Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 21 Feb 1995

Vol. 449 No. 4

Financial Resolutions, 1995. - Financial Resolution No. 4: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
— (The Taoiseach.)

I wish to share my time with Deputy Flaherty.

The Government must play a positive and proactive role in creating the economic conditions which permit enterprise and job creation. We are seeing the benefits of such policies. For the past few years the unemployment rate has been falling steadily. To this end many of the taxation measures will ensure that the trend continues. In 1994 there was an increase in total employment of 36,000 compared with 1993.

I am particularly concerned at the unemployment levels in Dublin city and county which are by far the highest in any region in the country. The long term unemployment rate, which can be as high as 80 per cent in some housing estates within the city and county boundaries, must be addressed.

I welcome the decision to provide £6 million for the introduction of an intensive guidance and placement service for the long term unemployed. This important training initiative will give hope to those who have been out of work for a long period. If the long term unemployment rate continues unchecked it will mean that many generations will never hold a job.

The Minister has rightly concentrated on assisting those in low paid jobs, particularly young people, by reducing the level of taxation. The reform of PRSI through the introduction of the new PRSI allowance of £50 per week is a bold and radical move. It is a major reduction of the tax wedge in an exposed sector of the economy. These moves will lead to an increase in take home pay and make it more financially attractive for young people to take their first job and make the all important tentative step into the labour market.

A further welcome step is the increase to £25 per week in unemployment assistance paid to young people living in the family home. I urge the Minister to introduce in future budgets further measures to give young people a genuine opportunity to make a positive contribution to society.

This is undoubtedly the most profamily budget presented in modern times as it contains a series of measures designed to help families. In particular the decision to increase child benefit by £7 per month will give financial relief to many hard pressed families. The increase in child benefit will have a double effect: it will ease the financial burden on parents and provide an incentive to work. I urge the Minister for Finance to discuss with the Minister for Social Welfare the option of introducing an integrated child benefit scheme. This would be a sensible reform as it would help families financially when they need it most. Since the payment is made to mothers, women in the home will now be more financially independent.

The Labour Party has been pursuing the abolition of third level fees for many years. Thanks to the commitment of the Minister for Education, Deputy Bhreathnach, she has received the support of the Cabinet for this aspiration. It is the first and most important step in making third-level education accessible to all children. This decision will give great heart and encouragement to many people who wish to pursue third-level education but have been deprived of the opportunity to do so.

Some people have said that this is not the right direction in which to move at this time. I would be the first to acknowledge that there are other problems, for instance, with maintenance grants and PLCs, while attention needs to be paid to pre-school education but a commitment has been given in the Programme for Government to address them.

The Minister of State with special responsibility for sport recently announced an increased allocation for sports in 1995. I welcome this announcement.However it is vital and important that there be greater transparency in the allocation of lottery grants. I ask the Minister to recognise the invaluable service given by sports and youth organisations and by thousands of volunteers throughout the country. This would be most welcome. In some cases, particularly in areas of high unemployment, a small grant, for example, for a set of jerseys or towards the cost of transport, would be most welcome and appreciated.I urge the Minister to provide an allocation to the local authorities for such purposes or to double the allocation to the vocational education committees for youth and sports organisations.

A small amount of money invested in our young people is money wisely spent especially when one considers that it costs only £300 per week to employ a youth worker who could help up to 3,000 young people. We should compare this with the cost of £500 per week to keep a juvenile offender in custody. This matter has to be addressed.

I welcome the decision to provide an increased allocation of £8 million to reduce hospital waiting lists. While acknowledging that progress was made during the past two years by the previous Minister for Health, Deputy Howlin, there is still a number of areas that need to be addressed such as heart surgery and orthodontic treatment. I have received repeated representations from distraught parents regarding the orthodontic service. Thousands of children are awaiting treatment, in many cases for three to seven years. This morning I received a telephone call from a mother about her son who is now 20 years old and still awaiting treatment. Last Thursday I received a telephone call from a mother about her daughter who is 14 years old and afraid to go out to play after school as she will be jeered by other boys and girls. The new Minister for Health, Deputy Noonan, is sympathetic to such cases and I look forward to progress being made in the near future.

This is the first of three budgets that will be introduced by this Government. I am not one who pays much attention to opinion polls but it was interesting to note over the weekend that people were saying that this is the best budget introduced in the past three years. I am satisfied that it is a good start and by the time the next general election is held wealth will be distributed more fairly and there will be equality. I support the Government in its efforts and will try to ensure that its programme is implemented.

This budget debate has been more lively than many in recent years. Its liveliness has been added to by its unusual political timing. We have had the experience of having in Opposition Members who some weeks ago were involved in the budget's preparation, who have an intense interest and knowledge which is unusual when we have a change of Government as a result of an election, when there is often a long intervening period before a budget is even considered.

There have been interesting contributions, some of which have been referred to as vaudeville acts by speakers on this side of the House. A few were worthy of that description. I was very interested to hear an esteemed colleague, the deputy leader of Fianna Fáil, Deputy O'Rourke, engage in an extraordinary personalised attack on the Taoiseach for making a major series of U-turns. When Deputy O'Rourke made the transition from Opposition spokesperson on education to Minister for Education, she made one of the most dramatic U-turns ever in the first weeks of her appointment. She said to journalists "then I was in Opposition, now I am the Minister". That was the end of the story, there were no apologies or explanations.I believe in consistency in politics and Deputy O'Rourke, in attempting to take the high ground, should reflect on her past and her less than positive performance in this area.

I was also annoyed by the repetition of the great myth about the achievements of the Fianna Fáil Government and the party's repeated attacks on what had been done from 1983-87. While nobody can argue about the national debt being doubled in this period, it is important to remember what was inherited by Governments elected in 1981 and 1982. This was a time of unprecedented crisis and we had three Governments in 18 months.

I was involved in framing a budget in the Department of Social Welfare when there were inflation rates of 22 per cent. I ask every Member to reflect on the challenge facing a Minister for Social Welfare when in current day terms the spending of the Department, that is the cost of its schemes, is £2 billion. What possibility for economic control was there when we had to find £500 million to simply provide for an inflation rated increase? This was the challenge facing the Government and the situation which had to be turned around. There was no way an increase less than inflation could have been given at that time but inflation was running at 22 or 23 per cent. To give increases in real terms, increases of around 25 per cent had to be given.

We should consider what was handed over by the Government of 1983-87. By the time it left office inflation was down to 7 per cent and was as low as 6 per cent in advance of this. Interest rates, which it had inherited at 14 per cent, were down to single figures. The image of a runaway train has been used before and rightly so and it was impossible to turn it around in an instant. A period of putting on the brakes and slowing down the pace of misdirection was necessary before it was possible to bring in even further controls, restraints and correction to the economy, as the Government did in 1987.

It is hard to accept, when one has been around for a number of years, people being so disingenuous with the truth. It does not help their credibility or proper political analysis in this House. There was also the repeated schizophrenia in the attacks on the budget. It was attacked for being over-extravagant and for being scrooge like. While I accept that many of the attacks were politically motivated and unbalanced, certain words of caution from the Opposition should be listened to carefully by the Government. These relate to the danger of allowing our economy, which has been brought under relative control, to slip out of control again.

I do not accept the great play made about the budget now being in surplus. This was not planned by the Minister for Finance last year. A £120 million deficit was planned. Growth and other factors led to the budget being in surplus at the end of the year. I hope the same rates of growth will be sustained.

The Minister, when he referred to the medium term outlook, sounded words of caution. I accepted some of the caution preached occasionally by Members of the Opposition, when they were not attacking us for under-spending in the Department of Social Welfare. It is important to remember that there were certain once off factors, the absence of which will create pressures in future. The Minister confirmed he will work within the limits set out and will ensure that firm budgetary control is maintained.This is important for future generations.

We also have to watch with caution the upward movement of interest rates internationally. It is hard to think that the economy can withstand this. It will remain the constant feature for many more months and will have major significance for the management of our economy.

I support this budget because of the major priorities it established, in particular, its response to the needs of families. For the past four or five years report after report from the ESRI and Combat Poverty Agency has indicated that families with children are most at risk from poverty.

Much has been said about the position of the elderly and this must always be kept to the fore. Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s their needs and the development of schemes for them were rightly the priority of the Department of Social Welfare because prior to that they were not adequately provided for. As schemes improved, there was more concentration on the long term unemployed and rightly so.

Now it is the time for families and I am glad that the budget decided to prioritise and target families in a way which avoided poverty traps. I have long been convinced, and have argued within my party, that future supports for children should be given in a way which does not give undue benefits to those on social welfare. The ESRI has identified the need — it is accepted as broad Government policy and is supported right across the House — to devise means of supporting families which do not force them into greater dependence on social welfare for long term support. I welcome the honouring of this commitment, which is a major shift in emphasis.

The second major social welfare commitment which was honoured and which I welcome very much was the payment at last of the equality arrears. Those of us in the House who harried the former Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Woods, for payment of these moneys will remember the frustration, the avoidance of the issue and ungenerous way we were given information on court cases around the country. At last this shameful episode is being brought to a close with a commitment by the Government to make those payments as quickly as possible in full to all women who qualify within budgetary constraints.In my constituency many families will benefit from this, some of them substantially.

