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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 1 Jul 1999

Vol. 507 No. 4

Defence Forces Contingent For Kosovo: Motion

On behalf of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who is at the talks in Stormont, I move:

That Dáil Éireann approves the dispatch, pursuant to section 2 of the Defence (Amendment) (No. 2) Act, 1960, as applied by the Defence (Amendment) Act, 1993, of a contingent of the Permanent Defence Force for service with the international security presence in Kosovo, known as KFOR, established under the authority of the UN Security Council Resolution 1244, and that it further approves the terms of the exchanges of letters with the Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation on Ireland's financial responsibility arising from participation in KFOR, a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 29th June, 1999."

At the outset, I am sure the House will join me in fully supporting the efforts of the Taoiseach, the British Prime Minister and other Ministers involved in their work at Stormont today to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion.

The purpose of this motion, which is required under section 2 of the Defence Act, 1960, as applied by the Defence Act, 1993, is to enable the dispatch of an Irish contingent for service with the UN-authorised international security presence in Kosovo, which was established under the authority of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 of 10 June 1999. The motion also provides for approval of the terms of an exchange of let ters with the Secretary General of NATO clarifying Ireland's financial position arising from participation in KFOR. Copies of the proposed exchange have been laid before the House. This exchange clarifies that Ireland, like all other non-NATO troop contributing nations to KFOR, will be responsible for its own costs. A similar procedure was followed in relation to Ireland's participation in SFOR, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In commending the motion to the House, I wish to underline a number of key points at the outset. First, KFOR's presence is central to the international community's co-ordinated efforts to restore security and normalisation in Kosovo, to protect the civilian population in Kosovo, whether Serb or Albanian, and to facilitate the safe return of refugees to their homes. Second, KFOR was established under the authority of the UN Security Council, through Security Council Resolution 1244. Third, Irish participation in KFOR is in keeping with our foreign policy traditions and objectives. It is particularly in keeping with our long and respected tradition of peacekeeping that Ireland should participate in this UN authorised force.

I wish to set out the background to KFOR. The UN Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, adopted Resolution 1244 on 10 June 1999, which among other things, authorised the establishment and deployment of an international security presence in Kosovo, known as KFOR, with all necessary means to fulfil its responsibilities. The Security Council envisages that KFOR, with substantial North Atlantic Treaty Organisation participation, must be deployed under a unified command and control with the aim of establishing a safe environment for all people in Kosovo and facilitating the safe return to their homes of all displaced persons and refugees. KFOR is thus structured around a substantial NATO core and is commanded by a NATO General, Lt. General Jackson of the British Army, on a basis broadly similar to the Stabilisation Force – SFOR – in Bosnia and Herzegovina in which Ireland already participates. KFOR's deployment is accepted by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The UN Security Council Resolution established KFOR for an initial period of 12 months from June 1999, to continue thereafter unless the Security Council decides otherwise.

KFOR will work closely with the international civil presence in Kosovo whose establishment was authorised by the same Security Council resolution. The international civil presence will draw on the assistance of relevant international organisations to provide an interim administration for Kosovo. Many international organisations and institutions, including the UN, the European Union, the OSCE, NATO, the World Bank, and the Council of Europe will have parts to play in the stabilisation of Kosovo and indeed the whole south-eastern Europe region. This process will entail democratisation, full respect for human rights, economic reconstruction and effective security. The Security Council has specifically welcomed the work in hand in the EU and other international organisations in this connection.

KFOR is in the process of being fully deployed in Kosovo. Present strength is approximately 30,000 of the currently envisaged total of 55,000. Agreement has been reached with Russia on deployment of Russian troops with KFOR and on the sharing of Pristina Airport. Russia will supply a Deputy to the Force Commander with responsibility for Russian affairs and Russian deployment of between 3,500 and 4,000 troops is well under way.

On the basis of a separate agreement drawn up with the Belgrade authorities, KFOR has overseen the withdrawal within the deadline of all Belgrade's security forces from the province of Kosovo. A further agreement has been reached between KFOR and the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, on the latter's demilitarisation and partial disarmament within a 90 day period. This agreement foresees a political role for the KLA.

