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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 10 Feb 1998

Vol. 486 No. 6

Private Members' Business. - Duty Free Sales: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann recognises:

that duty free shopping generates almost 2,000 jobs in Ireland,

that revenue from duty free sales supports investment in infrastructure, vessels, and facilities by airport and ferry companies,

that abolition of duty free sales may lead to higher travel costs to and from Ireland,

condemns the Government for its lassitude in not seeking to reverse the EU decision of 1991 to abolish duty free sales, and calls on the Taoiseach to contact all Heads of Government in the EU to seek such a reversal.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Owen, Ring, Perry and Deenihan.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Duty free sales at our airports, on our aeroplanes and on ferry services are a great benefit to the economy. This facility has been enjoyed by the travelling public for many years. However, from the point of view of Aer Rianta and the companies which run the small regional airports, such sales are a vital source of income. Duty free shopping generates almost 2,000 jobs in Ireland. The sales at airports increase the profits of Aer Rianta and are invested in developing airport infrastructure. They are a very important component of Aer Rianta's balance sheet. They are also a vital component, to a lesser extent, for the companies which run the regional airports.

Duty free sales on aircraft help to keep fares down. Fares would be higher if they were charged at the full economic cost without the subsidy of inflight duty free sales. We all remember when fares were significantly higher, in real terms, than they are now. We will quickly return to that position after 30 June 1999, when duty free sales are abolished in accordance with the agreement made by the Government in 1991.

Duty free sales on car ferries are also very important. We frequently think that duty free sales only occur in airports because the main lobby groups are centred on Dublin Airport and Shannon Airport, in particular. However, duty free sales are vital in the maintenance of low cost, competitive ferry services to both the UK and the Continent. Such sales reduce the cost of fares and are a very important component of the ferry companies' balance sheets. We have all travelled on ferries and know the level of sales they have generated. We also know the pressure experienced by ferry companies in the winter; for example, on the Rosslare to France route. It will be very serious if their balance sheets are upset by the abolition of duty free sales.

The history of the abolition of duty free sales is fairly well known. When the Taoiseach was Minister for Finance in 1991 he participated in the unanimous decision to abolish duty free sales from 30 June 1999. He did not have to do so as he could have exercised Ireland's veto at that time, but he chose not to. He should have exercised that veto because a very important national interest was involved.

Of course, it is not as simple now since the Taoiseach participated in that unanimous decision in 1991. The Council of Ministers cannot return to the decision making process without the Commission initiating the action, which it is extremely reluctant to do. No matter how much the Minister for Finance tries at ECOFIN, the decision cannot return to the agenda of any ECOFIN Council meeting unless the Commission takes the initiative. According to my information, the Commission is not prepared to take that initiative.

After I met representatives from Shannon Airport and Dublin Airport I wrote to several EU Commissioners. I received a reply from Commissioner Padraig Flynn in the middle of January. While it is a very courteous letter, he sets out in the bleakest possible terms that the decision has been taken and, as far as the Commission is concerned, it is irreversible. After the initial pleasantries he stated:

I should first of all like to underline that the decision to put an end to duty and tax free sales was taken, unanimously, in 1991 by the Council of Ministers [at which the present Taoiseach represented Ireland] representing all of the member states. In making this decision, the Council took account of the potential impact of the abolition of such sales on the business sector by granting a long transitional period until 1999.

He further stated:

The Commission shares the view of the Council that tax free selling within the European Union is incompatible with the idea of a Community-wide Single Market. This is also the reason why member states do not allow duty free purchases within their own territory.

He went on to say there would still be shops at airports which would have a captive market.

However, the bottom line is that he is speaking not just for himself but on behalf of the whole Commission. He says the Commission is sticking to the decision and will not take any initiative to reverse it. He also speaks for the Council of Ministers as he stated "The Commission shares the view of the Council". The Minister for Finance is a regular attender at the Council but Commissioner Flynn is speaking for him and saying there are no circumstances in which an initiative will be taken to change this decision.

This week I received a long letter from Commissioner Wulf-Mathies in which she reaffirmed the Commission's position and restated what Commissioner Flynn had informed me of the previous week. The phraseology is somewhat similar in the key part of the letter. She stated:

The Commission shares the view of the Council as it has always considered tax free selling within the European Union to be incompatible with the idea of a Community-wide internal market. This is also the reason why member states do not allow duty free purchases within their own territory.

At present the Commission does not see the need to re-examine the matter of duty free sales again, since maintaining such sales within the Community beyond the transitional period would be contrary to the principles of the Single Market and might seriously distort competition, not only vis-a-vis business selling goods on which tax is paid, but more especially between the different forms of transport, depending on whether or not they offer duty free sales.

I have seen hardline letters before but these are extremely hardline. I cannot see a chink of light from the Commission. The Commission will only respond to political action.

The facts are clear. The Council of Ministers, on the initiative of the Commission, took the decision in 1991. Our man, the Taoiseach, was present as Minister for Finance and he did not raise his hand to object. We had a veto at the time that decision was taken and it could not have gone through unless it was unanimous. We have no such veto now because the decision has been taken and the Commission is holding the line.

All we can do is exercise whatever political muscle this Government has in Europe to get the decision reversed. So far, I have seen no indication that the Government seriously intends to do that. I have seen various forms of bluff, first from the Minister and deputy leader of Fianna Fáil, Deputy O'Rourke, who speaks volumes about this issue but does not seem to know what course she is following. In addition, the Minister for Finance, in response to questions last week, made it quite clear to me that his heart is not in this issue and that he does not really believe anything can be done. Everybody would be happy if he could keep the ball in touch until after the by-elections.

We can see through that.

Keeping the ball in touch until after the by-elections is costing £40,000. The Minister commissioned consultants to examine all aspects of duty free, to report to him on the economic importance of it and to inform us of what we know already at a cost of £40,000. This is a small country and we all have political supporters, friends and colleagues working in the ferry companies and at the airports. There is no problem gaining access to information or in quantifying the importance of duty free to the economy. Because of the by-elections, the Minister is wasting £40,000 of taxpayers' money.

Deputy Quinn initiated the study the day the election was called. I appointed the consultants.

The Minister told us in the autumn this report would be available to him before Christmas. Last week he informed me this report will be available some time in the future, although not too far away.

The report is being delayed at the request of SIPTU and Aer Rianta, which want to give the consultants more information. It has nothing to do with the Minister for Finance.

The Minister told me the last day it was not complete but now he is saying SIPTU is delaying it. He should withdraw that charge against SIPTU.

That is the reason.

Withdraw that charge.

The trade union wanted more time to present documents to the consultants. That is the reason for the delay; it has nothing to do with the Minister for Finance or any other Minister.