While it has taken a major chunk of the finances available for improvements in social welfare, many families will benefit enormously this year and in the years to come. I hope the Minister will supply full information to all those concerned as soon as possible. He has indicated that a special office will be set up and that individuals entitled to receive the moneys will be contacted directly. We look forward to having the fullest possible information as many inquiries are coming in from constituents.

I welcome the fact that Fine Gael's priorities have been dealt with. During the debate on last year's budget the party gave a commitment that the residential property tax would be brought back to the rates applying before the increase and that undertaking has been honoured. If political parties are to achieve any kind of respect from the public they should not change their tune depending on which side of the House they are on. Therefore, I welcome the honouring of our commitment on the property tax and also welcome the support for families. Another priority which has been identified by Fine Gael over many years is the workers' PRSI contribution. This has now been delivered on.

While third level education has occasionally been claimed by Fianna Fáil as its own baby, the current Minister has clearly put her name to it and pinned her colours to the mast, for which I congratulate her. Within Fine Gael, policy was also advanced in that area arising out of work done by former education spokespersons, Deputies Theresa Ahearn and Jim Higgins. They came to much the same conclusion — that given the way in which funds were allocated through covenants and direct contributions to the education system, a policy of free fees would be both desirable and reasonable. There is no doubt that the maximum benefit of this will go to less needy families. Middle income families in great need will benefit from it but there are many, perhaps not in great need, who will also benefit.

There is a need to deal with the maintenance grant and with other types of post leaving certificate courses which the Minister has given a commitment to examine. The future significance of this, as passionately outlined in the House by Deputy Broughan from Dublin's north-side, will be as important as the decision to provide free secondary education. Third level education will increasingly become the norm and will not be seen as exceptional. One can already see the pattern changing radically with the increase in post leaving certificate courses in Dublin, even in areas described as deprived or disadvantaged. More and more youngsters are now staying on after sitting their leaving certificate and this measure will provide a welcome boost for them.

I am concerned about the impact of taxation on unemployment benefit and disability benefit in the context of people trying to get back to work. The Minister has proposed certain amendments in this regard. I hope the Finance Bill and the Social Welfare Bill will deal with, for example, the situation where, if a person on social welfare has an opportunity to return to work — on a community employment or other scheme — their social welfare income is deemed to have eaten up their tax allowance. Thus, by going back to work they can actually be less well off. If they were, at least, given a clean slate when they started work the taxation position would not be as onerous and there would not be a disincentive to work.

In my own constituency the refurbishment of Ballymun flats is a major project requiring substantial investment estimated at £100 million over the next six or seven years. There has been a pause in this refurbishment following phase one while evaluation was undertaken.That evaluation has now been completed and it is essential that phase two of the refurbishment should get under way and that the Department of the Environment should decide its overall approach to the Ballymun estate and allocate resources.

I am concerned about the inadequacy of child care places and I would like the Ministers for Education and Health to crack heads together using the good offices of the new Minister of State who has, hopefully, been placed in a position to do exactly that. The Minister should deal with the many youngsters in this city and throughout the country who are out of school with no place to go and who have no suitable education facilities.Some of them are in need of full time care. That should be a priority in the year ahead. I am happy to support this budget because it has achieved progress in certain priority areas.

I gcáinaisnéis na bliana seo, tá sé soiléir nach bhfuil mórán ann chun dóchas a thabhairt dóibh siúd atá ina gcónaí sna h-áiteanna iargúlta, go h-áirithe ar chósta iarthair na hÉireann agus, taobh istigh den cheantar sin, sna ceantair Ghaeltachta féin. Nuair a fheiceann tú ardú deich bpingin sa seachtain dóibh siúd atá ina gcónaí leo féin agus atá ag brath ar leasa shóisialaigh, cuireann sé ionadh ort a fheiceáil go bhfuil Airí sa Rialtas seo ó Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre agus ó Pháirtí an Daonlathachas Chlé. Tá mé cinte go bhfuil daoine i bPáirtí Fhine Gael a bhfuil náire orthu nár thugadar níos mó cabhrach dóibh siúd atá ina gcónaí leo féin. Nuair a chuireann tú san áireamh go bhfuil ardú dhá phingin déag ar bhosca fiche toitíní, cuireann sé in aigne duit nach bhfuil cás na ndaoine seo á chur san áireamh ag an Rialtas. Cuireann sé sin ionadh orm.

In iarthar na hÉireann, ó chósta Dhún na nGall soir go Ciarraí nó Corcaigh, is mó atá daoine ina gcónaí leo féin agus ag brath ar leasa sóisialta. Níl aon chabhair á thabhairt dóibh chun a gcaighdeán maireachtála a fheabhsú. Níl aon rud ann chun dóchas a thabhairt dóibh go mbeadh postanna le fáil ag a gclann mhac agus go gcaithfidh an aos óg aghaidh a thabhairt ar an mbád bán. Is mó an trua é sin agus cuireann sé ionadh orm gur mar sin atá, tar éis trí pháirtithe a theacht le chéile chun Rialtas nua a chur ar bun. Bhí súil againn go mbeadh bealach nua á chur os ár gcomhair ina mbeadh dóchas againn go dtiocfadh feabhas. Ní fheicimse go bhfuil aon phost le cruthú sna ceantair sin faoi na moltaí atá i gcáinaisnéis an Aire Airgeadais i mbliana agus ba é sin an lucht is mó atá agam air.

The real measure of the success or failure of any budget is the extent to which it opens up opportunities for people to participate in the economic life of the country. The only realistic way in which we can achieve such an outcome is for the Government vigorously to set about establishing the conditions for enterprise, innovation and investment to flourish. In our present economic situation this requires a reduction in current Government expenditure and less tax. Over the years in this House I have listened to many Ministers for Finance whose speeches, couched in optimistic tones, held out great expectations of substantial improvements to the economy. Thinking back to those occasions, one wonders why it was that 12 months later, when none of these great expectations had been realised, a Minister would come forward again with another optimistic speech from which no positive results were to be seen. The tragedy is that Ministers do not seem to look very far beyond the immediate future.

If Ministers do not have the courage to lay down and apply firm economic parameters which will bring about the improvements necessary to provide employment for our people in the future, to increase the wealth of this country and help us maintain and improve our services, then one has to be somewhat despondent about our prospects.After all, the overriding requirement is that we make the Irish economy the most competitive in Europe.

We must be able to meet competition in the marketplace and if we are competitive it will open up new markets for our goods. If we do not succeed in achieving new markets, we will not be employing the people in the factories at home which give work for our people. An expanding export trade will create the job opportunities which will reduce our unemployment figures faster than any artificial social employment scheme thought up by Governments, no matter how imaginative Ministers for Finance may think their proposals are on budget day.

We cannot expect State injections into artificial employment schemes to eliminate our huge unemployment figures.The national objective must be to allow people to participate in the economy, to allow them to enjoy the dignity of work and the fruits of their labour. For far too long we have been complacent about the huge number of people signing on week after week. The opportunity was presented to this Government with a new combination of three parties to come up with proposals which would have given us hope that we would succeed in establishing the competitive economy that is so important in this State to achieve the desired objectives of all our people. It is obvious that reducing the numbers on the unemployment list further reduces Government spending and turns those who were recipients of unemployment assistance into contributors to the Exchequer.

With lower tax rates, I firmly believe that overall tax receipts would actually increase. The black economy would come under severe attack. It has been said that if the black economy were to cease to operate overnight without any other changes being made at Government level, the economy would collapse. The extent of the black economy is so vast and involves so many hundreds of millions of pounds, so many people are surviving in it, that we are living in a two-tiered society. Some people are living within the parameters laid down by this House in regard to taxation and the regulations that apply to business etc., and others are living on the other side of that line. That is a sad reflection on society and on the ability of the Government to create a system in which people will willingly participate. Many people do not participate because of the crippling levels of tax on business, individuals and employers who want to create new jobs in their enterprises.

Incentive is an essential ingredient in achieving the level of competitiveness necessary to provide a satisfactory level of employment for all. High taxes on workers, employers, and investors are a serious obstacle to job creation. Workers' disposable income must be substantially increased and rewards for work must been seen to be real and tangible.Returns on financial investment must be rewarding to those who take the financial risks in making those investments and the cost to the employer of hiring new labour must be substantially decreased. All these things have to be done if we are to achieve the desired objective of giving everybody an opportunity to participate in the economy and to have employment. This Government achieves none of these objectives and that is why the budget of the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, and the rainbow coalition a dismal failure.

Great claims were made in the rhetoric of the budget but the changes contained in it are minimalist. Adjustments were made which will in most cases wither by the end of the year because of inflation and other movements such as wage increases. This House knows that as long as there are Members here to represent the Progressive Democrats we will continue to state our consistently expounded belief that radical changes to the tax rates are essential for long term benefits to accrue. The hollow claims of Finance Ministers on budget nights of moving thousands of people out of the tax net are seen in their real light only 12 months later when all are back in the net again, ready, no doubt, to be used as fodder for another major shift of the same tax net which relentlessly grinds on renewing itself year after year at the hands of short-sighted quick-fix Ministers for Finance.