The responsibilities of KFOR under Security Council Resolution 1244 include deterring renewed hostilities, maintaining and where necessary enforcing a ceasefire, and ensuring the withdrawal and preventing the return into Kosovo of Serbian and FRY forces, except for very limited and agreed purposes; demilitarising the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, and other armed Kosovo Albanian groups; establishing a secure environment in which refugees and displaced persons can return home in safety, the international civil presence operate, a transitional administration can be established and humanitarian aid can be delivered; ensuring public safety and order until the international civil presence can take responsibility for this task; supervising de-mining until the international civil presence can take over responsibility for this task; supporting and co-ordinating closely with the work of the international civil presence, whose establishment was also authorised by Resolution 1244; and conducting border monitoring duties; ensuring protection and freedom of movement for itself and for the international civil presence and other international organisations. Countries which are contributing, or which plan to contribute, to KFOR include all our EU partners, allied and non-allied, as well as a broad range of NATO and non-NATO nations.

The Kosovo crisis is a major challenge for all European democracies, including Ireland, and is a key foreign and security policy issue for the European Union. It is likely to be a central element of the EU's agenda for the foreseeable future. Irish participation in KFOR would be in line with Ireland's commitment to play an active role in the new approach to UN-mandated peacekeeping and in promoting peace and stability in Europe. Participation would also be in line with the Government's underlying and constant approach to the Kosovo crisis, namely, that it should be resolved in accordance with the principles set out by the international community and with the active engagement of the UN Security Council, and that the refugees must have the right of full and safe return.

The situation in Kosovo remains complex. Thousands of Kosovo Albanian refugees in FYROM – Macedonia – and Albania have been returning to Kosovo spontaneously. The UN agencies are now co-ordinating the return of refugees, assisted by the stabilising presence of KFOR. On the other hand, many Kosovo Serbs are leaving. Estimates are that up to 120,000 out of 200,000 Kosovo Serbs may have fled in the wake of the withdrawal of Serbian forces from Kosovo. Evidence of appalling war crimes against Kosovar Albanians has been unearthed. There are also well documented reports of Albanian revenge attacks on Serb and Roma Gypsy houses and villages. While these persist, it is unlikely that many of those Serbs who have already left will return and more may leave. It is regarded as important by the international community that Kosovo should remain multi-ethnic. The full and speedy deployment of KFOR is crucial to engendering a sense of security for the entire civilian population.

On 21 June agreement was reached between the KFOR force commander, General Jackson, and Hashim Thaci, the head of the KLA "Provisional Government" of Kosovo on the "demilitarisation /disarming" of the KLA in compliance with UN Security Council Resolution 1244. The KLA is to renounce all provocation and reprisals against Serbs in Kosovo and hand over its heavy weapons at central collection points. The agreement contains clauses which will allow the KLA to propose its members for an anticipated police and civil administration. It is recognised that securing effective KLA compliance with the resolution is important if Kosovo's Serbs are to return.

Following discussions between the Department of Foreign Affairs and my Department, and in anticipation of the adoption of Resolution 1244, NATO was informed on 9 June of Ireland's general interest in participation in KFOR, subject to approval by the Government and the Dáil. The NATO secretariat had identified a KFOR requirement for a transport element, in line with what Ireland could contemplate providing to the force. A formal invitation to participate in KFOR will be received in the next few days.

It is envisaged that the proposed Irish contingent will comprise a transport company of between 80 and 100 personnel, equipped with 32 vehicles. The proposed contingent is based on experience gained from the contribution of a similar unit to the multinational operation in Somalia in the early 1990s. Current indications from the KFOR planning staff are that the transport company will form part of a larger group of battalion strength – 400 personnel – which will in turn form part of a KFOR support service element, possibly with Norway as lead nation. The company will be based in Pristina, and respond to the headquarters of KFOR. The Pris tina area, as well as being the location for the headquarters of KFOR, is part of the British brigade area.

The transport company, given its role as a support element for the force as a whole, is expected to be mobile throughout the KFOR area of operations. It is envisaged that a small number of staff appointments within the headquarters of KFOR will, if requested, be filled by officers of the Defence Forces. A military fact finding mission to the Supreme Headquarters of Allied Powers in Europe – SHAPE – Mons, Belgium, took place yesterday to seek clarification on a number of matters in order to expedite deployment. It will be necessary to send a reconnaissance party to the mission area prior to deployment and before a final decision is made on the composition of the transport company.

