labour Party, I wish to congratulate Deputy Albert Reynolds on his attainment of high office, on becoming Taoiseach. He undertakes a very serious and difficult task at a difficult time which he recognised in his public statements so far. Obviously we have a role to play in Opposition and I should like to think it will be constructive. I am confident the new Taoiseach is fully aware of the difficulties facing him and his party and wish him well in this new post.
I congratulate the new Taoiseach on his election to the most important position in our parliamentary system. I have already stated my views in relation to the politics of the new Taoiseach. I look forward to debating with him the points I have raised. At this stage I should like to make one point, which I made earlier, that the Taoiseach actively take up the proposal of the Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed for the establishment of an employment forum, when I have no doubt the Opposition parties will co-operate fully with him.
The proposal is that the sitting be suspended until 3.30 p.m. Is that satisfactory? Agreed.
Sitting suspended at 12.30 p.m. and resumed at 3.30 p.m.