The Minister for Finance ultimately designs the budget strategy, presents it to his colleagues in Cabinet, seeks their support, and comes in here with the fruits of his labour. It is tragic that we have not had a Minister for Finance for quite a long time who is prepared to take the long term view, make proposals that have a long term effect and which require implementation over a period of years. We cannot make the kind of change in one year which is necessary to make Ireland a competitive economy which will give hope and employment to all who live here. Making exaggerated claims in the budget speech is no answer to those who week after week sign their names on a piece of paper in social welfare offices and Garda barracks throughout the country.

It is a living shame that those of us who stand in this House as elected representatives preside over a system where this crime of unemployment is persistent and consistent and that no real efforts are being made to eliminate it. The sweeteners thrown in at budget time, little adjustments here and there, grants to privileged groups within society, filter away the millions of pounds available to a Minister for Finance on budget day which, if applied in a consistent long term planned way, would help to reduce the level of taxation which is the major obstacle to job creation and a competitive economy.

As somebody who has been in Government in recent times for a short period, the Progressive Democrats were in coalition with Fianna Fáil, I am only too well aware of the battle which had to be fought by the Progressive Democrats in that Government to get a reduction in the tax rates from the three rates which existed at the time, 35 per cent, 48 per cent and 58 per cent rate. We succeeded in a short two years in reducing that to two rates of 27 per cent and 48 per cent. For some strange reason there seems to be an in-built resistance to changing the tax rates within the Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour Parties. Maybe I should add Democratic Left, now that it is in Government, but in fairness it is a small group and I recognise the difficulties that a small group has in a large coalition Government, it has only been there a very short while.

Labour has been in Government now since 1992, Fine Gael has been in and out before and told us in the discussions that we had prior to the formation of the rainbow coalition that it did not consider changing the tax rates to be of any great importance. We know Fianna Fáil's position from our own experience in Government with it. This resistance to changing the rates is confirmed in the Minister's budget speech. The rates have not been changed. The Progressive Democrats want the standard rate of 27 per cent to be reduced to 20 per cent for all those under the average industrial wage level and the remaining taxable income to be charged at a top rate of 40 per cent. Furthermore, we want the standard rate of 20 per cent and that top rate of 40 per cent to be inclusive of PRSI which is the real enemy of job creation in our system.

In the Progressive Democrats' policy document which we published just before this year's budget we illustrated clearly and exactly how this radical change in Ireland's income tax system could be achieved over a span of four budgets by staged annual cuts of £250 million.

The Minister for Finance has produced a budget which time will show to have been a dismal failure. He refuses to make any adjustments in the tax rates and offers no hope of doing so in the future. Ireland's opportunity to move to a low tax regime has been missed; our crippling tax rates remain as before at the highest levels in western Europe, inclusive of PRSI; we remain less competitive than we could be and there are more people on the dole because of this. Regrettably, we have a reputation of having one of the highest levels of unemployment in the European Union.

Two specific items in the budget which have serious consequences for my constituency are the farmers flood relief fund of £2 million and the granting of special tax incentives to certain traditional seaside resorts announced on budget day by the Minister for Finance. The severe flooding in south Galway is unique because it will not recede for approximately two to three months after the heavy rainfall ceases. The Minister for Finance, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, who also has a role to play, must understand that what is happening in south Galway does not and cannot happen in any other part of Ireland because of the ground's unique structure and the fact that there is no river to carry the water to the sea. It is a new phenomenon to have such high levels of annual flooding in the region.

The budget created a fund of £2 million to provide compensation for farmers for livestock and fodder losses. However, it gave nothing to householders who are not farmers, but who also suffered and who had to abandon their homes. In addition to the cost of renting alternative accommodation, these people suffered the loss of goods and personal belongings, the value of their homes will be permanently affected, insurance premiums will be increased and the possibility of being able to reside in their homes for 12 months of the year no longer exists because of the threat of annual flooding. The misery caused to these people and their families is cruel and their future prospects are depressing. There is a crisis in south Galway and the Government must take action.

On two separate occasions I spoke about the Government's solution, an amendment to the Arterial Drainage Act, which was announced during a special debate in Private Members' Business several weeks ago by Deputy Hogan, when he was Minister of State at the Department of Finance. Fianna Fáil is introducing such a Bill in the Seanad, yet the Government is not dealing with this matter as it should. It does not seem to have recognised that this is a crisis.

The shock expressed by the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry when he went to Galway last weekend is not good enough. He should not have waited so long to find out how bad the situation was. His expression of shock indicated that he was not properly briefed on the extent of the devastation. This flooding is accompanied by an air of depression because local people know that this water will not subside next week or in three weeks' time, if it stops raining today, but it will be there in April and these houses will still be flooded as happened last year. This situation is getting worse each year.

The compensation fund of £2 million is welcome for what it is, although it is more than previous Governments did in the past few years. However, non-farmers are receiving no help and this is wrong. There has been no declaration yet that steps will be taken to ensure that this problem does not arise again in the future.

The Geological Survey of Ireland study of south Galway flooding, which was published in 1992, states that the only solution to deal with the problem on an ongoing basis is to cut a relief channel from Coole Lake to the sea at Kinvara. Estimates suggest that this channel will cost £30 million. Members of the Government have thrown their hands up in the air and said they do not have £30 million for such a project, therefore they will not consider it. Amending the Arterial Drainage Act is of little use if the Government is not prepared to spend the type of money required to ensure that this problem will not recur. Is the Government prepared to undertake such a project to remove this threat for good?

The Minister did not refer in any detail, if at all, to the Geological Survey of Ireland study. He said he would set up an interdepartmental study group and would amend the Arterial Drainage Act and, as we know, he will pay compensation for loss of fodder and livestock.However, in the eyes of the people of south Galway, the official response to their plight is pathetic. The problem of flooding in south Galway has been known and fully understood since the publication of that report in January 1992. Several years of inaction at departmental level followed the publication of the report. Indeed, several year of refusals by different Ministers, Departments and Galway County Council to take the matter seriously and to plan a long term solution have led to despondency in the region.

People in south Galway have seen Ministers come and go. We saw Senator O'Kennedy and Deputy Joe Walsh on the back of a tractor; we saw Deputies Noel Treacy, Bertie Ahern, Hyland and Hogan and, more recently, we had a visit from the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Yates.

That was the ultimate visit.

It is clear that the Minister's predecessors stood idly by, but will this tragedy continue year after year? Are the Government and the Departments planning to abandon the people of those areas in south Galway who have suffered as a result of this tremendous calamity? Some £2 million compensation has been provided this year — perhaps it will be £3 million next year — and if the Government continues with such action and the flooding occurs on an annual basis, we will spend £30 million in compensation over a short period of time, the cost of a lasting solution.

Government Departments, previous Ministers with responsibility in this area and local authorities have let the people down. The people of south Galway are shocked at the deaf ear treatment they have received from bureaucracy over the past number of years. The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry has responded to the farmers' short term difficulties and this is welcome and appreciated in so far as it goes. However, the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, the Minister for Finance and the Taoiseach must now respond to the question which south Galway wants answered — will the Government give the go-ahead for the construction of a channel from Coole Lake to the sea at Kinvara, if that is the only solution to this problem?

The Geological Survey of Ireland study is the only report I am aware of which has scientifically examined the problems in south Galway. It was undertaken in the summer of 1992 and dyes were used to establish where the water flowed from and where it came up, which was in turloughs and swallowholes, and its exit to the sea. It is the most comprehensive document available.I am amazed that the Ministers did not refer to it in their comments about this problem.

The report clearly states that Coole Lake appears to be the hub of an extensive underground drainage system, taking water from a vast area, including Slieve Aughty, and the limestone area to the south-west. The water then flows underground from Coole Lake to Kinvara, which is the only way water can get out of this area. It is believed that the underground channels are clogged up with branches of trees and plastic bags which have been in extensive use in farming in recent years. As it is so far underground, that is the only explanation for the slow run of the water. In addition, rainfall has also increased on an annual basis.

The 1992 report also states that, according to local farmers, major flooding has occurred three times in living memory, in 1924, 1959 and early 1990. Major floods have occurred once every 25 or 30 years. Since this report was prepared, there have been floods in 1994 and 1995. The problem is now occurring annually. The report states the Gort/Ardrahan area is unusual and even unique in a national and European context in that it contains a lowland karst limestone landscape with all the typical karst features; swallowholes, springs, turloughs, etc. It is relatively untouched by human activities, specifically arterial drainage, so there is no way for the water to escape.

Successful drainage was carried out in Galway during the western drainage scheme. It was spearheaded by the then Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy Michael Donnellan. Credit should be given where it is due; to the then Labour/Fine Gael coalition supported by other parties in the House. I look to this Government to follow suit by coming to the rescue of people in south Galway.