The SIPTU members to whom I have spoken have a clear view on what should be done and that it is not in the interests of its members, communities or the economy that this decision should be allowed to stand. My principal reason for tabling this motion is to allow the Government to take some political initiative to lever the Commission from its present state of inactivity so that we will have another opportunity to reconsider the issues.

Until now the Minister and his colleagues have gone to Brussels and mentioned this issue out of the corners of their mouths, but they are not applying any political pressure. The Minister informed the House previously that the Taoiseach said in the course of a long speech at the Luxembourg summit that we were a bit worried about duty free. There was no attempt to take an initiative. There have been passing references by the Minister for Finance, the Minister for Public Enterprise and the Taoiseach at respective councils purely for the record —

——and to enable them to tell the Dáil they raised this matter in Europe. That is all that is happening. Nothing serious is being done about the issue of duty free and the Minister should take an initiative.

I asked that the Taoiseach take this upon himself because after all, he agreed to its abolition and failed to exercise the veto when he had the opportunity to do so. The Irish initiative will not be taken seriously unless the Taoiseach's position is seen to be reversed. He must raise this issue with heads of state across Europe. Ireland will be hit harder than other EU countries as the bulk of our travel is to and from EU countries. With the exception of travel to the United States, Irish citizens travelling outside the community go through London or one of the continental airports. We do not get the benefit of long haul travel duty free sales outside the Community. We are confined to what is being abolished in terms of air travel and with the exception of the runs to the United States, we are at a serious disadvantage.

The Taoiseach has not taken serious steps to reverse this decision since becoming Taoiseach. This motion calls on him to contact all heads of Government in the Community to get this issue back on the agenda so that the Commission will take the initiative to allow this matter to be discussed once more at ECOFIN.

The Taoiseach, who was Minister for Finance in the crucial years when this decision to abolish duty free was taken, is guilty of a double betrayal of Irish interests because he agreed, politically and through the directive, to the abolition of duty free services. According to my information, when the matter was discussed in November 1991 and the following year, Ireland not only agreed to the abolition of duty free but said five years was a sufficient lead-in time to prepare for its abolition. At the same time, the UK looked for a 15 year preparation time and other EU members, such as Spain and Portugal, looked for more than five years. I understand the six and a half year lead-in time came about by adding the number of years each country said would be needed for them to prepare and by dividing it by the number of countries concerned.

It is appalling that the Taoiseach, the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Public Enterprise are trying to hide their blushes and shame by pretending they are doing something about this issue. If we had used our veto or, at the very least, gone along with the UK's request for a 15 year lead-in period, it would have been the year 2007 when harmonisation would have occurred, many other things would have happened and we might have been able to consider looking at the issue, but Ireland caved in.

If Ireland had refused to go along with the decision or if it had agreed to 15 years, we would not face the loss of 2,000 jobs. In my neighbourhood, 200 jobs will be lost at Dublin airport alone not to mention the loss of jobs in the ferry companies and those which produce materials for duty free. Aer Rianta, which has done a tremendous job in promoting itself in the duty free sector, estimates that it will lose £40 million in the year 2000, the first year of the abolition. Some £30 million of that £40 million is profit. That £30 million is spread throughout the services Aer Rianta provides to keep the costs down, including landing charges and services generally to passengers who use Dublin, Shannon and other airports. That profit will be gone and I do not have to tell this or any Minister for Finance worth his salt what that will mean.

At a theoretical level, economists might have argued that duty free services were in contradiction to the single market. However, the case for the abolition of duty free was made in conjunction with the wider debate on the harmonisation of tax and VAT rates and that duty free would be abolished when that happened. We do not have harmonisation across Europe so the reason, if there was one for abolishing duty free in 1991-2, does not exist. I do not know why the Minister does not understand that and do something about it.

The decision to abolish duty free was taken without any prior study, no understanding of the effect of such abolition and no commitment to do a study. It was taken almost at a whim at a council meeting and without anybody examining the issue. The Taoiseach is embarrassed, hiding his shame and is trying to fool the people into thinking his Government is trying to do something to reverse that decision. I am convinced the public relations spinners have been told to keep this going for a while and by June 1999 people will have forgotten about it. If they pretend to be doing something about it, people will forget when the big bureaucrats in the Commission say "Tough, you did not do enough." We will not forget about it.

I am convinced the Minister does not yet believe we need to save duty free because he is half-hearted, has shown less than robust support over the last few weeks and has demonstrated less than robust actions at European level to convince other Ministers for Finance of the damage to Ireland if duty free is abolished. The Minister has failed to convince our Commissioner who is there to look after Ireland's interests of the need to get the Commission to make a proposal on the matter.

He is not there to look after Ireland's interests only. That would be contrary to EU treaties.

The Minister has given up.

Order, please.

Commissioners from other member states keep a watching brief over issues which may damage their interests.

The Commissioner cannot look after the interests of his own country only.

The letter Commissioner Flynn sent to the Fine Gael spokesman on Finance, Deputy Noonan, is the standard run-off letter sent to people from France, Germany, Spain or Portugal. He did not even try to make the letter more personal.

He would not be entitled to do so, and the Deputy knows that.

He should at least have indicated that he considers the issue to be important.

Did he begin the letter by saying "Dear Michael" or "Dear Deputy"?

He issued this stereotype letter because there has not been any discussion with him on the matter. Has the Minister spoken to him?

I speak to him regularly.

Has the Taoiseach or the Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, spoken to him about the effect on Ireland of the abolition of the duty free industry? The Minister should not try to tell me that the Prime Ministers of other countries do not talk to their Commissioners when a matter of extreme national importance is coming up for discussion.

They do, and we do too.

If the Minister has spoken to Commissioner Flynn he has not convinced him about the importance of this matter. If the Minister has failed to point out the importance of this matter then he has failed in his duty on behalf of the State. The Commissioner can have an influence on this matter.

The Deputy's understanding of the European Commission is at odds with the legal position.

The ECOFIN Council of Ministers cannot put forward a proposal, it must be tabled by the Commission. We need an advocate at the table. Commissioner Neil Kinnock is very interested in having the decision overturned but he needs friends at the table, which is where Commissioner Flynn should be.

Last June the then Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications, Deputy Alan Dukes, got agreement at the Transport Ministers Council to have a study carried out on the effects of the loss of duty free sales. Commissioner Kinnock was requested to carry out the study but unfortunately he refused to do so on the basis that the matter was under the jurisdiction of Commissioner Monti. However, Commissioner Monti refused to carry out the study because the abolition of duty free sales was his baby and he felt that if he carried it out it would look as if he was giving into a lobby group. That report was never carried out.

