I propose to take Questions Nos. 3, 6, 13, 15, 16, 17, 27 and 28 together.
The creation of a framework for peace, stability and reconciliation among all the people of Ireland is perhaps the most important single challange facing the Government. I believe that there may be a significant window of opportunity at present to achieve a complete and permanent cessation of violence. The Irish and British Governments have major moral and political responsibilities to exploit that opportunity and to do everything possible to devise an acceptable framework for peace.
I welcome Prime Minister Major's acceptance, in his Guildhall speech last Monday, that "there may now be a better opportunity for peace in Northern Ireland than for many years" as well as his assurance that the British Government is "now actively seeking a framework to deliver peace, stability and reconcilliation". I also strongly agree that "all concerned will have to show courage, court unpopularity, break down old barriers and take risks". It is also very encouraging that the Northern Ireland conflict is now a high priority for the British Government also.
As the Taoiseach told the House last Thursday, the Government is giving the highest priority to the development of a basis for peace. We are working hand-in-hand with the British Government to explore the scope for a peace process which would facilitate the ending of violence once and for all.
In a speech in this House on 27 October, I outlined a number of principles which, taken as a whole and further developed, should assist the development of that process. These were favourably received by the British Government and by a wide cross-section of opinion on this island, North and South, and internationally.
The principles sought to balance, on the one hand, an acknowledgement of the right of the people living in Ireland, North and South, to determine their own future with, on the other, the principle that any decision involving a change in the present status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the freely expressed consent of the people there. I believe that a balance between these key concepts, which is already implicit in the Anglo-Irish Agreement, can be developed in a way which can advance the objective of reaching lasting peace and stability.
I have already stated that the principles which I outlined were intended to be complementary to the efforts which John Hume has been making to find a basis for peace. The factors involved in the Northern Ireland problem remain the same and are known to all. Accordingly, initiatives taken by any democratically-minded political leader to address the problem will clearly reflect a number of common points and approaches. I believe it is more important to discuss the principles put forward on their merits, rather than to seek to attach labels to them.
As I have previously made clear, we greatly value the efforts made by John Hume. His initiative has profoundly altered that climate for discussion and has crystallised public hopes that peace may be attainable. It is for the Irish and British Governments to assume their responsibilities and to use all the resources at their disposal to bring to fruition the hopes which inspired Mr. Hume's initiative and have been further raised by it.
The search for a peace formula and efforts to achieve a comprehensive political settlement through fresh dialogue are complementary and in many ways inter-related. The achievement of peace would, of course, completely transform the political environment. It would enhance to a very significant extent the prospects of achieving a successful outcome to renewed dialogue. It is, accordingly, an objective which must be pursued urgently, vigorously and imaginatively by both Governments over the period ahead.
The Taoiseach and I have consistently made clear that we wish to see the earliest possible resumption of a collective talks process addressing all strands of our relationship and aimed at a fair and comprehensive political settlement of the problem of Northern Ireland. We have been working actively with the British Government on ways in which we might provide a framework to carry the matter forward. It remains our hope that those northern parties who at present refuse to engage in talks will again find it possible to do so.
Since coming into office, I have made abundantly clear my desire for dialogue with Unionist political leaders. Through a variety of channels, I have made sure they are directly aware of my interest in hearing their views and concerns and in discussing ways in which a lasting accommodation between the two traditions on our island can be reached.
While no specific arrangements have been made as yet for a meeting with the UUP leader, Mr. Molyneaux, I am encouraged by his reactions on the matter and to the positions I have taken. I look forward to the prospect of a meeting and hope that it can take place shortly. I would be glad to discuss with Mr. Molyneaux, and with other party leaders in Northern Ireland, the six principles to which I have referred, and the benefits which the achievement of peace would bring to both communities in Northern Ireland. I am also willing to discuss with the party leaders the positions which each party has taken on ways in which political progress might be achieved — including the DUP in their recently published document, "Breaking the Logjam". I have to acknowledge that this document has, however, evoked a somewhat unfavourable reaction from both Unionist and Nationalist political leaders in Northern Ireland.