The report contends the only way to significantly reduce flooding is to construct extensive drainage channels or tunnels. This would have major benefits for local people; there would be less disruption during periods of extensive rainfall, less concern about possible flooding in the future, and increased agricultural production. It goes on to refer to the pros and cons of that solution, but no other one is offered. As I said in a previous debate, I have many letters of refusal from Minister after Minister. They said they had no money in the Department or the Estimate to do anything about the problem, nor was there money available from the EU and there was no way they could aid these people. We know this. It takes a decision of the Government to recognise the tragedy and to take the necessary measures to alleviate the problem.

The second matter is the tax incentive for traditional seaside resorts. The Minister for Finance announced the scheme in this Budget Statement. It is to apply to a number of traditional seaside resorts but the list does not include one of the oldest and most important in the country, Salthill, County Galway.

Salthill suffered more than most areas from the effects of the Northern troubles in the early 1970s. The resort did not recover from the huge loss of business when Northern Ireland and United Kingdom visitors stayed away. The thriving family hotels of those years suffered severe financial losses and many have gone out of business. I can name 18 hotels in Salthill which have either lost registration, closed completely or been converted to another use since my youth. This has had a disastrous effect on Salthill as a major tourism earner in the region.

The local business community, recognising the need to revitalise Salthill as a major tourist resort, privately employed a firm of consultants — Frank Benson and Company — to produce a plan for its future development. Many people in the resort recognise the level of investment required to achieve the standards expected by tourists in the 1990s and beyond could not be attracted without a tax incentive of the urban renewal type. It was understood locally that a scheme was being considered for Salthill but it came as a great shock and disappointment that the town was not included when such a scheme was announced in the budget.

This decision was not understood in Salthill and it is still believed there that the exclusion was an oversight. People are expecting this to be remedied in the near future by the addition of Salthill to the list. It is dangerous to be complacent about such matters so I highlight here the mistake made. I appeal to the Minister for Finance, when closing this debate, to give a clear indication Salthill will be added to the scheme.

The tourism product includes public amenities available as well as the quality of the accommodation and entertainment facilities. I assure the Minister, Salthill will respond with investment, involving refurbishment and new buildings, which will attract foreign visitors in great numbers if granted special tax status similar to that granted to Westport and other towns. The extra revenue to the Exchequer will more than replace whatever tax is temporarily forgone to relaunch Salthill as a premier family holiday resort.

I put down a parliamentary question to the Minister for Tourism and Trade, asking him to inform the House of the criteria upon which the list of tourist resorts was based. I was amazed and disappointed that he could not give any criteria because I knew Salthill would qualify under any criteria by which the other towns had been chosen. It is a bone of contention in the area that a town the size of Westport can be included but a seaside resort which has suffered so much since the early 1970s was not. I have outlined the effect of the lack of investment and stated the need to revitalise the town.

This Government has set store on employment creation through the development of the tourism industry. We hope the ceasefire in Northern Ireland will help restore the confidence of British tourists and bring Northern Ireland tourists back to Irish resorts. At such a time people in the tourism industry in Salthill are disappointed that those who control national tourism policy did not recognise the vital role the resort could, should and would play if it was given the necessary assistance. The level of investment required is substantial and it is unrealistic to expect private individuals in that region to be in a position to make the financial investment to restore the resort to the standards tourists require in the 1990s.

I mentioned the 18 hotels which have closed since I was young. I still live in Salthill so I am familiar with the problems.If the Minister wishes me to name or give proof of the number which have closed I will do so but I will not delay the House.

I am delighted to have this opportunity as Minister of State at the Department of Social Welfare to contribute to the budget debate.

Much has been written and spoken about the economic effects of the measures in this budget. Financial and economic commentators have discussed their likely impact on the main economic indicators, on the climate for fostering and promoting enterprise and on our competitiveness vis-á-vis our main trading partners. They have also focused on the effect on the public finances generally.In this regard, the Exchequer borrowing requirement has figured prominently and the targets set by the Minister for Finance have been analysed by the various commentators.

However, for a huge number of people in our society the annual budget has a much different dimension. I am talking about the 800,000 people and their 600,000 dependants who rely on the State's social welfare system for their weekly income. About 39 per cent of our population are in that category. When one includes recipients of child benefit, the proportion increases to over half our total population. That is why the social welfare improvements in the budget are so important for such a huge number of people. Right across the country, sick and disabled people, unemployed and retired, pensioners, widows, widowers and lone parents are all affected in one way or another.

The measures announced in the budget are a set of well-balanced provisions which will benefit a wide cross section of Irish society. Families will be better off through a substantial increase in child benefit which will also be paid for 18 year olds in full-time education, and child dependant allowances paid up to age 22 in similar circumstances. The sick and disabled will get an increase in their weekly payments in line with inflation and will get the increase this year six weeks earlier than previously. Unemployed people will get the same increase and at the same earlier date. In addition, they will benefit from the intensive placement and guidance service which is being introduced on a pilot basis for the long term unemployed, as well as extra places this year in community employment and further improvements in my Department's back to work allowance scheme.

Workers will benefit through the improvements in personal taxation and the reliefs introduced into the PRSI system.Employers will also gain from changes in business taxation and further improvements in employers' PRSI. Pensioners will have their weekly payments protected against inflation and also will get the increase six weeks earlier — something they have been seeking for years. They will also get a free colour television licence.

I make those points in answer to the strident and shrill cries from the Opposition benches in the last number of weeks. They have deliberately homed in on the 2.7 per cent increase and ignored the main features on socal welfare in the budget, which provide much more benefit than a so-called 2.7 per cent increase.

Carers in our society will benefit from an extension of the carer's allowance, a further improvement in the means test and a free travel companion's pass for the pensioner for whom they are caring. Voluntary organisations will benefit from an additional £3 million being provided by the Government in recognition of the trojan and often taken for granted work being done by the voluntary and community development sectors.

The 2.5 per cent increase in weekly social welfare rates cannot be judged in isolation from other improvements. To do so gives an unbalanced and unfair picture of the impact of the general rate increase. Let us look at the impact of the budget improvements as a whole in a number of concrete examples.

A couple with four children in receipt of long term unemployment assistance will receive a new weekly payment of £180.03, including the child benefit increase. This amounts to a weekly increase of £8.86 or 5.2 per cent, over double the general increase of 2.5 per cent. If one child is 21 years of age and still in full time education, the family could benefit from a further £13.20 a week by way of the continuation of the child dependant allowance up to age 22. Similarly, if one of the children is 18 years of age, child benefit of either £27 or £32 a month will be payable for them from September until they reach 19 years of age.

A couple with three children on either disability benefit or unemployment benefit will get an additional £7.25 a week, an increase of 4.8 per cent — bringing their weekly payment to £159.45 when account is taken of the child benefit increase. As set out in the example above, the family could also benefit from the continuation of child dependant allowances and additional child benefit depending on the ages of their children.

A social welfare pensioner getting a contributory old age or retirement pension with a spouse under 66 years of age and additional income of £8 a week will get an increase of £10.04 a week or 8.6 per cent, bringing their new weekly payment to £127.09. This increase includes the fuel allowance of £5 a week payable when additional income in these circumstances does not exceed £10 a week.

In all cases, social welfare recipients are getting the increase in their weekly payment six weeks earlier than normal, that is, from the middle of June instead of the end of July.

This budget provides a total of over £90 million for social welfare and related improvements in 1995 and some £212 million on a full year cost basis. This is a huge amount of money by any standards. It demonstrates this new Government's concern for the less well-off sections of our society. It should also be taken on board by the Opposition which appears to have overlooked the real impact of the social welfare budget. It probably suits the Opposition to do so but now and again it should look at the budget's deeper implications.

When the additional cost this year of the social welfare budget improvements is added to our existing commitments for 1995, total spending for this year will exceed £4 billion. This will be the first time in the history of the State that overall social welfare spending has exceeded that figure. It means we are spending at the rate of over £11 million each day for every day of the year or £77 million per week. I wish to refer specifically to two significant measures in this year's budget: the general increase for all recipients and the increase in child benefit for all families.

A 2.5 per cent increase is being given in all weekly social welfare and health board payments from the end of June next. The general increase in weekly rates is by far the most expensive single item in the social welfare budget improvements. It will cost almost £43 million this year and £76.6 million in a full year. I point out the reality of this situation for the benefit of those who call for greater expenditure and, at the same time, reductions in taxation. The increase which will apply to personal rates and adult dependant allowances is designed to compensate social welfare recipients for the expected increase in prices this year and, thereby, maintain their real income.

As Deputies are aware, the increases will be brought into effect from the middle of June instead of the normal implementation date of the end of July. That is being done at a cost of an extra £9 million this year. I am surprised that previous Governments have ignored that aspect of the rate increases. This Government has not. I have always been conscious of the time lag of up to six months between the announcement of the rate increases and their implementation date and I am delighted that the Government will consider bringing the dates forward even further in the context of future budgets.

As has already been explained to the House, the general rate increase is not being applied to child dependant allowances payable with social welfare weekly payments. Child dependant allowances will, however, be payable up to age 22, instead of age 21, in the case of recipients of long term social welfare payments.