No other policy issue would be decided without numerous examinations, studies and discussion. It is very difficult to get decisions made in Europe because of the number of studies that have to be carried out. Yet this decision, which will adversely affect our national interest, was made without the then Government showing any interest in it.

The decision to abolish duty free sales was taken in a cavalier fashion. Why did no one shout stop at that stage? The Department of Transport would have been clearly briefed on the advantages of the duty free industry to the economy. It would also have known the number of jobs dependent on it, the number of suppliers and manufacturers making duty free products and that travel prices were kept competitive because the profits made from duty free sales were ploughed back into airports. Why was there such silence when this proposal which was clearly damaging to Ireland was being agreed?

A number of our partners in Europe, principally Greece, Spain, Portugal and the Nordic countries, Finland, Sweden and Denmark, are deeply concerned about this matter and have expressed either publicly or privately their desire to have duty free sales retained. Clearly Spain and Portugal where 80 per cent of tourists arrive by air will suffer great losses. I call on the Minister to give a commitment that he will mobilise his fellow Ministers for Finance in an effort to convince the Commission to put forward a proposal to retain duty free sales. The only way we can get the Commission to make this decision is by having this kind of solidarity.

It is not enough for the Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, to say she has raised the issue at a Council meeting. I received a report on that meeting for which no preparation was done. The matter was raised so that the Minister could say in a press statement that it was raised. However, I know from experience that these meetings require background work and informal discussions with officials and Ministers from various countries. In this way a Minister can secure support from other Ministers for a matter of importance to his or her country.

It is not good enough for the Minister to say she raised the matter but cannot do anything about it. This will not save the duty free industry. The Dáil must send a clear, unanimous message that it wants the duty free industry to be retained. A motion was recently passed by the Upper and Lower Houses of the Bundestag and this has put pressure on Chancellor Kohl to raise the issue in Brussels. I hope he does this as it is extremely important from our point of view to have German support for the retention of the duty free industry.

Between 70 per cent and 85 per cent of the current sales of the most popular duty free items such as alcohol and cigarettes will disappear with the abolition of duty free sales. Even if there are duty fee and tax paid retail outlets at airports they will substitute for no more than one-third of the current sales, thereby leading to a reduction of approximately 70 per cent in profits. Airport charges will also increase. Air Rianta estimates that its airport charges will increase by up to 50 per cent, while the increase at regional airports will be greater. The financing of investment in airports will be very difficult following the loss of duty free facilities. . There will also be staff costs because of a loss of sales commissions. This will be particularly serious for low cost scheduled airlines where cost increases of up to £10 per passenger could result. The argument that ordinary retail outlets will provide shopping at airports and that people will automatically switch to buying in such outlets is false. This can be seen if one looks at the experience in America where there is no duty free facility available to people travelling between states. Pittsburgh airport has 65 retail shops and it is estimated that the average spend in these by passengers is only $7 or £3. The average spend by a passenger in Europe is £13.

At present the travelling public can avail of duty free items, thereby availing of the lower cost of travelling as a result of the profits made. We now hear that the Commission might allow countries, as a kind of sop, to introduce national subsidies for airlines or ferry companies which will lose out as a result of the abolition of duty free. However, this is a complete contradiction to what is happening in Europe. If a Government gives a subsidy to an airline or ferry company all taxpayers will have to fund it. At present it is the travelling public which funds the duty free sales profits, thereby gaining from the facility.

Consumer research indicates that up to 40 per cent of the products currently sold in duty and tax free outlets will not be purchased in the event of the abolition of duty free sales. This means that manufacturers who supply goods to duty free outlets will have to reduce their input and the number of their employees, which will lead to a subsequent loss to the economy in many areas. For example, it is estimated that the sale of Bailey's products, which were launched as duty free items, within the EU account for 10 per cent of total sales, while Irish Distillers' sales of duty free products amount to 13 per cent. Thirty-three per cent of the world duty and tax free trade will go with the abolition of duty free sales. In excess of 150 companies sell their products in duty free facilities.

Dublin Airport is a crucial part of the economic infrastructure of Dublin North. I cannot over-emphasise the damage which will be caused to many thousands of families in this region if duty free is abolished. Businesses in Swords, Malahide, Portmarnock, Lusk, Rush and Skerries depend for their livelihoods on income generated by Dublin Airport.

Fine Gael recently carried out a straw poll on duty free sales and found that for more than 40 per cent of those questioned it is either the first or second most crucial issue in the Dublin North by-election. The people in Dublin North are aware of the damage that would be done by the abolition of duty free sales. When Fianna Fáil meets them at the doors during the forthcoming by-elections —this will also apply in Limerick — they will be vociferous in letting them know they are very unhappy with what it did in 1991 and 1992 and that they are equally unhappy with the lack of robustness in trying to save duty free sales. The Government amendment is a disgrace. It means nothing. There is no anxiety behind the action taken in Europe. It is time the Taoiseach put pep in his step.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Perry and Ring.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

The general case has been made so I will make the specific case for Kerry County Airport. The loss of duty free sales will have a great effect on the viability of that airport. Kerry airport was developed in 1994 at a cost of about £12.5 million. There are 25 people directly employed at the airport and 25 in ancillary jobs such as taxis, car hire and so on. The value of duty free sales to the airport is approximately £200,000, the equivalent of about 15 jobs. If that income is lost, where will the revenue be found to ensure the viability of the airport? There is no alternative source of income. There is not enough throughput to get the necessary revenue from other retail sources. The airport will not be in a position to get extra money from the airlines because it has already signed long-term contracts and the airlines cannot afford to provide extra money because air travel is so competitive. I ask the Minister, as I did last week, to consider providing EU funding or national subsidies for airports such as Kerry County Airport.

In regard to the £5 Government tax imposed on people who travel outside the country — people travelling to Great Britain must also pay £10 tax to the British Government —serious consideration should be given to abolishing that tax so that airports such as that in Farranfore remain competitive. Kerry County Airport is very important in terms of regional development. It has played a significant role in the revival of the Kerry area. Without the airport the area would be severely disadvantaged because of its peripherality. Many people, foreigners and locals, commute from there to Dublin and back each day. The issue of duty free sales may have been disregarded in 1991, but it has major significance in terms of retail policy within the EU.

The duty free and tax free sales business is almost 50 years old. In that time it has become a global industry, driven by Europe where it started, which accounts for more than 50 per cent of all sales. It is a vibrant and popular business which makes an important economic contribution to all member states. The abolition of duty free and tax free sales would affect thousands of jobs, directly and indirectly, as it results in a reduction in travel costs and higher quality travel facilities for air and sea travellers. It contributes to economic development in tourism, which is significant because of the boom in tourism at present. The reduction in access fares has played a key part in initiating and consolidating the tourism drive. The abolition of duty free and tax free sales would reverse that making it more difficult for tourism to expand in future.