The initial indications are that it will perform the following range of duties – carry out humanitarian resupply tasks initially to villages and towns, deliver equipment and material to facilitate the completion of essential infrastructure improvements to alleviate human suffering, as part of an international transport battalion and carry out general resupply and transport tasks for the KFOR mission.

It is estimated by Irish military authorities that deployment to the area of operations could commence a minimum of six weeks after Dáil approval. The Irish commitment to KFOR will initially be until June 2000. Rotation will be at six monthly intervals. The Government will review the question of continued participation in light of developments on the ground as well as other factors, such as security requirements at home and other overseas commitments.

KFOR operates under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It is entitled to use force to implement its mandate and to protect itself and the international civil presence, established in accordance with Resolution 1244. The protective element of the chapter mandate has become the norm in UN authorised operations in recent years, such as those in Somalia and eastern Slavonia and the SFOR operation in Bosnia.

Troop contributing countries are increasingly unwilling to commit troops to operations unless there is a Chapter VII authorisation to enable the peacekeeping force to take all necessary measures to protect itself. Implementation of the provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 by KFOR is a challenging and complex undertaking. However, normalisation of the security situation is a priority for the currently deployed elements of KFOR.

Based on information from SHAPE, the current situation in Kosovo is assessed as fragile but stable with sporadic incidents of low level violence threatening that stability. Full and rapid deployment of KFOR will be a stabilising and confidence building act. The conclusion of the Irish military authorities is that the mission area remains volatile, but the current overall security situation is considered satisfactory. A serious threat lies in the numbers of landmines and unexploded ordnance that remain throughout Kosovo. Our experience in SFOR also testifies to the threat posed by mines in conflict zones of the former Yugoslavia. Dealing with this problem will be a major task for KFOR.

The Irish contingent will be fully trained in mine awareness techniques and measures. Ongoing risk assessments will take account of developments as the situation in the region stabilises. The safety of Defence Forces personnel serving on overseas missions is always a matter of serious concern and I assure the House that this aspect was fully taken into account by the Government in making its decision. In this connection, I refer to the UN Convention on the Safety and Security of UN and Associated Personnel which was adopted by the Sixth Committee of the UN on 9 December 1994. Ireland intends to accede to the convention, which came into force on 15 January 1999.

As the Irish contingent to KFOR will exceed 12 in number and will be armed, Dáil approval of the dispatch of the contingent is required under the terms of the Defence Acts. As with SFOR, all contributors to KFOR are responsible for all their own costs and this is set out in the terms of the financial exchange of letters with NATO. The terms of the financial exchange must be approved by Dáil Éireann under Article 29 of the Constitution, and this motion incorporates these terms. I estimate that the additional costs to the Defence Vote arising out of Defence Forces participation in KFOR until June 2000 as proposed on the basis of commencement on, for example, 1 September, will total £2.8 million.

For Ireland, as a non-NATO member contributing a contingent to KFOR, the KFOR command and control arrangements are analogous to those which currently apply to our participation in SFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina. KFOR is an important expression, not only of the international community's commitment to peace in Kosovo, but also of the mutually reinforcing and co-operative approach to ensuring international peace and security, which Ireland advocates. Participation in KFOR would be a further concrete example of our commitment to inclusive co-operative security in Europe in general and to helping the people of Kosovo in their search for peace and normal political life.

Ireland has a long standing reputation in UN peacekeeping which is a legitimate source of pride for all of us. I attach great importance to our involvement in the mainstream of peacekeeping and our participation in KFOR is important in this regard. The Government's approach to the Kosovo crisis has been clear, consistent and unwavering. The prompt and proactive decision by the Government, in proposing that the Dáil approve participation in the UN authorised KFOR, is further evidence of its readiness to play a full part in addressing the humanitarian, political and security challenges posed by the crisis in Kosovo and neighbouring areas in a way which is consistent with our own traditions, capabilities and objectives. I commend the motion to the House.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Timmins.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the motion. The international peacekeeping force faces an onerous task in Kosovo and this will be a long and arduous mission for the Defence Forces. Given its high risk nature it is essential that our troops receive all the back up and resources they need to carry out the mission effectively and, above all, safely. I ask the Minister to ensure that the UN Convention on the Safety and Security of UN and Associated Personnel is adhered to by Ireland and the legislation governing it is introduced in the House as soon as possible.

