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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 18 Nov 1993

Vol. 435 No. 11

Ceisteanna — Questions. Oral Answers. - Northern Ireland Peace Proposals.

Michael McDowell

Ceist:

3 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the terms of the Hume-Adams proposals in detail; the way in which they differ from the six principles recently enunciated by him; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

Mary Harney

Ceist:

6 Miss Harney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement in respect of the prospects for a peaceful settlement in Northern Ireland of bringing Unionist opinion along with the peace process; and if he will make a statement about the framework for inter-party talks in Northern Ireland.

Michael McDowell

Ceist:

13 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the terms of the Hume-Adams proposals in detail; the way in which they differ from the six principles recently enunciated by him; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

Bernard J. Durkan

Ceist:

15 Mr. Durkan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the plans, if any, he has for discussion with the various interests in Northern Ireland, with a view to achieving a formula within which it might be possible to arrive at a resumption of all-party talks; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

Jim O'Keeffe

Ceist:

16 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs whether he expects Northern Ireland peace talks to resume in the near future.

Proinsias De Rossa

Ceist:

17 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the response, if any, he has received from parties in Northern Ireland to the six principles outlined by him in his speech to Dáil Eireann on 27 October 1993; if he has met or will meet any of the democratic political parties in Northern Ireland to discuss these; the plans, if any, he has to further promote the principles; if he has considered the proposals set out by the DUP in its document, Breaking the Logjam; his response to the document; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

Jim O'Keeffe

Ceist:

27 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the successes, if any, he has had since he came into office in arranging meetings with the Unionist leadership; the further steps, if any, he is taking in this regard; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

Michael McDowell

Ceist:

28 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement in respect of the prospects for a peaceful settlement in Northern Ireland; the prospects of bringing Unionist opinion along with the peace process; and if he will make a statement about the framework for inter-party talks in Northern Ireland.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 3, 6, 13, 15, 16, 17, 27 and 28 together.

The creation of a framework for peace, stability and reconciliation among all the people of Ireland is perhaps the most important single challange facing the Government. I believe that there may be a significant window of opportunity at present to achieve a complete and permanent cessation of violence. The Irish and British Governments have major moral and political responsibilities to exploit that opportunity and to do everything possible to devise an acceptable framework for peace.

I welcome Prime Minister Major's acceptance, in his Guildhall speech last Monday, that "there may now be a better opportunity for peace in Northern Ireland than for many years" as well as his assurance that the British Government is "now actively seeking a framework to deliver peace, stability and reconcilliation". I also strongly agree that "all concerned will have to show courage, court unpopularity, break down old barriers and take risks". It is also very encouraging that the Northern Ireland conflict is now a high priority for the British Government also.

As the Taoiseach told the House last Thursday, the Government is giving the highest priority to the development of a basis for peace. We are working hand-in-hand with the British Government to explore the scope for a peace process which would facilitate the ending of violence once and for all.

In a speech in this House on 27 October, I outlined a number of principles which, taken as a whole and further developed, should assist the development of that process. These were favourably received by the British Government and by a wide cross-section of opinion on this island, North and South, and internationally.

The principles sought to balance, on the one hand, an acknowledgement of the right of the people living in Ireland, North and South, to determine their own future with, on the other, the principle that any decision involving a change in the present status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the freely expressed consent of the people there. I believe that a balance between these key concepts, which is already implicit in the Anglo-Irish Agreement, can be developed in a way which can advance the objective of reaching lasting peace and stability.

I have already stated that the principles which I outlined were intended to be complementary to the efforts which John Hume has been making to find a basis for peace. The factors involved in the Northern Ireland problem remain the same and are known to all. Accordingly, initiatives taken by any democratically-minded political leader to address the problem will clearly reflect a number of common points and approaches. I believe it is more important to discuss the principles put forward on their merits, rather than to seek to attach labels to them.

As I have previously made clear, we greatly value the efforts made by John Hume. His initiative has profoundly altered that climate for discussion and has crystallised public hopes that peace may be attainable. It is for the Irish and British Governments to assume their responsibilities and to use all the resources at their disposal to bring to fruition the hopes which inspired Mr. Hume's initiative and have been further raised by it.

The search for a peace formula and efforts to achieve a comprehensive political settlement through fresh dialogue are complementary and in many ways inter-related. The achievement of peace would, of course, completely transform the political environment. It would enhance to a very significant extent the prospects of achieving a successful outcome to renewed dialogue. It is, accordingly, an objective which must be pursued urgently, vigorously and imaginatively by both Governments over the period ahead.

The Taoiseach and I have consistently made clear that we wish to see the earliest possible resumption of a collective talks process addressing all strands of our relationship and aimed at a fair and comprehensive political settlement of the problem of Northern Ireland. We have been working actively with the British Government on ways in which we might provide a framework to carry the matter forward. It remains our hope that those northern parties who at present refuse to engage in talks will again find it possible to do so.