Child benefit is recognised as our universal income support mechanism for children. It has proved to be an effective method of directing resources to families, particularly families in need. Almost half a million families benefit in this way every month. In line with the commitment in the new Programme for Government, a substantial increase in child benefit is being given in this budget. The monthly payment for each child is being increased by £7 from next September. This is a very significant increase and will be of great benefit to all families with children.

The extra £7 will mean a new monthly rate of £27 for the first two children which is an increase of 35 per cent on the existing rate. The new monthly rate for the third and subsequent children will be £32 which is an increase of 28 per cent.

In addition to the role which child benefit has in directing resources to families, child dependant allowances payable with weekly social welfare payments also figure prominently in any discussion on the question of incentives to work. The fact remains that increases in child dependant allowances have been shown to create barriers for unemployed people wishing to return to the workforce, especially for those with large families. The significance of child benefit is that it is paid to families regardless of work status. The essence of the new child benefit supplement proposed in the programme for A Government of Renewal is that it will help to alleviate many of the employment and poverty traps in the present system. Consequently, child dependant allowances payable with all weekly social welfare and health board payments are not being increased in this budget. They will be maintained at their July 1994 rate.

In addition to the increase in the payments, it is also proposed from next September to pay child benefit up to age 19 for those in full time education, including those attending FÁS courses for which no weekly course allowance is payable. Under present arrangements, child benefit ceases to be payable at age 18 irrespective of whether full-time education is being pursued. Similarly, child benefit is not currently payable to 16 to 18 year olds on FÁS courses without a weekly allowance. These improvements will be welcomed by many families. Even the Opposition might give some credit for this.

On almost all occasions when the issues of creating employment and improving the situation of the lower paid are raised, it is suggested that one solution is to integrate the tax and social welfare system. It is one of the many formulas that are thrown around in economic debates which do not have a precise meaning. There are many views as to what precisely integration might mean.

Some people point to a total integration of systems, perhaps even going so far as to replace the existing tax and welfare systems altogether with a unified system, such as tax credits or basic income. Others say the solution is "strategic integration", that is, to leave the systems separate, but to make sure that they work together in a more co-ordinated way.

From my many years as a public representative, I am all too aware that there are serious practical problems with the lack of co-ordination of tax and social welfare. I realise, of course, that this is a very complex area, and I am very glad that the expert working group on the integration of tax and social welfare has been working on this topic for some time. As Members may be aware, there is a commitment in the programme A Government of Renewal to publish the working group's report this year. I met the group last week to discuss its work and I understand it hopes to report in good time to meet the Government's commitment. I am looking forward very much to receiving its conclusions.

The main reason for integrating tax and social welfare is to remove poverty and unemployment traps. The working group's interim report, which was published in January 1994, showed that relatively few people are affected by these traps. Nevertheless, they should be reduced as much as possible or eliminated.

It should also be remembered that the complexities involved in moving from social welfare to work and back again can often be as much of an obstacle to taking up work as the amount of gains or losses. Rules such as those governing earnings from casual work and the assessment of means after seasonal work are very complicated and must constitute some disincentive to taking up work. Some of these issues really are a matter of integration within social welfare rather than interaction between social welfare and tax but they are all part of the same general problem.

Traps arise not only from the operation of the tax and social welfare systems but also from cash and non-cash benefits administered by other agencies. In particular, the fear of loss of the medical card can prevent many people from taking up a job. In many cases, these fears are unfounded, as there are now many situations where an unemployed person with a medical card can get a job or a place on a training course or enterprise scheme and keep the medical card for up to two years.

There are considerable incentives in the budget for making the transition from an unemployment payment to work. It illustrates how important it is to look at the whole package of benefits, and not just to define social welfare in its narrow sense, when we are looking at poverty traps.

It is widely recognised that the current arrangements, whereby people getting unemployment payments get child dependant allowances whereas those at work do not, contribute to work disincentives.Efforts have been made over the years to address this, especially through family income supplement and through the child additions to the tax exemption limits, which remove low paid workers with children from the tax net. While these have certainly helped the situation, their effects have been limited. On the tax side, the exemption limits for families with a large number of children are now considerably higher than the tax allowances.

Clearly, there is a need for more substantial reform of this area. A number of ideas have been raised in the past. In particular, a lot of interest was raised by the ESRI's research last year on the effects of abolishing child dependant allowances payable with social welfare payments and replacing them with an increased child benefit, paid regardless of whether the parent was at work.

The Government's programme A Government of Renewal states:

We will work towards a basic income system for children by systematic improvements in child benefit, and the creation of a child benefit supplement payable to all social welfare recipients and to low and middle income families.

The child benefit supplement will eliminate some of the worst poverty and unemployment traps in the tax and social welfare systems.

It will replace child dependant allowances currently payable to social welfare recipients and family income supplement which is currently payable to very low income families.

In this year's budget, we have taken one step along this road by giving a significant increase of £7 per month in child benefit. Given the value of this increase, no change was made to the child dependant allowances, family income supplement, or the child additions to the income tax exemption limits.

The House will recall that my colleague, the Minister for Finance, announced in his budget speech that the Government will be asking the expert working group to consider this further, and advise on the best overall strategy. I believe that the expert group is in a position to plan the best overall strategy in this regard, in the light of the work which it has already done in this area. I look forward to its conclusions later this year.

Deputies will be familiar with the information services provided by the Department of Social Welfare and I am sure most of them will agree that my Department is to the forefront in terms of the quality and effectiveness of its information strategy.

The social welfare system consists of a number of interlinking schemes designed to support individuals and families in a wide range of circumstances.The circumstances under which people may need to access the system can be very complex indeed and, therefore, the services and programmes required to address those needs will, inevitably, tend to be quite complex also.

Through experience and training, officials who administer State funded services become very familiar with all their aspects, no matter how complex or difficult the underlying legal terminology might be. Members of the public rarely have the same opportunities to familiarise themselves with the various schemes and there is a clear onus on service providers to ensure that information is readily available in simple, clear and unambiguous language.

The purpose of a good effective information system must be to break down complexities and simplify the system to the point where each citizen is fully aware of his or her rights. People must be afforded the best possible level of guidance, advice and assistance when seeking benefits and allowances to which they are entitled in law. To achieve this, public sector organisations must listen to their customers and tailor their services to meet the real needs of people. My Department will continue to seek the views of its customers and their various representative bodies to ensure that the information services are attuned to their needs.

Apart from the comprehensive range of written leaflets and booklets, the Department of Social Welfare also makes good use of advertising and promotional activities to inform and advise citizens of new services or improvements to existing services. These include national and local papers, which regularly carry advertisements on social welfare matters; information which is displayed constantly on Aertel; local radio, which is becoming more and more a feature of our information strategy, and our own staff officials, who frequently give presentations and talks to a wide range of statutory and voluntary bodies.

Information officers are available to deal with inquiries in each of the 59 local offices throughout the country. A telephone inquiry service is also provided and this was recently broadened to include a freefone service on budget 1995 which ran for a period of five days immediately after the budget. Staff working on this freefone dealt with almost 1,000 calls each day and were able to assist and advise callers on the range of social welfare improvements announced on budget day.

My Department, therefore, clearly recognises its responsibilities and is responding to the information needs of citizens in a constructive and helpful manner. These information services will continue to be developed further in consultation with our customers and other relevant organisations.

Information is not the preserve of the service providers only. If statutory agencies concentrate on their own individual services, there is a danger that information relating to those services can become too compartmentalised. This may mean people seeking information having to visit a number of different offices or organisations to get a complete picture of their rights and entitlements.This fragmentation of information must be addressed through greater interdepartmental co-operation. In this regard, social welfare information leaflets are being reviewed to include, where appropriate, references to services and schemes administered by other Government agencies. This is also an important development.

It is also important to mention the invaluable role of non-governmental organisations in the provision of information, counselling, guidance and advice at local and community level. No matter how well developed and effective the information services of the State become, there will always be a need for the services provided in an increasingly professional manner by the thriving and vibrant voluntary sector.

The voluntary sector can provide a broad level of support in terms of information and advice to people within their own communities. Organisations who make up the voluntary sector have varied interests and many focus their services to meet the needs of a particular target group.

Information provided in an interactive fashion will ensure that the intricacies and problems can be teased out fully in an informal atmosphere. The provision of information in these situations will often include advice and advocacy services which will help people to obtain their full rights and entitlements. Voluntary groups can and do assist people to overcome difficulties they may encounter in seeking their rights and entitlements. There is a further dimension to this because the voluntary groups also can bring these difficulties, obstacles or anomalies to the attention of the service providers and can influence change in delivery procedures to avoid similar pitfalls in future cases.

The programme A Government of Renewal contains a commitment to consult and work with the National Social Service Board and the Director of Consumer Affairs in overhauling the facilities for community information. This will be achieved by strengthening and building on the tapestry of information services already in existence in the voluntary and statutory sectors.