The need highlighted by the Kosovo crisis puts into sharp relief the tasks demanded of our Defence Forces. The recent Department of Defence memorandum encouraging cutbacks in the Defence Forces must be seen against our current unpreparedness in some ways to send other than a transport group to Kosovo. Fine Gael has no difficulty supporting the Minister in his decision to commit Irish troops to KFOR. All of us are rightly proud of the splendid record which the men and women of our Defence Forces have earned over the past 40 years. They have been the unheralded heroes of the international community. However, the cost of their heroism has been high, with 80 young lives lost in the cause of peace. Just one month ago the most recent casualty, Private Billy Kedian, was laid to rest in his native Ballyhaunis.

The question, of course, immediately arises as to whether we are prepared for the Kosovo mission. Are sufficient numbers, resources, training, and equipment available to our troops to ensure that they can participate in the mission in safety? I am glad the Minister addressed these issues in detail. It will be a dangerous mission and the range of tasks and the scale of the job to be undertaken will be daunting and demanding for all the forces involved.

My difficulty with the motion is not the Minister's willingness to commit our troops to KFOR but the limited scale of the commitment. In effect, the Minister is saying that faced with one of the most appalling humanitarian disasters to befall Europe in the past 50 years, a disaster which has driven 850,000 Kosovars from their country and displaced a further 600,000 within that province, often in the most primitive conditions, the best response we as a nation can make is to offer the services of a single transport company, numbering 100 men and women. This is despite the fact that there was a warning period. There is a need to make more personnel with specific military skills rather than a duplication of civilian capabilities available for this mission. In addition, there is a need for people in credible numbers on the ground as soon as possible.

There is no need to remind the House of the extraordinary scale of societal breakdown that characterises Kosovo today. Speaking at Polje yesterday, Mrs. Mary Robinson drew our attention to the ongoing violence against ethnic minorities which remains a sad feature of everyday life in Kosovo. The most elementary institutions of civil society are lacking. Hygiene, sanitation, basic health care, even burial facilities, are unavailable over vast areas of the unfortunate province.

Extensive mining, unexploded ordnance and polluted water supplies render much of the countryside uninhabitable in the short-term. Even at this early stage, mine casualties are averaging five per day. Public transport is non-existent and private transport is accessible only at prices above the means of the average person. Roads and bridges have been destroyed, schools demolished and hospitals desolated. The destitute are to be counted in their hundreds and thousands.

Everybody is aware that the people of Kosovo have suffered enough. The UN has committed itself to help but the calls on its resources are many. Mr. de Mello, an able official with extensive experience of humanitarian crises in Cambodia and Bosnia, has temporarily taken charge of the UN's operations in Kosovo. However, even he was staggered at the sheer scale of the task he, and his eventual successor, face. His team of 40 officials has been overwhelmed by the sheer enormity of their assignment.

He frankly admits that the UN lacks the resources, financially, managerially and logistically, to meet this challenge. UN operations in the Balkans to date have been hindered by weak inter-agency co-operation and the flow of supplies has been sporadic. Many problems face the UN at present and the attempts of KFOR's 28,000 troops to prevent the worst excesses do not always succeed. I am reiterating these problems, which are well known, because I want to highlight the support from Ireland which is needed and which they can reasonably expect to receive.

Ireland has provided a military police company to aid SFOR, but the task of ensuring even minimal security and public order in Kosovo causes the challenge we faced in Bosnia to almost pale into significance. I hope further personnel can be found and despatched without further delay because the longer we wait, the more intractable the problem is likely to become. The UN and NATO have appealed particularly for assistance from smaller European nations. They highlighted their deficits in policing, engineering and mine clearance operations. KFOR, in particular, has made no secret of its wish to avail of Irish expertise in these areas. I hope these needs can be met in the coming weeks and months. The danger is that the crisis in Kosovo retains the potential to ignite a much larger problem in south eastern Europe. It is not a minor disturbance in a far away place of which little is known. It remains a very real threat to peace and stability in Europe and must be treated as such.

