The IRA ceasefire announcement, ending its campaign from I September, was a truly momentous development, allowing the peoples of Ireland and Britain to emerge from the shadows of violence into a new era of hope. The announcement of a complete cessation of violence and its definitive commitment to the success of the democratic peace process marked an historic turning point, and in my judgment clearly involved, and was intended to involve on the part of the IRA, a permanent end to the use of, or support for, paramilitary violence. This judgment has been completely borne out in the subsequent six weeks. A speedy and pro-active response was necessary to help consolidate the commitments given in the ceasefire statement and thus decisively to advance the peace process.
I appreciate that many people — particularly in the Unionist community — are apprehensive and uncertain about the new era now emerging. That is very understandable after 25 years of sustained violence and terror. Violence has diminished trust and deepened the divide between the two traditions in Northern Ireland, as well as between North and South. The IRA ceasefire announcement challenges us all to start building bridges of trust across our historical antagonisms, accepting that each tradition holds an indispensable part of the solution.
My decision, along with Mr. John Hume, MEP, to meet with Mr. Gerry Adams six days after the ceasefire announcement was guided by the absolute conviction that, in the IRA statement, the Republican movement was acknowledging a full and unequivocal commitment to the democratic peace process, and stating in a binding way that it would not attempt any further to resolve problems or remedy injustices by the use of force. Developments since 1 September strongly vindicate that view.
The joint statement issued by myself, Mr. Hume and Mr. Adams at our meeting on 6 September is of great significance. In it, the leader of Sinn Féin joins us in giving a total and absolute commitment to democratic methods of resolving our political problems. He commits his party to our shared objective of an equitable and lasting agreement that can command the allegiance of all. Furthermore, there is a clear and unequivocal acknowledgement that the problem cannot be resolved without the participation and agreement of the Unionist people.
These clearly stated commitments, when taken in conjunction with the IRA ceasefire announcement, constitute a tremendous breakthrough for everyone on this island. The cessation of violence is for real, it is for good. The statement issued by IRA prisoners in the Maze on 9 September confirms that the ceasefire will hold "in all circumstances". Further statements made by the Sinn Féin leadership lend even greater authority to that commitment.
The recent spate of so-called punishment beatings in both communities are indefensible acts. Such acts of brutality add an unnecessary negative dimension to our collective efforts towards advancement of the peace process by damaging public confidence. The problems and structure of policing is an issue that will have to be addressed at an early stage so that full public confidence in a regular policing system be established in all areas. Our concerns in that regard have been made known to Sinn Féin.
We now need to build on the IRA cessation of violence. A complete peace naturally demands a similar action by all paramilitary groups. In that regard, the Tánaiste and I are encouraged that loyalist paramilitaries are engaged in a process of deliberation with a view to calling a ceasefire. Time and space may be required by them before a definitive decision is reached but, in the meantime, violent attacks, of which there have been a number right up to the present, should cease forthwith. No understandable purpose can be served by a continuation. The use of force as an instrument of change is outdated and counter-productive to the advancement of any political objective. The Downing Street Declaration removed any justification for violence, either loyalist or republican.
An atmosphere of complete peace would facilitate a gradual process of demilitarisation and the safe and permanent disposal of weapons and explosives held by paramilitary organisations on all sides, so that they can never be used again. Our security forces have had great success in recent years in locating and destroying weaponry for use by paramilitary organisations, and these efforts will continue.
An onerous responsibility rests on all to grasp the unique opportunity which now exists to reach political agreement in an environment of peace. The two Governments are well advanced in our efforts to formulate a joint framework document that would constitute our shared understanding on the broad outlines of a settlement. It is our intention that these discussions will be finalised in advance of my next meeting with the British Prime Minister which will take place over the coming weeks.
I would like to reassure both communities that the purpose of this document is to assist a subsequent all-party talks process. Our approach is guided by the fundamental reality that an eventual political settlement will require the participation, agreement and consent of both traditions. The two Governments have made that position very clear. The British Prime Minister stated on 16 September that any new agreement would be put to a referendum in the North. For our part, the Tánaiste and I have stated in the Programme for a Partnership Government that "since the final outcome of such negotiations will need to be acceptable to the people North and South, we will seek endorsement in a referendum for an agreed package". I want to repeat that commitment here today. Concurrent referendums. North and South, on any substantial new agreement follow logically from the Downing Street Declaration, which speaks of giving effect to any measure of agreement on future relationships in Ireland which the people living in Ireland may themselves freely so determine without external impediment. The undertakings given in that regard should provide both traditions with the necessary reassurance in terms of their shared political future.
An ongoing review of progress in the joint framework document discussions features prominently in my contacts with John Major, including at our meeting in the margins of the European Council meeting in Corfu at the end of June. In view of the complexity and sensitivity of the issues involved, I do not propose to bring into the public domain any aspect of the ongoing discussions on the document in advance of intergovernmental agreement being reached.
I repeat that a constitutional balance is essential if the necessary allegiance of each tradition to an eventual agreement is to be secured. The assurance to Unionists on Northern Ireland's constitutional status being conditional upon majority consent there, needs to be balanced by a reformulation of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, to reflect agreement that the wishes of the people are paramount, and by a strong all-Ireland institutional dimension to accommodate not just the Nationalist identity, but also the practical needs of both communities and both parts of Ireland to give effect to the European Single Market on this island. In short, an agreed settlement demands the achievement of a balance between the two sets of rights, allegiances and aspirations and the establishment of common interests and positions between them.
With flexibility on all sides, the Tánaiste and I are confident that through a process of democratic dialogue and persuasion, conducted in an atmosphere of peace and goodwill, we can and will agree a new political accommodation founded on consent and respect for difference. In our search for agreement, we can all take heart from the many obstacles already overcome. The prospect of an Ireland at peace with its historic diversities is now within reach, but we all need to work hard in a spirit of generosity to achieve that goal.