All voluntary groups will have a role to play in this regard. I believe that the agreement to transfer responsibility for the National Social Service Board to the Department of Social Welfare is an important step towards this process. The NSSB provides support and resources to over 200 organisations who have access to its files. The board also operates at local level through 83 citizens' information centres throughout the country and the closer working links will ensure greater coverage, in geographic terms, of effective information services. Funds are being provided this year by my Department to assist in the computerisation of information files held by the NSSB and other voluntary organisations. The computerisation of these files will have a knock on benefit for the many groups and organisations who use the NSSB data as a basis for their own local information services.

Additional funds will also be made available from my Department this year to enable groups and organisations in the voluntary sector to develop other aspects of their information services. Details of these will be advertised shortly and organisations will be invited to make applications for funding to my Department at regional level. This cooperative approach offers the best way forward to ensure that all citizens are made aware of their rights and given every possible assistance and guidance to avail of the wide range of supports, benefits and allowances now available under our modern and comprehensive social welfare system.

As I said earlier, this is a well-balanced budget, not only in the financial sense but also with regard to what it seeks to achieve in social and economic terms. Social welfare spending will exceed £4 billion this year for the first time in the history of the State. This brings us to new levels of support and protection for those who, for one reason or another, need to call on our services. It demonstrates the commitment of the Government to look after the needs of the vulnerable and the disadvantaged. I am glad, as a Minister of State in the Government, to support this budget.

Whenever one moves from Opposition to Government, a certain transformation takes place, apart from the physical movement involved in moving from one side of the House to the other. Nothing has ever matched the transformation which has taken place in the Members who have moved to the other side of the House. They see things now with far greater clarity and have a far greater focus on the real needs of the community than they ever did when they were on this side of the House.

My good friend and colleague from my constituency of Kildare obviously watches television as he made references in his budget speech to "Star Trek". Deputy McCreevy likened the budget to a call by Fine Gael, in particular, to the Minister for Finance, following in the steps of the commander of "Star Trek" who would say "Beam us up, Scottie", to "Beam us up, Ruairí". The antics of the Opposition in the last couple of weeks have been somewhat similar but, finding themselves floating around in that vastness of political outer space, theirs is a strident cry to "Beam us in, please, somebody".

Floating around.

I have also been amazed by the degree to which Opposition speakers have made countless references to the allegedly poor social welfare budget, although there is a 35 per cent increase on last year's provision. At the same time, those Opposition Deputies have been calling for increased expenditure in various areas, of which this is obviously one. We all recognise that we have to meet the requirements——

Targeting.

——of those who are in need, vulnerable and unemployed. However, at the same time, they are calling for reductions in taxation. I know there is a great deal of economic ingenuity on the Opposition benches but, to the best of my knowledge and having sat in this House for the last 14 years and studied those objectives with great diligence, I have failed to detect how those two objectives can be achieved. It is not possible to save more money and spend more money at the same time. I know that Fianna Fáil are very good at this particularly at election time——

There are areas other than social welfare.

However, I would have thought that it would give the poor electorate some relief from that at the moment and concentrate on the real issues, which are what the people are thinking about.

I was also amused by the way in which the Opposition shrieked shrilly, threw up their arms and tore their hair in dismay when they alleged that the Taoiseach had belatedly recognised the need for a Minister for rural development.They said that it was an afterthought and that he only did it because he wanted to create a job for one of the boys and girls. Since last June, after the European elections, three vacancies were available to the Taoiseach of the day to which he could have appointed a Minister for rural development, urban development or anything else. Three Members were elected to the European Parliament resulting in three junior ministries becoming vacant. I have to conclude that not only did the then Government not have the benefit of afterthought or forethought but it took no action when it could have. Their crocodile tears cannot be seriously regarded by anybody.

I propose to share my time with Deputy Moffatt.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I wish to return to reality after that short lecture from the Minister of State on trivial matters. The budget of 1995 has come as a great disappointment after the great promise which was heralded for some time beforehand. Anybody who has been in this country since 1987 will be aware of the very significant progress which has been made on the budget arithmetic. It has been a process of continuing improvement right up to this year. The Minister for Finance had probably the best budget figures available to a Minister for a very long time. Now that the initial response to the budget is over and people in various sectors have analysed and calculated the impact on their areas, one can say that there is an air of disappointment.

The national debt problem is still a huge burden on the economy. There is marked reluctance on the part of the Government to tackle it in this budget and to make a meaningful effort to reduce that figure which is an albatross on the economy. That is not in any way to denigrate the very significant role of the National Treasury Management Agency which is doing an excellent job. The National Treasury Management Agency was the inspiration of the former Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, and future generations will be very greatful to him for that decision. Combined with the serious national debt problem there is the still very high level of unemployment.However, I am realistic enough to know that it is not easy for a Minister for Finance to tackle the problem of the national debt and to make a meaningful effort to tackle the seemingly intractable problem of unemployment.

The objectives set out in the budget to reward work, promote enterprise and strengthen social solidarity are highly desirable for any Minister for Finance. However, we must examine the prospects of achieving those objectives. A recent survey by the Small Firms' Association of a typical service company in the North and a comparable company in the South clearly indicated that the level of profitability of the Northern company far exceeded that of the Southern company. Those companies could be in Newry and Dundalk, a mere seven or eight miles apart on the N1. This survey is of particular interest to my constituency because with regard to the hoped for investment in the wake of the peace initiative in the North, towns in County Louth such as Dundalk, Drogheda and Ardee have, quite understandably, been hoping for significant industrial development. However, because of the comparative cost competitiveness between the North and South we may lose out on that investment surge.

For some time, IBEC and the CBI have had a task force working on the possible establishment of an economic corridor between North and South. The whole concept is very worthwhile and I hope the Government will be fully supportive of it as it progresses. Clearly, such a concept will require a co-ordination of the State agencies and an injection of funds from the EU or the State or a combination of both. The reality is that Border areas such as County Louth have suffered greatly over the last 25 years. I often think that there is a serious lack of appreciation, at different levels, of the degree of impact which the Northern troubles have had on the economies of counties such as Louth, Monaghan and Cavan.

We have various schemes and funds but there has been a serious lack of co-ordination.In some areas where they have been providing support for particularly desirable types of development, for example, in the tourism sector, there may be a slight variation in the criteria for eligibility for grant aid. This is highly undesirable and the Minister for Finance and his Department should urgently examine the situation in the context of a more cohesive, co-ordinated thrust towards development in Border counties. We cannot afford unfocused and ill defined development efforts.

Because of the relative peripherality of the Border counties, which are distanced from the central activity in Dublin by a mere 50 miles, and developments north of the Border, we may well fall foul of the development thrust on the island in the wake of the peace initiative. It is most important that the decision makers keep the needs of those areas in mind at all times. In many ways, these areas have been at the coal face of the Northern troubles for the past 25 years. The recent announcement of additional EU funds being made available, at the ratio of 80 per cent to the North and 20 per cent to the South, has been a great disappointment. I ask the Government to give serious consideration to negotiating a change in the 80:20 balance, which would benefit the Border counties.

With regard to comparative costs, which I raised a number of times in the House and which were mentioned in the budget debate, there is a serious problem in terms of premia for public liability, employers' liability and motor insurance. We seriously underestimate the impact of the cost of those premia on small and medium size businesses and individuals. In common with all public representatives, I am continually inundated with complaints from young drivers about their inability to get a quote for motor insurance or, if they are successful in getting a quote, the exorbitant premia demanded. I realise that it calls for a fundamental reappraisal of the entire insurance industry. The Department of Enterprise and Employment has for some time applied itself to the possibility of publishing a control of insurance costs Bill but that Bill has not seen the light of day, the sooner it is published the better.

Muintir na Tíre has organised a special conference in Santry tomorrow on behalf of various groups in the voluntary sector involved in development, particularly in rural areas. The theme of the conference is the high cost of premia, particularly public liability. I understand an expert from New Zealand will speak on this matter because New Zealand operates on the basis of a State agency providing insurance cover for a whole range of needs in the area. Although I do not advocate that type of arrangement in Ireland, there is a need to bring forward the control of insurance costs Bill as quickly as possible.This would allow people who have a direct interest in this topic to debate it and to propose legislative measures, one way in which we can come to terms with some of the hidden costs involved in job creation in this country.

I stated earlier that industrial development in County Louth has moved at a relatively slow pace due to its peripheral position. There are approximately 10,500 unemployed people in the county and this statistic has been constant for a number of years. We all hope there will be further industrial development and that people from the United States, Europe or Japan will come to the area to avail of the local excellent and well trained workforce. This could create jobs and give local people a meaningful role in life.

In the budget, the Minister for Education hoped the initiative to abolish third level fees would be a milestone in the development of education. We all welcome the abolition of fees over a phased two year period. However, in the context of the debate on education matters, we must remember that there is a huge maintenance cost involved for parents who have up to three children at third level. The further away they are from the university, whether it is in Dublin, Cork or Belfast, the greater the cost involved. I hope the Minister, as she indicated in her budget speech, will address the matter of increasing the thresholds for eligibility for maintenance grants as there is an urgent need for such a move.