Since coming into office, I have made abundantly clear my desire for dialogue with Unionist political leaders. Through a variety of channels, I have made sure they are directly aware of my interest in hearing their views and concerns and in discussing ways in which a lasting accommodation between the two traditions on our island can be reached.

While no specific arrangements have been made as yet for a meeting with the UUP leader, Mr. Molyneaux, I am encouraged by his reactions on the matter and to the positions I have taken. I look forward to the prospect of a meeting and hope that it can take place shortly. I would be glad to discuss with Mr. Molyneaux, and with other party leaders in Northern Ireland, the six principles to which I have referred, and the benefits which the achievement of peace would bring to both communities in Northern Ireland. I am also willing to discuss with the party leaders the positions which each party has taken on ways in which political progress might be achieved — including the DUP in their recently published document, "Breaking the Logjam". I have to acknowledge that this document has, however, evoked a somewhat unfavourable reaction from both Unionist and Nationalist political leaders in Northern Ireland.

For good reasons.

I note that the Minister has signally failed to deal with the issue raised in my question, but I appreciate that the Chair is in no position to force him to be more forthcoming on the matter.

In view of the fact that John Hume told the public at large that his proposals had the potential to bring about peace within a week and that core elements of those proposals are being kept secret from the Unionist community, can the Minister indicate whether it is reasonable to assume in those circumstances that there is something at the core of the Hume-Adams proposals which is repugnant fundamentally to the Unionist position and, if not, can he suggest any other reason to keep these proposals secret?

I am sure the Deputy is aware that the Taoiseach and I were given a confidential briefing by John Hume, the Leader of the SDLP, on the outcome of his talks with the Sinn Féin leader, Mr. Adams. In the joint statement issued on behalf of the three of us after the briefing we said that we believed the need for confidentiality should be respected in the interests of peace. That is still the view of the Government. It is a matter for the two people involved, Mr. Hume and Mr. Adams, to decide whether they will ultimately make the outcome of their discussions public. The Government has set out fully in the Dáil and elsewhere its position and views on this issue. Obviously it is not for me to decide whether matters are repugnant to the Unionists — those are matters with which the Unionists will have to deal in due course.

Mr. M. McDowell rose.

A brief question, Deputy. The House will observe that the time for dealing with Priority Questions is fast running out.

I think you will agree, a Cheann Comhairle, that my question was very short.

I am concerned about the overall regulations to which the Chair must adhere.

Would the Minister agree that it is not simply a matter of him deciding what the Unionists should or should not know? The issue here is whether an alternative agenda, which has the potential for bringing peace to the province within one week, is being explored and if it has the potential, why one of the parties to the conflict in Northern Ireland should be kept wholly in the dark as to what is so significant about these proposals that they must not know about them. I am asking the Minister to indicate to the House what it is about the Hume-Adams proposals, if they do have the potential to bring peace within a week, that requires them to be kept confidential from one community only in Northern Ireland, given that our Government has not indicated their contents to the British Government, that the IRA's Army Council is aware of them and, presumably, the other members of the SDLP. Why must the Unionist community be excluded from any knowledge of the contents of these so significant proposals?

As I said in my response, I have made it known that I am available to meet with the leaders of the Unionist parties if they wish to have discussions in relation to all matters affecting us on this island. I am ready, willing and available to do so. The Deputy is also well aware that both Governments are involved in discussions on a regular basis, perhaps with more intensity than ever before, in relation to the genuine prospects, which I know everyone in this House supports, of establishing the peace process. Between ourselves and the British Government I would hope that we can advance the prospects which I believe exist at the present time in a genuine form and obviously it is in everybody's interest that progress can be made.

I have to say that the time available to us for dealing with——

May I ask one very brief final supplementary?

Very good, Deputy. The time for these questions is now exhausted.

Would the Minister agree with me that the representatives of the Unionist parties have been adopting in recent days a reasonable and open minded approach to recent developments and in those circumstances does he not believe there should be some reciprocation?

Perhaps the attitude, which I welcome, of the Unionist leadership in recent days is in itself a reciprocation for attitudes from the south.

Let us now proceed to other questions.

Given that you, a Cheann Comhairle, are concerned with Members' rights in this House, I wish to say that every time I put down a question to a Minister the time runs out, and I am unable to ask my question.

The Chair has sought ad nauseam to have these questions dealt with in a fair and equitable manner. On every occasion I seek to bring to the notice of Members the need for brevity here. If Deputies feel strongly about this matter they have a remedy.

I wish I knew what that was.

My office will be glad to advise you, Deputy. Let us now come to deal with Question No. 8 in the name of Deputy Timmins.

What about Question No. 7?

Question No. 7 has been withdrawn.

Very interesting.

A sensible decision.

Was it withdrawn since the Tánaiste returned?

A Cheann Comhairle, in relation to the concern that Deputy Sargent has raised, I am quite willing to discuss the matter with him and with Deputy Connor following Question Time.

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