(Laoighis-Offaly): I prefaced my remarks by asking that any extra resources to be put into this area should be devoted first to family and community support services. The Bill addresses prevention in a serious way. The provision of family and community support services to those in need and under pressure is one of the most effective ways of ensuring children will not come in contact with the system for which the Bill legislates in the first instance.
I dealt with the juvenile liaison system in my previous work in the youth and community area. It has been the Cinderella of the juvenile justice system to date, not in terms of the effort or interest of the personnel from the Garda Síochána participating in the scheme, but in terms of not having the statutory back-up, the organisational and management support within the Garda and the commitment of the necessary resources.
I pay tribute to juvenile liaison officers in the Garda Síchána who, with little back-up and support, have worked effectively in communities across the country for many years. I am pleased their role is to be recognised in law and a director of the service is to be established within the Garda. Giving them the powers to call family conferences and to deal on a statutory basis with parents, guardians and other relatives will strengthen their work. The resources they require within the Garda Síochána are small, proving that while answers to these kinds of problems depend on resources, they also depend on effective personnel who are interested in their work.
In the town from where I come, the juvenile liaison officer, who does more than his share of the work he is obliged to do during the week, is also chairman of the board of management of the community training workshop for early school leavers and of the board of management of the local youth services board. His input is replicated by others in many towns and communities. The members of the juvenile liaison officers scheme will welcome the provisions of the Bill.
I also welcome the serious manner in which children's courts are being addressed. Hitherto, these have been shamefully handled under the 1908 Act. The provisions regarding the Constitution and the procedures in these courts will make them more friendly, not alone to those who may be tried or brought before them but also to victims who may have to give evidence. The changes proposed will only have serious effect when the issue of courthouse accommodation is addressed, so resources for these courts should be a priority.
The thrust of the children's courts is to avoid detention. Under section 133, imprisonment will be abolished. I attended a courtroom where a child was sentenced to imprisonment at Mountjoy Prison. Those in attendance felt a great sense of shame, but the judge considered that to bring the child's case to the attention of the authorities he had no other option but to impose such a sentence. The aim here is to provide effective sanctions outside of a place of detention, while a place of detention will be available as a last resort.
This is a welcome development from the point of view both of the child charged before the court, and who may be convicted, and the victim of crime. Without the back-up of legislation, people working in the judicial system in local areas have attempted to implement an unofficial system of fines and compensation to avoid bringing the child formally into the judicial net. Their purpose has also been to provide the victim, for example of a break-in, burglary or malicious damage, with a feeling of recompense.
I welcome the provisions in the area of fines and compensation. The safeguards built in to protect families in financial difficulty will be used by the courts. However, they will also give the victims of crime a sense that their needs and experiences are recognised. I hope the compensation system will be used to give victims material compensation for damage done, especially where it is not of a serious nature.
I also welcome the range of community or non-custodial sanctions, where a penalty is imposed on the young offender without sending him to a place of detention. Judges, gardaí and probation workers have tried to do this through the years. However, the provision of specific powers and the differentiation in types of orders is helpful. For example, there are probation orders, similar to the orders already provided, and orders allowing the person undergo a period of training or education, a period of intensive supervision and a period of residential supervision. There is also a provision to allow the court impose an order of care and supervision and orders regarding support for families, which is very welcome because the imposition of a probation order on the child may not be effective in the absence of providing support to the family to deal with what is a very difficult situation. The provision regarding the restriction of movement is also unfortunately necessary in a small number of cases.
These innovations are responses to practices that have evolved. They also take account of the range of sanctions and other penalties in the community which can be effective in penalising children while educating and directing them away from the penal system. The early introduction of any young person or child to the penal system is a recipe for reoffending and anything that encourages them in another direction is welcome.
However, the effective implementation of these provisions will require a large increase in the resources available to the probation and welfare service. In my previous work, I dealt with many probation officers. They, like the juvenile liaison officers, are strongly committed to their work but over the years they tend to become disillusioned and leave the service because the resources they require to effectively supervise young offenders and ensure they avoid future custodial sentences have not been available. I urge the Minister of State to back these good provisions with effective targeting of resources to the probation and welfare services.
The vexed question of child detention schools has come before the courts on many occasions and has involved some high profile cases. I welcome the organisation of these schools under a single board of management. The present provision is too fragmented, with insufficient co-ordination and liaison between the various places of detention for young offenders.
There is a provision in the Bill which will prevent a place of detention refusing entry to any child. It has been suggested that it may be more feasible to provide that the service generally, or the board of management responsible for the service, cannot refuse to accept a child, but that the director of the board would have the power to send the child to a place of detention. Those working in the juvenile justice area suggest that the director should have the power to send the child to a suitable place of detention. Will the Minister of State comment on this?
The provisions are cumbersome and may result in a child falling between two stools. The detention school would have to take a child referred to it by a court but I would like to know whether the director or the individual school would decide the matter. In the event of pressure on places in a particular school the process which the head of that school may have to go through to refuse a child may be cumbersome and lead to delays.
I encourage as much variety as possible in the type of children detention schools to be put in place. As many as possible should be provided in the communities from which the children come. We can be imaginative in this area. In the past the Department of Education recognised special schools in conjunction with neighbourhood youth projects. There are special day care centres which could be used for child offenders without necessarily placing a child in an institution far away from their place of residence, from which they will find it difficult to reintegrate into the community when their time of detention is complete.
I compliment the Minister of State on his achievement in bringing this legislation before the House. Last week I listened with interest to Deputy Flood who has experience as a Minister of State in this area. In the past there were kneejerk reactions by various Governments in response to cases highlighted in the courts. Judges made examples of cases in order to put pressure on the Government. The media, social workers and probation workers said the failure of previous Governments to address this issue meant they had to exert pressure to resolve individual cases. While that might work in individual cases it does not solve the problem.
I compliment the Government on deciding that a Minister of State would work in conjunction with three Departments — Justice, Education and Health. When the Bill is enacted, I ask the Minister of State to pay attention to its implementation and ensure the co-ordination he has effected between the three Departments will be carried through by their agents so that young people will not experience the fragmentation we have witnessed at legislative and official level. I would appreciate his comments on the interface between the three Departments in respect of 16 and 18 years olds. A distinction is being made between the roles of the Departments of Justice and Education as regards responsibility for those up to the age of 16 and 18 years. Health boards have responsibility for those up to 18 years of age. I ask him to ensure the buck is not passed in respect of 16 to 18 year olds and that the Bill, when enacted, is implemented in a sensible fashion that meets their needs and those of their families and communities.