Of those who complete the post primary school system, 52 per cent go on to third level. However, 48 per cent do not, and we would be foolish to disregard their needs in the education debate. There is an urgent need to examine the whole area of the development of post leaving certificate courses and the availability of positions in the apprenticeship sector. Are there restrictions in this area whereby boys and girls, who have talents and abilities to pursue certain apprenticeship, are effectively excluded from the system because they cannot get sponsorship for training centres? This is highly undesirable and should be urgently examined.

Regarding the development of co-operation in the field of education, there is a great similarity in the institutions North and South. I have long held the view that opportunities exist to eliminate and avoid duplication. Opportunities also exist whereby co-operation between North and South will benefit students and those involved in the management of education institutions. In the context of the discussions on the Framework Document, I hope that education will be one of the areas focused on and that the potential for the development of co-operation will be furthered as quickly as possible.

Whenever the next general election is held, in two months or in the next two and a half years — the Minister of State is not indicating when it will be held — the issue of crime will be crucial. There is a serious problem in this regard and an urgent need to increase the number of gardaí on the beat to counter crime. The escalating level of crime is invariably one of the top items on the agenda of every meeting I attend in my constituency. I am not sure whether the level is drug related or drug driven because clearly other factors are at play. However, elderly people living in their homes in isolated parts of the country dread the winter nights because of bangs on their doors, broken windows or intruders. This is a highly undesirable position in a country where at most times we can be proud of the quality of life enjoyed by people here. Although it would be foolish to pretend that by simply increasing the number of gardaí on the ground we will automatically come to terms with the crime level, we must tackle it. Other factors must also be addressed but one major initiative the Government can take is to increase the number of gardaí available and bring young, vibrant people into the force.

I recently submitted a parliamentary question to the Minister for the Environment, which was not reached at Question Time. This related to the population settlement policies pursued in Ireland. We are all aware of the concentration of people in the greater Dublin area. There are approximately two million people between Belfast and Dublin, which is one third or more of the total population of the island. I often think that we should stop and ask ourselves if this is a desirable trend. Previous Fianna Fáil Governments in particular were strong on the issue of decentralisation and its whole thrust should be accelerated.

However, the decentralisation of sections of Government Departments will not encourage population regeneration in Deputy Moffatt's constituency or in mine. The Minister of State's constituency is under the influence of the growth of the greater Dublin area. In my county the population has gone slightly into decline on the basis of figures from the last census but other parts of the country, particularly in the west, have community infrastructures that are seriously under-utilised due to the population decline over the years.

We must ask if there is a need for overall co-ordination of the county development plans to ensure a more even population growth. That theory may run counter to the trend and popular theory. There has been an acceleration of growth in the Dublin area but we should consider the growth in social problems in urban centres. In Britain also the great conurbations throw up huge social problems and we had a slight manifestation of them at the football match a few days ago. It is clearly a manifestation of a deeper social problem in the huge urban communities in Britain. I do not believe it is too late to reverse the trend.

When a representative from Louth mentions the possibility of providing incentives for seaside resorts many Members might wonder where are the seaside resorts in County Louth. I wish the Minister for Tourism and Trade had looked at the east coast when he was looking for possible locations for inclusion in what is a worthwhile proposal in the budget. Places such as Omeath, Clogherhead and Blackrock would benefit enormously from the incentives the Minister has in mind. I am sure those in the west coast resorts are delighted to be designated for the purposes of the scheme, as many people in areas along the east coast would be.

I am somewhat dismayed like many of my colleagues at the leakage of the budget contents. So much for openness, transparency and accountability. Openness in this regard means cracks here and there; transparency means everything having been laid bare prior to the date of delivery, and accountability means creative accounting to suit members of the rainbow coalition, especially the Minister of State, Deputy Rabbitte, in his efforts to justify certain elements of the corporation tax in relation to the banking sector.I will not dwell on that for the present but I will await the results of the Taoiseach's high ranking investigation into the leaks which, by budget day, were equal to any of the floods in Galway we have heard about.

The budget lacked direction. For the first time in about 27 years we were in surplus after much hard work and good bookkeeping by the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Bertie Ahern. Alas, we are again on the slippery slope to deficit budgeting. Will we ever learn from our previous mistakes to deal with situations as we find them and not depend on expected buoyancy and the sale of the family silver to rectify the situation at the next budget?

Budgets should be balanced on the current account side. Our annual debt service charges should be tackled. It costs too much to service our national debt — nearly £2.5 billion per annum at present. The national debt, which is still rising, is about £29 billion or 97 per cent of GNP — well short of the Maastricht Treaty guideline of 60 per cent of GNP — public spending is escalating and robbing us of many of the good results of recent years. With unemployment so high, too many are dependent on the State revenues, yet our taxes arise from a narrow base. We should be careful of the manner in which we manage our public sector spending.

The Programme for Government contains a number of expenditure targets.The intended growth of current supply service spending will be contained at 6 per cent in 1995 and annualised thereafter at 2 per cent for the subequent two years. A figure of 6 per cent is far too high and I wonder if the aspirations of 2 per cent will be realised.

There was considerable tax reform between 1986 and 1994, and given the good outcome in 1994 in tax revenue the time was right for further pruning. Alas, the opportunity was not taken. We depend on a small tax base of which income tax represents about 35 per cent, corporation tax about 10 per cent, VAT about 24 per cent and customs and excise about 20 per cent. We keep tinkering around with those elements and never make any definitive changes. We have too many VAT rates — five altogether.We should be aligning ourselves with other European countries; Britain, for example, has only two. We should increase registration limits for VAT.

Small traders should be allowed to reinvest in their own companies, say up to 15 per cent of profits, tax free. We have so many rates and classes of PRSI that it makes the matter complicated. It should be simplified at the earliest opportunity. The recent changes in corporation tax should have been targeted with small industries, companies with profits up to £200,000, levied at about 25 per cent, to protect our interests vis-à-vis neighbouring competition. Perhaps the 10 per cent rate for the manufacturing sector might in future apply to retain profits invested in Ireland.

The changes with regard to covenants as they affect elderly people need to be reviewed as the reductions will create hardship for long term patients such as stroke victims and sufferers with MS or Alzheimer's.I hope this inequity will be corrected in the Finance Bill. There are many pious platitudes in the health programme relating to community care, yet we are not able to pay our GPs for basic immunisation and other preventive work. We must get the base right before talking about and tackling grandiose expenditure and ideas in the health service.

On a more parochial note, I wonder what happened to phase two of Mayo General Hospital. Perhaps the Minister, Deputy Enda Kenny, and the Minister of State, Deputy Jim Higgins, will expedite the last Government's commitment and do what they promised they would do when in Government. I await their reply.

The orthopaedic service in Mayo is disgraceful, to say the least. If anyone thinks I am only playing politics I would ask him to read a recent article by Dr. Gerry Crowley from Mulrany in the Irish Medical Times. He outlines the great tragedy that exists in relation to the orthopaedic service in Mayo, with waiting lists of five to seven years and transfers to Merlin Park Hospital, Galway for most minor fractures and dislocations, necessitating trips of up to 120 miles for patients. This is not acceptable and should be remedied as soon as possible with the appointment of two orthopaedic surgeons in Castlebar because there is plenty of work there for two surgeons. If one takes into consideration that there is a big influx of visitors into the area during the summer, it is essential that we have an acute trauma unit at the Mayo General Hospital.

CAT scans will be available shortly in most of our major hospitals throughout the country, yet Mayo does not merit one of them. Perhaps the Western Health Board should look again to see what is happening in other health board areas, such as the north-west, where there does not appear to be any problems in getting this necessary equipment.

Ballina is on the N26, and is the third largest town in Connacht, yet there is no day care centre, no hospice bed or proper physiotherapy service there. This is something the Minister should take up with the Western Health Board before he starts talking about expenditure in other areas. I know the Minister has an interest in cancer therapy and in cancer patients and I hope this interest extends to keeping the peripheral outpatient clinics open in places like St. Luke's, Ballina, which serves the north Mayo area.

There is no point giving free colour television licences to old age pensioners if they cannot see the television because of cataracts. It is high time we improved this service also.

In respect of social welfare, certain people will be disappointed with the 2.5 per cent increase, despite what the Minister said.

Thirty-five per cent.

I agree there has been a great overall increase but it was not targeted at the people who most need it.

The Deputy should read it.

Old age pensioners, the blind and people with disabilities have been largely forgotten with this 2.5 per cent increase. I know there are "ifs" and "buts" in the Minister's presentation, but if he looks at it carefully, he will have to admit that we are back to a 2.5 per cent increase.

Two hundred and twelve million pounds in a full year.

Tuigim é sin——

An nglacann tú leis?

It was not targeted at the various areas that really required it.

In education, it is time the rural school bus service was reviewed. There are many areas in the province with very poor service. The number of school children is falling all the time, so it behoves us to have a fresh look at the school bus service.

I welcome the abolition of third level fees as many people in the middle income bracket were experiencing difficulties in keeping their children in third level education. However, the Minister should have come up with a more imaginative programme and should have helped more people in the lower income bracket with maintenance. The problem with education is that many parents with low incomes have two or three students in third level education; they are the parents who really need assistance with maintenance, otherwise they will have to take out loans or some of their children will have to forego third level or post-leaving certificate education altogether.