Time is not on the side of the UN or KFOR. The Balkan winter sets in early and is unrelentingly harsh. A basic protective structure needs to be in place by early October. Much more is required than what Ireland is offering at present, although I welcome the measures put in place. We hope it will be a safe and secure mission in Kosovo.

Some months ago I drew up, on behalf of Fine Gael, a document in which I reviewed our experience of peacekeeping and made some suggestions as to how we might address our responsibilities. We have responsibilities to the larger international community in this domain. I drew up the document in the context of the new security architecture in Europe and the new security environment in the world. My definition of security in the document is broader and more inclusive than that traditionally adopted. I addressed an environment in which intra-state rather than inter-state conflict would be the rule and in which humanitarian principles would be salient.

In the document I argued that we in Ireland must end our splendid isolation and play our part in a joint endeavour with our partners in the EU to make our continent a safer and more secure place. To do that, we must consider how the Defence Forces are prepared and equipped to contribute to initiatives, such as that in Kosovo, and to develop our peacekeeping capability in the light of the requirements posed by a fundamentally altered security environment in Europe and elsewhere, which is obvious in the Kosovo crisis. We must update our policies and prepare for this type of crisis. We must develop further capabilities which respond to the totality of a conflict or potential conflict.

We must recognise that today regional organisations have a key role to play in preventing and containing conflict in their areas. Ireland, because of its extensive United Nations experience is obviously well placed to contribute to initiatives and to the possible development of peacekeeping capabilities in Europe. However, this will not happen on its own; it must be planned. I hope the Minister will review our position on future peacekeeping demands which will be made on us and consider the resources currently available. There is a need to develop the Defence Forces capability in crisis management techniques and to critically review our expenditure on training, equipment and capital development so that the Defence Forces can meet the challenges and fulfil the changing roles they will face in the years ahead. We need to pay greater attention to the humanitarian and human rights dimensions of conflicts and to draw the appropriate lessons in terms of revised training courses.

I hope Ireland will be able to provide a more elaborate response to the crisis in Kosovo than that contained in the motion. I hope it will be possible to find more specialist personnel to enable Ireland to face up to its international responsibilities in a manner worthy of its traditions and aspirations. If we intend to play our part and show a commitment to securing peace and stability in Europe, we must be prepared to have the resources in place. I welcome the motion and Fine Gael supports it. It is indicative of the Defence Forces's commitment to playing a strong role in international peacekeeping.

I welcome the motion. Although Ireland is an island nation, the people have always had a keen interest in international affairs. This is probably due to the fact that most families have been affected by emigration. In contrast to our stated neutrality, we have strong ties with Great Britain, the USA and, to a lesser extent, some European countries. As a result, many Irish men and women fought in the First and Second World Wars. When the Western world expressed its revulsion at the activities of Milosevic, we were only too happy to join the chorus. To us, the ethnic violence in the former Yugoslavia was horrific. Yet, it is a scene which could have visited our doorstep but for the courage and commitment of some people in Northern Ireland who were prepared to step outside their own support boundary.

As slaughter and rape took place in Kosovo, the civilised world had to take a stand. This was not pleasant but it was necessary. It was best captured by the heading: "We must kill 100 hundred babies today to save 1,000 tomorrow." Some commentators called for the United Nations to intervene, but realists knew that the UN could not do anything. As the EU has no semblance or sign of a military structure, it was once again left to the USA to play the role of Europe's policeman. Many people objected to this and vehemently condemned some of NATO's actions. While the bombing of a television station was not welcome, as a means to an end, where does it stand in comparison to the atrocities the Serbs inflicted on the Kosovars?