While the proposal would reduce the profitability of Irish-owned airports, airlines and ferries, resulting in higher fares, it would benefit the Exchequer as the tax base would be extended to duty and tax free purchases by travellers within the EU. The abolition of duty free sales would have a great effect on many people, particularly employees at air and sea ports. As previous speakers said, it would be a major mistake and I appeal to the Minister at this late stage to reconsider the matter.

The Taoiseach, Deputy Ahern, was part of the team that made the decision to abolish duty free sales. He played full forward and scored an own goal. Commissioner Flynn also likes to wear the green jersey, regardless of whether it is No. 9 in soccer where he plays midfield, on the line out in rugby or full forward in Gaelic games, and he should be asked to help save duty free sales. Bertie scored an own goal—

The Deputy should refer to An Taoiseach.

The Taoiseach put us one goal behind. I call on Commissioner Flynn to save duty free sales.

Six and a half years ago the Taoiseach thought he would not be in Government now. He did not realise this issue would come back to haunt him.

Or that there would be a by-election.

The proposal to abolish duty free sales will result in the loss of 2,000 jobs. I ask the Taoiseach to contact his EU comrades, particularly Commissioner Flynn, and ask them to save duty free sales.

In recent months the Government provided 50 per cent funding to Knock airport and the airport had to match that funding. However, 75 per cent funding was provided for Galway. Why did Mayo have to provide 50 per cent of funds while Galway had to provide only 25 per cent? Donegal airport also had to find 50 per cent of the funds. Whether Commissioner Flynn is used in the line out, at full forward or full back —he has the height and the strength —I hope he has the ability to save the day on this issue.

All the regional airports, Knock, Donegal, Sligo and Kerry, as well as Shannon and Dublin airports are in trouble. It will take much effort to save the 2,000 jobs involved and I call on the Taoiseach to take action to do so. People who travel to Scotland, England and elsewhere look forward to buying duty free goods, whether it is perfume, whiskey or cigarettes. If duty free sales are abolished many people will not want to travel.

This is a serious issue. I agree with Deputy Owen that when Fianna Fáil stands on the door-steps in Dublin and Limerick the people will tell them that their jobs are at stake and there is no alternative employment. Many airports depend on profits from duty free sales to subsidise the salaries of their employees. The Taoiseach and the Minister must reverse this decision because this issue will not go away.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Wright.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That" and substitute the following:

"Dáil Éireann supports the efforts made by Ireland, at EU level, to have the issue of intra-European duty free and tax free shopping re-examined by the European Commission and Council, and endorses the action taken by the Minister for Finance to carry out a study, by independent consultants, of the impact on Ireland arising from the ending of intra-European duty free and tax free shopping."

In addressing this debate I reaffirm the importance of duty free and tax free sales to Ireland, which has been in the forefront of the campaign to have this decision revisited. No country has done more than we have and no Government has raised it more often we have.

However, the Opposition claim we are not doing enough. I am glad the motion allows me to remind this House that our programme for Government, on which we were elected, sets out our commitment to resist the EU plans to abolish duty free shopping after June 1999. We are fully committed to that aim. I and my colleagues will continue to keep the issue of duty free sales on the agenda. My colleague, the Minister for Public Enterprise, continues to lobby her colleagues on the EU Council of Ministers. The Taoiseach also raised this issue at the major EU summit on employment last year and we will continue to raise it as appropriate.

The efforts by Irish Governments past and present have not so far been echoed in other EU states. Apart from one intervention by Finland, at EU Council of Ministers level, Ireland has made all the running. The Government has done far more in a short time in office than the previous Government. Indeed the danger is that this subject is being seen in Europe as a peculiarly Irish problem, and one which only the Irish are worried about. It may be that other countries are only coming to identify the problems more slowly than we have.

As has been explained to this House on many occasions, the EU plans to abolish duty free sales for all travel within the EU have been enacted into law. Changing the law will be extremely difficult. First we must convince the EU Commission that such a change is necessary because the EU procedures only allow the Council of Ministers to adopt measures on the basis of proposals put to them by the Commission. Preparing and placing draft directives before the Council is the sole responsibility of the Commission under the terms of the EU treaty. Before I and my colleagues in ECOFIN can even begin to consider the possibility of reversing the present decision, or extending the time period for duty free to remain available, we will first need a proposal from the Commission. Without it we will have nothing to adopt. European Finance Ministers have plenty of issues on their agenda and they are reluctant to hold a discussion when there is no proposal before them.

Getting a proposal from the Commission is only the first hurdle; all member states must then vote in favour of the proposal. As a taxation matter, any change in an adopted directive will require the unanimous agreement of all member states. Even one member state in opposition would cause any such proposal to fall.

In view of the Minister's comments I am leaving the House to canvass in Dublin North.

I stress this procedure because I often get the impression that some in the duty free sales lobby think it is a straightforward matter; it is not. Lest there be any doubt, the initiative for any proposals must come first from the Commission. The Commission has, until now, shown no willingness to initiate any. Naturally, the more Heads of Government and Finance Ministers call for a discussion of this subject, the greater is the pressure on the Commission to bring forward a proposal, but I sometimes wonder if the pivotal role of the Commission in the handling of EU business is fully understood. It is the Commission which must be persuaded in the first instance, not the Government, Finance Ministers or Heads of Government. The Commission must be persuaded of the need to keep duty free sales.

Against this background it must be recognised that the task of achieving a change to the legally enacted agreement to end the facility for duty free sales for intra-EU travel within the next 17 months is a challenge, but not one on which we have given up and not one on which the duty free lobby sales groups have given up either. The Government will continue to focus attention on the campaign in Europe but we need allies. We need support from other states and, in general, we are not getting it.

The Commission has consistently argued that duty free sales are not appropriate for a single market without internal frontiers. Why, it says, should such facilities be available for air travel, but not for cross frontier car travel? As a final concession, it agreed to grant a seven and a half year delay in the ending of duty free sales to allow the operators sufficient time to diversify their activities. It is its firm view that, rather than try to become less dependent on duty free sales and to phase down their operations, the industry has become even more dependent on duty free sales than it was seven years ago. New duty free shops have been built, existing ones have been expanded and turnover has increased. The profit margins on this activity are high.

