Jim Higgins
Ceist:2 Mr. J. Higgins asked the Taoiseach if he will give details of the business meetings he attended during his most recent visit to the United States; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Taoiseach's Business Meetings in US.
Before I move on to the detail of this response let me take this opportunity to express before the Dáil my absolute revulsion and condemnation of the massacre in Loughinisland on Saturday night. A wonderfully happy occasion for all Irish people was darkened by the murder in cold blood of six innocent people. This was indeed the slaughter of the innocents.
Such actions cannot and will not be allowed to determine the political agenda. The two Governments have set their face against allowing paramilitaries to impose a veto on political progress. We will not be deflected from that aim.
I would like to extend my sympathy to all those bereaved by this atrocity. The essential purpose of my visit to the United States was to support our soccer team in opening its World Cup campaign. I was proud to do that and delighted at the team's win over Italy. I know I represent the views of everybody on its marvellous win.
While in the United States I took the opportunity to make those senior American politicians and business leaders I met, aware of the up-to-date position on the peace process being advanced by the Irish and British Governments and to promote business contacts between Ireland and the United States.
In New York I attended a function at the World Trade Centre to mark the opening for business of the Dublin branch of the New York Cotton Exchange, FINEX. The Dublin exchange is FINEX's first outside the United States and has been opened to reach European customers during European trading hours. It is hoped that the exchange, which deals in financial futures, will trade up to 2,000 contracts a day.
In New York I also lent my support to a fund-raiser for the charity First Step, which has helped and continues to help many small Irish businesses become viable employment generating enterprises.
During my visit to the New York area I met Ms Christine Todd Whitman, Governor of New Jersey. Discussion centred on the attractions of Ireland as a centre for investment and also on our continuing initiative to bring about lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
The issue of peace in Northern Ireland and of the role the American Government and Irish-American can play in helping to achieve it was at the heart of two major speeches I made in Boston, at the Kennedy Library and to the World Affairs Council of Boston, respectively. These two speeches reached a distinguished audience of politicians, academics and decision-makers. On each occasion, I outlined to my audience the continuing importance of the joint declaration as a basis for progress and the commitment of both the Irish and British Governments towards bringing about a balanced, fair political settlement. I also stressed the fact that the only way forward lies in participation in the democratic process.
The World Affairs Council in Boston did me the honour of presenting me with the Christian A. Herter Memorial award, made each year for what the council considers to be a significant contribution to international affairs.
I was honoured to receive the good wishes of President Clinton on the occasion of the making of this award and, in particular, his recognition of the efforts that I am making to bring about a just and lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
I concur with the Taoiseach in congratulating Jack and the boys for doing us proud on the soccer battlefields of the world. I join him in condemning the barbarity and sadism of the past few days.
I congratulate the Taoiseach on being presented with the Christian A. Herter Memorial award for his contribution to peace. In his acceptance address the Taoiseach said that neither the British nor Irish Governments will allow political progress to be held hostage to the internal decision-making process of any group and that the time for the Republican movement to make its decision clear on the Downing Street Declaration is long overdue. Will he spell out in detail what he meant by the governments "will not be held hostage"? What is his response to Mr. Gerry Adams's comments on "Morning Ireland" that the Irish Government knows the timeframe involved in relation to the Downing Street Declaration?
I was on my way back from the United States and I did not hear Mr. Adams's comments on "Morning Ireland". It has been clear for some time — and I said it on a number of occasions — that I expect a response from the Republican movement sometime in early July. I do not know if there is anything new in what was said this morning. The two Governments will not allow the paramilitary organisations to dictate the political agenda and we have no intention of allowing that despite the savage and barbaric attacks on innocent people. For the life of me I cannot understand what purpose is supposed to have been served by shooting an 80 plus year old while watching a football game on television. The two sovereign Governments will not allow the agenda to be dictated by paramilitaries, no matter how hard they try. Indeed, it is to be expected that people with certain vested interests may try to undermine and derail the peace process but that will not be allowed to happen.
In the past two days, presumably while in the United States, the Taoiseach outlined proposals for an all-Ireland Authority. What precise functions will the Irish Government delegate to the all-Ireland Authority? Will the establishment of this Authority — which presumably will be superior to the Government — require an amendment to the Constitution? Will this Authority be established with the separate consent by referendum of both parts of Ireland, or by a joint decision of the Governments.
I have never used the word "Authority", what I have been referring to all along, which is no different on this occasion, is institutional links between North and South which adequately reflect the diversity and different identities of the two divided communities. I have said that we need economic links between North and South to explore and exploit the opportunities created by a single market on the island of Ireland. The whole area of North-South economic links is under discussion in the liaison committee. Those issues are part and parcel of the debate going on at the moment. I did not use the word "Authority" nor did I attempt to establish the type of Authority or anything like that.