This conflict needed more than gestures and philosophers. It needed tough stands, hard actions and the making of unpopular choices. For that, we must express our thanks to NATO. Without its actions, where would the Kosovars stand today? Thanks to NATO, Dáil approval is being sought to permit Irish troops to serve in Kosovo as part of a United Nations international security force. This is a welcome development. However, although it is a step in the right direction, it is merely a "toe in the water" exercise. We have contributed more than 500 troops to UNIFIL in Lebanon on a continuous basis for over 21 years. The time has come to move on. We should aim to supply a full battalion to KFOR within the next 18 months. Our only obstacle is the political will. I believe that the Minister wants to take this step and I encourage him to do so. He should condense our APC purchasing programme into a 12 to 18 month period and signal our intent to play a greater role in KFOR. I extend good wishes to the personnel who will participate in the force and wish their families well. I hope their time is safe and fruitful.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Gormley.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome this motion and express the Labour Party's support for the decision to send a contingent of Irish troops to serve with KFOR in Kosovo. As was the case when the previous Government approved the participation of Irish troops with SFOR in Bosnia, while the force on the ground will be under the day to day control of NATO, the operation is subject to the mandate given by the Security Council of the United Nations. In this regard I do not believe the motion has implications for Irish foreign policy or for our military neutrality, rather it is in keeping with the active role Irish troops have played in peacekeeping operations throughout the world for almost 40 years.

There is no doubt Irish troops will face a difficult task in Kosovo, where the situation remains fraught with danger. Armed groups are still active, ethnic hatred is still evident, tens of thousands of refugees are returning to villages and homes destroyed by months of conflict and an unknown number of unexploded bombs and mines still pose a huge danger. The conflict in Kosovo was one of the greatest tragedies Europe has experienced since the end of the Second World War. Details of the full extent of the appalling ethnic cleansing carried out by the Serbian forces is still emerging. We still do not know how many people died during that campaign, but it is clear that many people were killed and brutalised, hundreds of thousands of people were driven out of their homes and enormous damage was done to the infrastructure. It is also clear that at least some of those Kosovar Albanians who were driven out and have now returned are intent on exacting their revenge on those Serbs who remain in Kosovo. Gypsies are coming under threat from both sides.

Undoubtedly the appropriate response of the international community to the crisis in Kosovo raised moral and political questions of the utmost seriousness, to which there were and are no easy answers. The NATO decision to launch a military campaign against Yugoslavia provoked strong views for and against, which were genuinely held and vigorously expressed on both sides. What is beyond dispute is that Yugoslavia in general and Kosovo in particular endured a bombing campaign of an intensity never before experienced in Europe. Enormous damage was caused to the infrastructure and a huge rebuilding, reconstruction and regeneration programme is now required. This will require a great financial com mitment, but before it can commence there must be peace and stability within Kosovo.

It was always clear that in the aftermath of the withdrawal of Serbian forces, an international peacekeeping force would be required. It would have to be a peacekeeping force that not only had the necessary expertise but would also be capable of winning the confidence of all ethnic groups within Kosovo, acceptable both to Serbs and Kosovar Albanians. In this regard it was essential that the peacekeeping force would be under the UN mandate. An exclusively NATO force might have been acceptable to the Kosovar Albanians but would hardly have won the confidence of the Serbs. The fact that KFOR is under UN mandate opened the way to the participation of Russian troops, which was an important consideration in persuading President Milosevic to accept the deal brokered by the Finnish President. It also opened up the way to participation by troops from other non-NATO countries such as Ireland.

The role of KFOR will not be limited to ensuring peace, it will also have a major role in providing food and humanitarian aid for the people of Kosovo. While the Irish contribution will be small in numerical terms – a transport unit of around 100 personnel – it is important in political and symbolic terms. We should not, however, underestimate the difficulties to be faced by our troops. As I said earlier, the situation is still fraught with danger. A number of KFOR soldiers have already died from unexploded devices. If we send troops into areas of intense danger like this, we must accept the possibility that some of them will die or be injured.