Although it originally intended to conduct an EU wide study into the economic consequences of ending the duty free facility, the Commission refused to undertake such a study. It holds the view that the decision has already been taken, it has been enacted into law and no purpose would be served by undertaking such a study now. Indeed, it further argues that to conduct such a study would only raise the expectations of the industry that a further change might be considered, at a time when the industry should be devoting all its efforts to minimising the consequences of a long announced date. The Commission is determined to end duty free sales, and this must be acknowledged by all who approach it at this stage.

The absence of any wider EU analysis work is one of the key reasons Ireland has commissioned its own study. Although this will only address the issues for Ireland, it will none the less provide useful pointers for a wider European debate. It may well provide a useful vehicle in reactivating the debate at ECOFIN because ECOFIN Ministers tend to prefer hard facts and figures to rhetoric. This study will help with the facts and figures.

Deputy Noonan probably understands the issue and is aware of the legalities of the Commission. However, Deputy Owen either does not know the realities involved or chooses to ignore them. She appears to have a marked lack of knowledge of how the Commission and the EU work, otherwise she would not have uttered some of her more extreme comments in this debate.

Since I became Minister for Finance I have explained to the House on a number of occasions the legal realities of the matter and I have again outlined them here. There is no point in engaging in debate without knowing the facts and knowing who can change this decision.

Since his appointment as Oppositions spokesman on Finance, Deputy Noonan appears to think he can look into my heart when, following the example of Eamon De Valera, he looks into his heart. In doing so he tells me that I am not putting my heart into this debate. While his colleagues may not understand the situation, Deputy Noonan is probably aware of the realities involved in changing the present position. Perhaps my repeated explanation of them in this House has given some people the opportunity to say I am not fully committed to getting the decision on duty free shopping reversed. I am committed, but as with most aspects of life, I prefer to deal with the realities and, once again, I am spelling them out here.

The issue of the future of duty free shopping is extremely emotive. The demonstration held by duty free operators in Brussels last year is an example. As we move into the final furlong, we must consider our strategy carefully. We cannot continue to seek a moral victory in isolation. We need to be supported by others, however, the airport and ferry operators and their employees in other EU states do not appear to have mobilised the necessary support at political level. In Ireland there is no shortage of effort and I hope the cross-party support will continue, notwithstanding the impending by-elections.

As further evidence of the strength of feeling generated by this subject and the significant amount of interest and concern, I received a number of representations from people who may be directly affected by the abolition of duty free sales. However, at the same time, there is much confusion surrounding the topic and, in attempting to present the issue in headlines, some false impressions and misunderstandings may be creeping into the debate. For example, it is easy to overlook the fact that duty free facilities will still be available for travel to destinations outside the EU. This is a point of particular importance not only to Shannon Airport, but also to Dublin. Only intra-EU travel will be affected. This may be of little consolation to those operators who supply solely EU travellers, but even this angle may be helpful to the campaign in that it acts to discourage visits to EU states as against competing non-EU holiday destinations in the period post-1999. After 1999, Aer Lingus, which celebrates 40 years of trans-Atlantic service this year, and other operators to the United States will continue to be able to offer duty free to their passengers.

The duty free industry has moved on considerably from its effective beginnings in a small shop at Shannon Airport in 1947, over 50 years ago. Although it may appear as a facility that has always been available to EU travellers, duty free and tax free sales were not available to travellers between Britain and Ireland until 1978, less than 20 years ago. Today, according to some reports, the world-wide total of duty free sales through all channels is estimated to exceed $20 billion. Of this, the volume of activity is estimated to have reached a level of almost 6 billion ECU in Europe in 1996 alone and in Ireland it is now estimated to be approximately IR£100 million.

At these levels, it is easy to appreciate the significant contribution that the profit from duty free sales makes towards the overall profitability of the travel industry. Indeed, the income from duty free sales is now recognised as playing a central role in the commercial finances of some transport operators. More detailed information will be available from the study. I will illustrate this last point with items drawn from the 1996 annual report of the BAA, the UK airport group which operates the three main London airports and some others. In 1996, over 700,000 bottles of liquor were sold in Heathrow terminal two, together with 83 million cigarettes, enough to cover a distance of over 4,500 miles, for example, from London to Barbados. A bottle of whiskey is sold every six seconds at a BAA airport.

Will the Minister explain the point about 4,500 miles?

If the 83 million cigarettes sold were put end to end, they would cover a distance of 4,500 miles. This may be of interest to those involved in the by-election campaign.

If one drank the whiskey, how far would one get?

One would probably be buried in a suitable state of glee.

Given the scale of operation and importance to the travel industry, how did the then 12 EU member states agree to its abolition in 1991? Again, there are many misconceptions. First, and most importantly, the decision to abolish duty free sales was not taken in isolation. It was only one part of the package of tax measures agreed to in 1992 as part of the preparations for the creation of the Single Market. If Ireland and other states had not once before taken up the interests of the duty free operators, duty free sales would have ended on 31 December 1992. The extension of the date to 1999 would not have happened without us, but to call at that time for a permanent retention would have led to deadlock in bringing about the tax measures necessary for the Single Market.

This brings me to the arguments being put forward for the abolition of duty free sales by the EU Commission. As it is not represented here, it is important its reasoning is summarised. The most significant point, in its view, is that the continuation of a tax free trading facility is incompatible with a Single Market without internal frontiers. It is also asserted that the tax break on duty and excise free sales is no more than a massive subsidy to certain sections of the travel industry which in turn benefits disproportionately the regular traveller, who is predominantly middle class. This, it is argued, represents an element of unfair competition with the tax and duty paid sales in the high street and distorts the efficient location of economic activity. The Commission puts forward the argument that if a service is not profitable except by a tax subsidy, why should the continuation of that tax subsidy be used to help prop up an essentially uneconomic activity? The point has also been made that duty free sales encourage the consumption of cut price cigarettes and alcohol, which have wider health implications. It becomes more difficult to argue in Europe for a continuation of a facility that encourages increased consumption of cheap cigarettes and alcohol at the same time as Ministers are agreeing to a ban on tobacco advertising. Should we give up? The answer is obviously no. The Government, as did its predecessor, acknowledges the importance of duty free sales and supports the arguments put forward for their retention.

The argument for the retention of duty free sales has been clearly put as follows: if it is not broken, do not fix it. That sums up one approach. Many take the view that the chance to avail of opportunities to buy free of tax do no great harm and it has now become a well established part of travel. Many have experienced delays in airport departure lounges and the opportunity to browse through the duty free shop provides welcome relief from the terminal queue. However, at a more serious level, operators have been using the profits from duty free sales to cross subsidise other activities. For example, the cost of airport landing charges is lower as a result of profits from duty free sales and, as a result, so are basic ticket prices. The extent to which these prices are lower can be argued, but everyone would probably accept the fact that operators are able to offer lower ticket prices as a result of the profit they make from duty free sales.