Did the Taoiseach say that this body would have executive functions and if one is an executive does that not imply authority? Is is possible to be an executive without having authority?
In regard to the Taoiseach's visit to the United States — and I do not cavil at his visiting the United States on this occasion — why was it necessary for him to be accompanied by his private secretary, his assistant private secretary, his programme manager, the secretary of his Department and his official driver? Is it not the case that the Consulate General in New York can provide most of those services on an adequate basis within the United States without the necessity for the Taoiseach to bring such a large entourage with him? Will he agree that this is a Republic, not a monarchy, and that it is not necessary for him to bring an entire court with him wherever he travels?
I expect brevity at this stage.
I think the Irish people would take issue with some of the suggestions Deputy Bruton might make. He never occupied this seat and probably never will. It is a tradition in this country that a security officer accompanies the Taoiseach on every visit abroad. That was the case in my predecessors' time also. I would not agree to leave my security officer at home when travelling abroad.
A Deputy
They all wanted to see the match, I suppose.
While I was in Boston two of my other officials had a series of meetings in relation to the Financial Services Centre in Dublin. The Deputy can be assured that officials accompanying me are not on a holiday. They work longer hours than he or anybody else might appreciate.
I do not know what familiarity the Taoiseach has with my working hours but I do not think——
Deputy Bruton, I will hear certain Deputies who have offered.
I have travelled to the United States on official visits——
Deputy Bruton may not interrupt the Chair in this fashion.
——but I did not take a caravan with me.
I would advise Members of the House, as indeed they can observe themselves, that the time available for dealing with questions to the Taoiseach is exhausted. I call Deputy Harney.
I too agree with the Taoiseach's condemnation of last Saturday night's atrocity and also his words of congratulation to the Irish team. I congratulate the Taoiseach on his award. Will he clarify what he said to the Boston audience in relation to Articles 2 and 3? Did he say he would be prepared to trade a change in Articles 2 and 3 for some joint authority over Northern Ireland?
I never mentioned the words "joint authority". What I said is that there can be no unilateral change in Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution and that is quite clear from the Downing Street Declaration, which is the basis for all the work in the liaison committee. That is the foundation and the parameters are laid out. It states very clearly that there has to be a balanced constitutional agreement in relation to changes. That is clearly what I am saying. I have not said anything different and I never mentioned the words "joint authority".
It would be a help to the House if the Taoiseach would tell us what precisely he said with regard to Articles 2 and 3 and the institutional links with Northern Ireland. In that context, will he indicate whether this proposal is one of those sought to be incorporated in the framework document?
I would be happy to pass on to Deputy De Rossa copies of my two speeches, one given in New York and the other in Boston, so that he can read what I actually said.
I am asking the Taoiseach to tell the House.
I will hear——
On a point of order——
The Chair is fighting against time limits.
I asked the Taoiseach if he would tell the House, not me specifically, what precisely he said in the United States with regard to Articles 2 and 3.
The Deputy will find other ways and means of dealing with that matter.
It is an important question and we are entitled to an answer.
If the Deputy is dissatisfied with the Taoiseach's reply, he has a remedy.
I would like some further detail from the Taoiseach in regard to one area. In Boston he referred to North-South institutional links and having executive powers. Will the Taoiseach give further information to the House as to what he has in mind and the type of executive powers he is proposing in the framework document for the North-South links?
I have said already — and I have nothing further to add — that those items are at the centre of debate and discussion between the two Governments and in the liaison committee. This is not the first time this issue has been stated clearly and openly. These matters are part and parcel of the Downing Street Declaration and the significance is that there has to be a settlement involving the three sets of relationships on these islands, first, in relation to the internal Government of Northern Ireland; second, in the links between North and South and, third, in the relationship between Dublin and London. That is all in the declaration and if people study it closely they will see that the work is centred on those areas.
In view of the fact that the recent spate of tit for tat murders was started by the so-called INLA, where does that organisation fit into the present peace process equation? Obviously the INLA is capable of destroying any fragile agreement which might be forged between the two Governments and involving Sinn Féin.
The INLA is one of many organisations, some of which are on the Loyalist side. It has carried out some vicious murders in recent times. We do not hear of it very often but it is a lethal organisation. It is small in number, according to the information available to me, and undoubtedly the security forces on both sides will continue the high level of co-operation in order to bring to justice organisations on both sides who are involved in those types of savage murders.
We now come to deal with priority questions for which 20 minutes only are provided for in our Standing Orders.