At the same time, there is an obligation on the Government to ensure that our troops are not unnecessarily exposed to risk and have the equipment and training necessary to guarantee the maximum possible level of safety and security. Training will not be a problem as Irish troops have always been well prepared for operations abroad, and this is acknowledged in the respect in which they are held by other contingents with whom they have served. However, the position regarding equipment is much less satisfactory. The long delay in providing the Army with modern armoured personnel carriers is particularly unfortunate. Troops in an area like this cannot rely on trucks and jeeps alone. The troops going to Kosovo will have to depend to some extent on other contingents for protection, which is neither operationally desirable nor good for morale. If we want our troops to be able to play an active role in peacekeeping operations throughout the world, we will have to provide them with the resources and equipment to enable them to do so. Money is available for this and, in particular, I urge the Government to expedite the delivery of the long promised armoured personnel carriers.

The recent death of Private William Kedian in the Lebanon while serving with UNIFIL illustrates the dangers our troops serving abroad face on a daily basis. We owe them a debt of gratitude for their willingness to put themselves in danger in the interests of bringing peace to the trouble spots of the world. The least we can do to repay that debt is ensure that they have the best possible equipment.

I note from the exchange of letters with the Secretary General of NATO, which were laid before the House, that the financial arrangements for KFOR will be quite different from those operations under direct UN control, as with UNIFIL, where part of the cost is reimbursed by the United Nations. It seems from the documents laid before the House that NATO will make no financial contribution whatsoever and the Irish Government will have to bear the entire cost, including wages, transport, equipment, food, lodging, utilities and medical care. According to the documents: "NATO shall provide no payments or reimbursement to the Government of Ireland for the provision of forces for KFOR". I do not object to this and believe Ireland should be prepared to pay its fair share of the cost of this operation, but I ask the Minister to let us know the anticipated cost and whether the allowances the troops will receive for serving in KFOR have been agreed with PDFORRA and RACO.

I hope Ireland will also be generous in the contribution it makes to the reconstruction effort in Kosovo. Given the scale of the damage, unless a major humanitarian programme is rapidly undertaken, many of those returning will face the winter without adequate food or shelter.

The lesson of the conflict in Kosovo and the other conflicts that have taken such a toll since the disintegration of Yugoslavia is that we ought to look at new security arrangements for Europe to ensure that neither ethnic cleansing nor mass bombing are ever experienced on our continent again. My hope for the Irish contingent to KFOR is a successful and safe operation. My hope for the people of Kosovo and Yugoslavia is an end to all ethnic cleansing and violence, that they will find a way to live together in peace and harmony, putting the terrible events of the past few years behind them.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Joe Higgins.

Acting Chairman

You may do so.

On behalf of the Green Party I welcome the deployment of Irish troops in Kosovo with a UN mandate. We have an outstanding record as peacekeepers, as has been seen in Lebanon and elsewhere, and it has even been said we can teach other nations about peacekeeping. It is regrettable that the international peacekeeping force was not deployed at the time of the Rambouillet negotiations because the sticking point then was that the Serbs wanted and agreed to an international peacekeeping force but NATO insisted—

They did not.

This was the sticking point in Rambouillet. The Deputy will have time to criticise me when he makes his contribution.

Deputy Gormley should not make stupid statements.

At Rambouillet, the Serbs agreed to an international peacekeeping force, which we now have. It includes the Russians and that makes a big difference.

Much destruction was caused and many lives were lost. Was it all worth it? I recall saying on the Vincent Browne radio show on the night of the bombing that this will lead to genocide and that is precisely what has happened. We see the horrific pictures on our television screens every night.

The question we must ask is could this conflict have been avoided? It could, and the way to have done it would have been through action under the United Nations. That did not happen because the UN's role has been usurped by NATO. That is something about which we, as a democracy, should be concerned.

There are those who will argue that this would be an ideal opportunity for PfP members to engage in peacekeeping. We are constantly told that PfP is primarily about peacekeeping but one of the great proponents of Partnership for Peace, Lieutenant General McMahon, made an extraordinary statement in an article in The Irish Times on 14 May. He contends that in Bosnia, Irish troops now under NATO command are under a “serious and potentially dangerous disadvantage because we are not privy to intelligence only given to PfP members”. Is NATO willing to put the lives of Irish soldiers at risk because we have not joined the PfP? If this is true, the Government should withdraw our soldiers immediately.