Additionally, the profits have been used to help finance capital investment projects. Aer Rianta is building new terminal facilities at Dublin and the sea transport industry has been able to use such profits to help its investment programme. However, not only does the profit help the investment programme for some marginal routes, and in particular some of our regional airports, the availability of duty free sales is a key element in making any money at all. A central argument for retention is that it helps to keep the cost of travel down and of particular significance for an island nation such as Ireland is that it keeps the access cost down generally. As a tribute to our tourism industry, the number of people who choose to visit Ireland has been steadily increasing over the years and last year a record number of over 10 million passengers used Dublin Airport alone. The number is expected to continue to increase.

Ferry operators are still faced with a business that is strongly seasonal in nature and the potential catchment areas for some of the ferry routes are fairly small. Without the duty free facility, the prospects for some route operators, particularly those not operating on the central corridor from Dublin Bay, must give some cause for concern. In this case, the availability of duty free helps to keep services operating in winter which might not otherwise continue on a year round basis.

Economic activity underpins employment opportunities not only in the duty free stores but also in the supply and distribution chain and, by keeping the cost of access down, employment in the tourism industry generally is maintained. We should not underestimate the importance of employment in a Europe where the total number of unemployed is higher than any Government would wish. As has been reported, it was in the context of the EU summit on employment late last year that the Taoiseach specifically raised the importance of duty free sales. This was a measure of the importance Ireland gave the issue. The summit was the subject of debate in the House and most of the comments related to the question of duty free sales which was raised by Ireland there and not the issues raised by others at the summit or in the preparatory papers. The Opposition probably would prefer to forget that point because it does not sit easily with its claims of Government inaction that the Taoiseach raised it so visibly in that way.

It is obvious that the more member states that call for a retention of duty free sales, the greater the chance of persuading the Commission to reconsider the issue. The problem is our European partners are much more reticent on this topic. As was mentioned in the Dáil last November, when Ireland held the EU Presidency in 1996, my predecessor, now the leader of the Labour Party, properly raised the issue of an EU wide study at ECOFIN. He did not succeed in convincing the Commission or our European partners to agree to this and the support he received as a well respected President of ECOFIN was limited to the one or two other states that traditionally have been interested in this subject. The vast majority of states and all the big EU states, did not give their support. To date I see little hard evidence of increasing support among European Governments for any retention beyond 1999. Ministers with specific functional responsibility for transport and tourism in some member states are more supportive than other ministers. They hear the problems from the ferry operators and the airlines. This situation has been confirmed by the efforts of the media, especially RTE, to assess support at political level in Europe.

Ireland was the first into the fray on the duty free issue and probably the first also to seek to assess the direct impact by a study to be undertaken by independent consultants. I understand that some other States are assessing in detail the likely implications for them of the ending of duty free sales. The Baltic States and Germany are also likely to be disproportionately affected if the volume of ferry traffic on those routes is reduced as a result of increasing fare prices.

As I have already reported to this House, in the lead-in to the UK Presidency, my officials discussed the UK's priorities with that country while it had the chair of the ECOFIN Council of Ministers. During these discussions the importance to Ireland of the duty free issue was pointed out. However, from these discussions and also judging from a reply in the UK Parliament in December, the UK would not, at present, appear to see the future of duty free sales as a priority issue in their Presidency. At a recent meeting on other excise matters the UK chair reported that they had no specific plans to bring forward the issue of duty free facilities. It seems likely that they would have formed this opinion after consulting other member states, who see the priority being the arrangements for economic and monetary union.

There are necessary limits to the amount of action one country can take on its own. Our position is extremely well known to the Commission and to our partners. Despite this, and with a continuing lack of support, particularly from the larger EU states, we will continue to keep the duty free issue on the agenda.

As I have already explained, my officials have met with counterparts in the UK Presidency, but it is unlikely to be productive for me to return to ECOFIN again without some firm facts to support the consequences for Ireland of the ending of duty free sales. I will therefore wait until I have studied the consultants' report before deciding how best to take this matter forward.

Will the Minister publish the report?

Yes, unless the report contains specific information that some of the operators would not like given to their competitors. I replied to a similar question some time ago.

Will the Minister put the report before the Houses of the Oireachtas immediately?

If the operators who have given sensitive economic information in relation to their own activities have no objection to their contributions becoming public, I will publish it. I expect to have that report shortly and it will, no doubt, lead to further discussions in the House.

In my judgment, our case will be significantly stronger if I can support it with hard facts obtained by an independent study. Unsubstantiated claims will be ignored by the Commission .

As an island on the periphery of the EU we are particularly vulnerable to travel costs. We have one of the most open economies in Europe and are totally dependent on air and sea transport links for trade. All our trade depends on air and sea freight and the tourism industry is a valuable contribution to local economies and employment in general.

I have already mentioned the investment supported by the profits generated by duty free sales. The shipping industry in particular faces a number of challenges over the next few years. New safety requirements agreed in Europe may well require additional investment, and investment in new ships and port facilities will meet the growing demand for travel to Ireland. To justify this continuing investment the industry needs to be sure of the demand, and if the increase in the cost of travel is likely to depress that demand, there could be a question raised as to whether to proceed with investment decisions.

Time is short. What the argument needs now are firm facts on which to base any next stage in the attempt to persuade the Commission to put forward fresh proposals. I expect to receive shortly the independent report I have commissioned into the consequences for Ireland of the ending of duty free sales. Once I have studied this report I will be in a better position to assess how to take this issue forward.

Although we are committed to trying to obtain a change of heart on the duty free issue, it would not be right for me to end this statement without saying that, in reality, our chances of success are limited. However, we will continue trying. As can be demonstrated at race tracks every day, sometimes the outsider wins.

When I saw the text of this motion over the weekend I was surprised because for the last fortnight I have been participating in the Committee Stage debate on the Air Navigation and Transport (Amendment) Bill. Deputies Stagg and Yates had the opportunity to support the Minister for Public Enterprise's efforts to ensure the extension of duty free facilities.

Deputy Owen spoke at length about the by-election in my constituency. There has always been cross-party support there for the fight to ensure the retention of duty free sales. Over the weekend I spoke to my constituents who work for Aer Rianta and the ferry companies, and they believe strongly in the words of Deputy Ring: we should all be wearing one green jersey and should be fighting for this cause as one nation. It is a national issue, but it is not our Ministers we must convince. As the Minister for Finance said, we must convince members of the Commission and other heads of Government.

On Second Stage of the Air Navigation and Transport (Amendment) Bill I spoke on behalf of those who work in and supply duty free shops. There are 600 companies which supply duty free shops and those small companies' workers are worried that this facility will not be renegotiated and extended.