In regard to tourism, I welcome the initiative of the Minister for Tourism and Trade relating to the pilot seaside resort programme and its tax breaks. However, he forgot such areas as Killala, Ballycastle and Belmullet in my region. I would ask him to have a fresh look at that programme. The Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach with responsibility for western development is in the House and I would ask him to have a fresh look at that.

By any standard, this is a very good budget. There is no doubt that the public is very pleased with it. Last Saturday's Market Research Bureau of Ireland opinion poll clearly confirms this. That poll also makes it clear that this budget is seen as the best for many years. As stated by the chairman of MRBI, Mr. Jack Jones, the budget has made a much better impact among the electorate than either of the two previous budgets introduced since the 1992 General Election. There is now a growing feeling that this budget will result in an improvement in the standard of living and that it will further increase job opportunities. There is a significant increase in confidence among the public in the economy and I have no doubt that will further stimulate and enhance growth and further employment in this country. It is not a coincidence that this is the first budget presented to the Dáil by a Labour Minister for Finance. The contents and the tone of the budget clearly reflect the Government's and the Labour Party's anxiety to reward work, to promote enterprise and to strengthen the social fabric of our society, as the Minister for Finance said in his Budget Statement.

The contents of the budget are influenced by modern socialist and social democratic thinking which seeks to move people away from benefit and towards work. The desirability of moving people from benefit to work must now be of prime importance. Unemployment is a dreadful waste of talent. It is soul destroying for those who are unemployed. The talents of the unemployed could be of huge benefit to the welfare of the country if they were employed usefully. Any saving made by the Exchequer on unemployment through the creation of more jobs will greatly increase the capacity to spend money on health and education and, indeed, on social welfare.

A reduction in unemployment will also greatly enhance the fabric of our society. It will help reduce the level of crime, which is now part of the social decay which characterises high unemployment societies. The employment stimulating aspects of this budget should have a beneficial effect in reducing the alienation which is now felt, in very alarming levels, in some parts of this country and in some parts of Dublin. The very significant increase in jobs which will be created this year, coupled with the reduction in the numbers on the dole, marks a very significant further turn around in the economy. This should result in less alienation in some sectors and should have the effect of decreasing crime and vandalism, which are a feature of the changes which have accompanied the increase in unemployment over the last decade or so.

The changes which are now taking place should encourage and facilitate a reduction in the politics of envy which have characterised our society in the recent past. Envy, as a driving force in economic development, has little that is useful or constructive to make. A society that is serious about the objective of improving the lot of its citizens can have little time for the politics of envy. Let us be under no illusions. There is more than an adequate amount of envy alive and well in this country. Its presence should not be mistaken, even if it frequently can be found masquerading as a desire for justice or, in the more recent parlance, a preoccupation with accountability. The objective should be to bring the underprivileged up to the standards of those who are privileged rather than reducing the living standards of those who are privileged.The primary objective must be one of increasing the size of the "national cake" so that everybody can have their fair share of what is produced.

There must be a greater emphasis on enterprise and on the politics of opportunity so that, as a country, we are equipped to meet the challenges of changing technology and changing environments. There is no long term future in trying to resist these changes: change is inevitable. We must learn to be ready for it and we must be prepared to manage it rather than to be frightened by it. It is essential that we become a high wage economy rather than that we should retreat in the belief that our future could somehow be assured by becoming a low wage economy. Those economies which have prospered have done so as high wage, high skill and high technology economies. The philosophy underpinning this budget, as set out in his speech by the Minister for Finance is very much in accord with these principles.

The management of the economy was well handled by the former Labour-Fianna Fáil Government since 1992 and the economy is now in a better state than it has been for many years. This is a time of opportunity. As the Minister said, employment in 1994 increased by 36,000 or 3 per cent, while the unemployment figure fell on average by 12,000. Exports during 1994 increased by 10 per cent and inflation continued to be low. The outlook for this year is also good and it is expected that gross domestic product will grow by as much as 6 per cent, inflation will continue to be low, that there will be an increase of as much as 10 per cent in investment and that more than 30,000 new jobs will be created. That should result in a reduction of 16,000 drawing unemployment benefits and will reduce the number unemployed to a figure approaching one quarter of a million.

The Minister for Finance made a number of important changes in the manner in which work is to be rewarded. The introduction of an allowance of £50 per week for full rate PRSI contributors will mean a significant reduction in the PRSI payments of those on low pay. This will increase the incentive to work and help tackle the relatively high levels of taxation people on low incomes are forced to pay.

The general changes in taxation are also a step forward. The changes in the standard rates of income tax, in personal allowances, in the thresholds for unemployment, training and health levies mean that as many as two thirds of taxpayers will now pay tax at standard or marginal rates.

There are a number of incentives in the budget which should greatly improve enterprise. Changes in employers PRSI should encourage employers to increase their work forces. In effect, employers will be given a saving of £46 million in PRSI in a full year. That represents a considerable incentive to employers to expand their businesses and take on more employees which will help to develop the country.

Changes in corporation tax, which will bring the levels of corporation tax in line with that of our international competitors, should be an incentive towards enhancing and developing business.Changes in capital acquisitions tax should encourage the transfer of family businesses from generation to generation.That should enhance and stimulate progress in business which were to some degree perhaps becoming tired because parents and elderly people were reluctant because of tax considerations to hand over the business to a new generation. Changes in capital gains tax and stamp duties should also help companies to restructure their operations and promote new business start ups. All of these changes should greatly increase employment.

Changes in the seed capital scheme and in section 115 of the Finance Act, 1986, should help companies to get started and help companies endeavouring to expand. The pilot renewal scheme for traditional seaside resorts, while unfortunately is not relevant in my constituency which is landlocked, is welcome in places like Kilkee and Lahinch which have been badly run down over the past number of years and it should give those resorts a considerable boost. It is also welcome in places where the population is in decline and will help make the work of the Minister Deputy Carey somewhat easier than it might have been if this scheme had not been introduced.

I am pleased with the welcome changes in allowances for motor cars used for business purposes. An impression had been created some time ago that people who used cars for business purposes invariably drove large cars and were particularly wealthy. That was a gross distortion of the facts. Many people who use company cars are ordinary people doing ordinary jobs, such as commercial travellers who earn modest incomes for whom the use of car is essential so they may do their job properly.It is unacceptable in the businesses in which they work to drive around in a ten year old banger, as it would be incompatible with the image companies seek to present to their customers.

Much confusion has arisen from the abolition of the bank levy. I understand, it is meant to be revenue neutral. The public should know the abolition of the bank levy will not result in a saving of £36 million for banks. It means that because of the adjustments and regulations in corporation tax, etc., banks will still pay the same amount of money to the State as before the introduction of the levy. The public has not got that message and it has generated a significant amount of unease.

The Taoiseach shortly before or after he was elected spoke about his belief in the concept of a society and he was right in that we all depend on and need one another. Nobody should lose sight of this. Nobody should be bullied into believing that those who are better off can ignore the needs of others. We must build cohesion in society and maintain and enhance the fabric of that society. We must encourage the development of ideas on how this can be done. I see little value in the negative anxiety particularly in some sections of the media, which constantly highlights dissent and discord. I am unable to understand how it will help to resolve the problems we face. We would be better off seeking solutions to those problems rather than seeking to exploit and aggravate them.

The Minister for Finance was correct to lay great emphasis in his budget speech on the concept of social solidarity.He was correct to seek to stimulate enterprise so that resources are provided to maintain and enhance social solidarity. It was especially encouraging that he did so in his speech with such clarity so that nobody can be under any illusions as to his priorities in this area. I hope his contribution will help to concentrate minds on the need for social cohesion and on the need to create the resources to fund and maintain that cohesion.

A number of worthwhile initiatives in the budget should help to maintain and develop a society based on social cohesion and solidarity. Changes in allowances for children are the best since the State was founded. An increase of £7 per month will benefit families with children. As the Minister said in his speech, a family with four children can now expect to obtain £1,400 per year. This is a certainly a worthwhile step along the road towards providing a basic income to support children.

The increase of 2.5 per cent in weekly personal and adult dependant allowances was somewhat less than many people would have liked, especially old age pensioners. It should not, however, be forgotten that these increases will be brought forward by six weeks to be paid in mid June. I hope this trend of paying increases at an earlier date closer to budget time will be continued in future budgets.

The changes in the deserted wife's benefits and in lone parent's allowances are progressive and are designed to maintain the incentive to work. These changes are much less intrusive than they were heretofore. Changes in the minimum unemployment payments to single people living in the family home should go some way towards diminishing the incentive to people out of work to leave the family home. That was undesirable and created many social and inter-family difficulties. I am glad this change has been made and I have no doubt it will make a useful contribution towards relieving this problem.

The increase of £5 in the back to school clothing and footwear allowance will help to alleviate the hardship of people during September. It is an expensive period for people with school going children, as they have to buy books, clothes, footwear and so on for children on their return to school. The provision of funds to allow an extra 7,500 people to be employed on community welfare schemes is also a worthwhile development.

Debate adjourned.
Barr
Roinn