One of the success stories of the improvement in the economy is the low air fare structure that has allowed record numbers of people to visit Ireland. There is agreement that costs will increase if duty free facilities are eliminated and there will be a detrimental effect on tourism and the economy generally.

Aer Rianta has also been a success story. It has been able to pay for development of its own infrastructure out its own pocket. Profits on duty free sales account for approximately half of Aer Rianta's profits. The company is spending £90 million on upgrading airport facilities to accommodate the tourists who are arriving in record numbers.

The duty free issue is of concern to the ferry companies as well as the airports. It has been said to me that we should not be arguing about who has done more for the retention of duty free. We should table an all-party motion of support for the Government of the day in its efforts to ensure the retention of duty free facilities. Everybody should support this cause, as it is in the interests of many who depend on duty free shops for a living.

We must continue our efforts. Some of the founding principles of the EU relate to job creation, but 140,000 to 150,000 people may lose their jobs in Europe because of the abolition of duty free sales. Why can this matter not be reviewed? I referred earlier to cost structures. It may not be admitted, but it is a fact that many of the low fare companies rely to a large extent on duty free sales. The abolition of duty free will have a detrimental effect on their profit base.

There are many reasons for continuing the fight against the abolition of duty free at national and European level. I am pleased the Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, will meet her counterpart in Germany to explore Germany's recognition of the need for such an extension. It is the strong view of those I represent in Dublin North that this motion should not condemn anybody, there should be all-party support for the fight against the abolition of duty free.

If there were any doubt about the future of duty free or whether the decision made in 1991 could be reversed, the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, with his well known directness and honesty gave it the kiss of death tonight. From any fair reading of his speech, the fight is over. The absence from the proceedings tonight of the champion of duty free, the Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, is also instructive.

The Minister for Finance stated that the package of taxation included the duty free sales decision. A reply to a question my party tabled to the Department of Finance today stated that the decision to abolish duty free in 1999 was not contingent on a programme of tax harmonisation. The idea that has been sold that we will lose the whole package if duty free is not abolished is not the opinion of the Department of Finance. This was stated in a reply today

Last autumn, during the Second Stage debate on the Air Navigation and Transport (Amendment) Bill many Deputies spoke at length about their concerns at the proposed abolition of duty free. I am pleased to have this opportunity to draw attention to this vital matter again and I thank the Fine Gael Party for tabling the motion. The Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, has been particularly vocal on this matter and I fully support her actions in trying to reverse the 1991 ECOFIN decision. This Government has been adept at making the u-turn an essential part of Government policy and I welcome the Minister's efforts to have this modus operandi raised to the European level. However, I do not hold out much hope for her efforts.

This matter was discussed at a meeting of the Committee on Public Enterprise and Transport on 7 January. During that debate the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, indicated that there was an earlier decision to scrap duty free from 1992 onwards. She undertook to have her officials examine the papers from that time to demonstrate the point and to make the papers available to the committee. No papers have been produced to date. However, I have carried out my own research and it appears the Minister is wrong and may have inadvertently misled the House. The position is crystal clear and the Minister for Finance's speech also made it clear. The original proposal from the Commission was to abolish duty free from 1992 onwards. That was not a decision, it was only a proposal and required the unanimous agreement of the Finance Ministers to give it effect.

The then Minister for Finance, Deputy Bertie Ahern, had the power to veto that Commission proposal. Instead, he accepted a modified proposal to abolish duty free in 1999. He also had a veto on that proposal, but he did not use it. He voted for it. That is why we are where we are now on this issue. This chicken is about to come home to roost with a vengeance.

The ECOFIN decision of 1991 was a disgrace and the Taoiseach must take full responsibility for his actions on that occasion. He had a veto on that fateful night, but for some reason, which to the best of my knowledge he has never fully explained, he choose to abolish the Irish duty free industry rather than ruffle the feathers of his fellow Finance Ministers around the table. The Taoiseach has always traded on his reputation as a consensus seeker, but on that night he elevated this quality to the point of absurdity.

I read with interest in The Irish Times on Saturday that the Taoiseach currently employs seven people in his media monitoring unit at an estimated cost of £130,000 per annum. Perhaps he should consider diverting a small amount of that sum away from his spindoctors in Mount Street to do an assertiveness training course before he signs away the future of Irish workers again.

The decision to abolish duty free is adhered to by many EU policy makers with a near religious fervour. It is an irrational, destructive and unnecessary policy decision, but the mandarins in Brussels, and Commissioner Monti in particular, are determined to implement this nonsense. The EU abolition of duty free will produce not one positive benefit for any EU citizen. It will bring inconvenience, hardship and misery to thousands of citizens, yet the Commission is intent on implementing the decision.

In the forthcoming Amsterdam Treaty referendum we will again hear calls for the promotion of a citizen's Europe. If the Commission is intent on destroying a European-wide industry for the sake of abstract philosophical coherence, those of us who promote the European ideal will have a hard time countering well founded public disillusionment with the EU.

The effects of abolition of duty free here will be enormous and will probably effect every family in some way. The magnitude of this decision is only dawning on the Irish public. The Taoiseach's decision of 1991 will have a devastating effect on tourism, commerce, Aer Rianta and airline and ferry companies. More than 2,000 workers are directly employed in the Irish duty free industry. These jobs are directly under threat with the abolition of duty free which was voted for by the current Taoiseach in 1991.

Aer Rianta earned £26 million in 1996 from duty free sales, representing more than half its profits for the year. Because of the success of Aer Rianta's duty free operation we currently have one of the lowest systems of airport charges in Europe. This will not be tenable when duty free is abolished. It will lead to higher airport charges for airlines which will be passed on to consumers through higher ticket prices. This could have a knock-on effect on our inflation rate. My party colleague, Deputy McDowell, has been at pains to point out the inflationary effects of the Minister for Finance's budget carve up. Reductions in capital gains tax, the reduction in the higher rate of income tax and the onset of EMU will lead to inflationary pressures on our economy. Increases in transport rates for people and trade will also feed into this Government inspired spiral and could, in the long-term, put our economic success at risk. I do not wish to appear alarmist but there is serious cause for concern at this Government's tax and fiscal policy to which Ministers seem oblivious.

The abolition of duty free will severely restrict Aer Rianta's plans for investment and expansion and will place unnecessary and untimely strain on the finances of one of our most successful semi-State industries. It is ironic that at the same time as we finally manage to put Aer Rianta on a statutory footing through the Air Transport and Navigation (Amendment) Bill, the EU is intent on cutting the ground from under them by this madcap insistence on the abolition of duty free. Given the severe cut in revenue that Aer Rianta will suffer in the coming years, I ask the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Public Enterprise to re-examine their decision to pillage the coffers of Aer Rianta as part of the process of conferring on them semi-State status. The £14 million the Department is demanding from Aer Rianta is morally wrong, but in the face of the abolition of duty free this smash and grap decision is also commercial madness. I urge the Ministers responsible to give every consideration to reversing this daylight robbery.

The impact of the 1991 ECOFIN decision will extend to all our international transport operations. Ferry companies, airlines and our airports will suffer a severe loss of revenue and no doubt this loss in income will be compensated for by increased fare prices and job losses. Many workers in the duty free sector also earn a substantial amount of their wages from commission on duty free sales and the loss of this will affect ordinary workers in a very real way.

I support the Minister's actions in trying to reverse the 1991 decision of her party leader. However, I cannot hope the Minister will succeed in her endeavours. The sound of the stable doors being closed keeps ringing in my ears whenever I read reports of the Minister's offensive in Europe. It was the Taoiseach who got us into this mess and it is he who needs to explain his decision to destroy a thriving industry with the wave of his hand. The Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, is taking much of the heat on this issue but the Taoiseach cannot hide behind her forever and must account for his actions in 1991. Bluff, bluster, kicking to touch and shadow boxing are no substitute for action. I doubt, having heard the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, today there will be any real action. I wish to share my time with Deputy Shortall.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I thank Deputy Stagg for sharing his time with me. I welcome the opportunity to participate in this debate. As a TD for the north side of Dublin I have a particular interest in the future of the duty free sales industry as it provides an income for hundreds of families in the north side through Aer Rianta's operation at Dublin Airport. Workers in this area and their families face a bleak future thanks to the inaction of the Taoiseach, when Minister for Finance.

Contrary to the impression being given by the Minister for Public Enterprise and latterly by the Minister for Finance that the Taoiseach achieved a major feat by supposedly delaying the abolition of the industry in 1992, he sold out the duty free industry. The Taoiseach was in a position to veto this measure in 1992. He chose not to use the veto and the political consequences are coming home to roost.

The economic consequences of the Taoiseach's decision are far reaching. Our ferry companies, airlines and airports are dependent on duty free revenues for much needed cashflow. The profits from duty free sales add a considerable sum to the balance sheets of dozens of companies in the State. For example, the contribution which duty free sales make to the economic well being of Aer Rianta is crucial to the success of that company.

In 1996 more than 50 per cent of Aer Rianta's profits came from this well run and dynamic sector. The significant loss of revenue to Aer Rianta that will result will put a serious strain on its future plans for expansion and upgrading of facilities at the three airports. This is a successful Irish company which in the past has been able to sell its expertise in this area abroad. The knock on effects of the abolition of duty free sales are stark and worrying for Aer Rianta. This holds true for many other companies throughout the State which depend on duty free sales.

Last year Deputy Quinn commissioned a study on the impact of the abolition of this industry on our labour market. Given the Government's follow up, he need not have bothered because that report has yet to be published. The Minister for Finance lamely states that is because the consultants have not yet reported. Are we to believe that a company, obviously on substantial commission from the State, cannot complete a report, the contents of which are crucial to a campaign allegedly being conducted by the Ministers for Finance and Public Enterprise, with their European colleagues?

The Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, has not been particularly effective on the duty free sales issue but she has been hopeful. The Minister is constantly at pains to point out the initiatives she is taking with the EU Commission and the Council of Ministers regarding this issue. She knows her chances of success are near zero. Given that this issue gives her the opportunity to take on the mantle of Margaret Thatcher reeling against the inequities and the insanities of Europe, she has taken to it with gusto. Despite eight months in Government and supposed activity on this issue neither the Minister for Finance nor the Minister for Public Enterprise have been able to convince their British counterparts —the occupants of the European Presidency —that this is an issue worth discussing. This is in stark contrast to the attitude of the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, towards another EU project that directly affects the future development of the capital city, namely the Luas project.

While the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, is prepared to go to extreme lengths to have her voice heard in Europe on the issue of duty free sales she appears to become hard of hearing when the word "Luas" is mentioned. There is no doubt that putting Luas underground will remove a significant incentive to use public transport. It is an unsound idea and why the Minister is spending so much precious time and putting at risk hard won EU funding is beyond me and beyond the comprehension of the vast majority of the city's citizens. I look forward to taking up this matter further with the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, at a later stage.

There is no doubt the Taoiseach is ultimately responsible for the crisis which confronts the Irish duty free industry. It was the Taoiseach who, as Minister for Finance, decided to abolish duty free sales and to condemn thousands of families, directly involved in the industry and those who supply goods to duty free outlets, to a bleak future. The Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, may have put up a good show on the European stage as she attempted to convey the impression that she is making progress. However, the Taoiseach cannot shirk his responsibility for this mess. He has a duty to account for his decision at the 1992 ECOFIN meeting. He has a duty to explain to Irish workers and Irish business the reason he decided to execute their industry.

The Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, as is his wont, came before the House and attempted to bamboozle us with figures. Despite his efforts at procrastination, a key date is 1999. The Minister for Finance has asked us to consider the decision taken by the Taoiseach in 1992 in the context of time. In so doing he effectively acknowledges that the Taoiseach could have vetoed that decision. He introduced the spurious argument that duty free sales is a middle class issue. This is beneath him. He should tell that to those whose jobs will be endangered by the failure of the Government to address this issue effectively. Duty free sales are available to those embarking not only on holidays to the Caribbean, but also to those who take cheap passenger ferry fares to the UK, noting that the single market between Ireland and the UK has been in existence for some time.

The Taoiseach is not here to explain why he took those actions. Instead he has chosen to avoid his responsibilities in this matter. Many Deputies have made the point this evening and on other occasions when this matter was discussed that the Taoiseach cannot hide behind the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, on this important issue. He alone is responsible for the fate that awaits the duty free sales industry. I know from my constituency and my colleague, Senator Seán Ryan, that the citizens hold the Taoiseach responsible and will send a message loud and clear to him and the Government in the forthcoming by-elections in Dublin North and Limerick East. Despite attempts by the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, to portray the view that he is doing everything in his power —I do not know how many times he has said that — the Minister, Deputy O'Rourke, is doing a great deal of talking about this issue and there is much covering up for that fatal decision taken in 1992. The public, particularly the families of those dependent on the duty free industry, know where the blame lies for its execution. When the time comes they will give their verdict on the fateful decision made by the Taoiseach in 1992. I commend my colleague, Deputy Broughan, for the manner in which he has highlighted this issue. The Taoiseach will not be forgotten by the people on the north side of Dublin.

Debate adjourned.
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