Irish soldiers have never been put at such risk under UN command, and if the lieutenant general's logic is followed through, we should surely join NATO for only then will we get detailed information to ensure the safety of our soldiers. That is the reason we need a referendum on Partnership for Peace. We need to dismiss the distorted argument we are getting constantly from the proponents. The fact that we are now going into Kosovo, not as members of PfP but under a UN mandate, shows that all the arguments in favour of PfP are completely baseless.

The Green Party believes the UN should be the only partnership for peace of which Ireland is a member. Over 140 UN countries are not members of PfP, and if we truly believe in international and democratic peacekeeping we should strengthen the UN and not allow NATO, via the PfP, to usurp the UN's role. There are those who will argue, perhaps with some legitimacy, that the UN is not the force it ought to be. That strengthens the argument for reform of the UN, something for which the Green Party has argued for some time. The question of the veto is delimiting for the whole UN operation and it needs to be removed.

Since 1945, more than one UN Secretary General and a number of governments have proposed creating a permanent international force to help prevent war, genocide and major human rights violations. In 1995, the international Commission on Global Governance, co-chaired by the then Swedish Prime Minister, Ingvar Carlsson, once again raised the idea of this UN force. We need a two-tier UN; one tier involved in peacekeeping and the other a standby force that can enforce the peace. That is the way forward.

(Dublin West): I find it incredible that the Government can come into this House and in the space of 55 minutes ask the Dáil to approve a serious decision to send Irish troops to Kosovo, effectively under the command of NATO, with a fig leaf motion from the United Nations. NATO created an incredible disaster in Kosovo and compounded the barbarity of Milosevic. It was under the cover of NATO's air war that one million people were brutally uprooted which gave Milosevic an excuse to intensify the barbarism. Now NATO expects this country to pick up the pieces. It is incredible that nine of the 11 paragraphs of the letter from NATO to this country concern finance, that NATO will not accept a penny of the cost but that it will all come to the Irish taxpayer. It is an incredibly insulting letter to this country and we have no description in detail of the role of Irish soldiers or the political strategy in relation to Kosovo. I cannot support the motion.

I support the motion to enable the Irish Army participate in the peacekeeping mission which will soon begin operations in Kosovo. The international community was shocked and horrified by the tragedy in Kosovo in the past few months. It was hoped that the discussions which took place early in the conflict would result in a resolution being found. As chairman of the Irish parliamentary delegation at the Council of Europe, I want to put on record the work done by the Council of Europe to prevent the conflict that was developing during last year and the beginning of this year.

It cannot be denied that the main culprit for the tragedy in Kosovo is Slobodan Milosevic. When the negotiation team was prepared to reach a settlement, it was on the direction of Slobodan Milosevic that the talks broke down, which ultimately led to the tragedy continuing. I do not believe we have yet been exposed to the full tragedy of what has taken place in Kosovo. That will only be determined when there has been a full investigation into the various atrocities carried out in the past few months. Nevertheless, the Irish Army will show a high level of courage and commitment, as it did in Lebanon and elsewhere, and I wish the personnel well in this mission and hope they remain safe in what has already been described as a dangerous mission. Tragedies have occurred already in Kosovo involving some peacekeeping personnel.

I congratulate the various departmental agencies and the public in general for the way they responded to this crisis. Young boys and girls throughout Ireland collected money at church gates and other public places to help the refugee crisis in Kosovo. The voluntary effort made in Ireland is an indication that not only is there a commitment on the part of the Government to ensure we play a full part in peacekeeping and supporting humanitarian missions, but the public is willing to support it financially also. In every village throughout the country, small committees organised events to raise money. The local radio station in Clare collected approximately £50,000 for the relief effort.

It is important that this mission is successful and that stability is created in Kosovo because unless that is done quickly, the tragedy of Kosovo might be repeated throughout the entire Balkans region. What we have seen is just the tip of the iceberg and the conflict can escalate if this mission is not put in place. The Irish soldiers will play a full role, with their Norwegian colleagues, in putting in place part of an overall system that will see peace restored to this part of Europe which has gone through a horrific time in the past few months.

It is appropriate to point out also that peace could not have been restored in Kosovo were it not for the efforts made by the German government and the Russian President and his Minister for Foreign Affairs, who personally intervened to bring about a situation in which this peace formula could be put in place. It must be underlined, however, that the main culprit of this tragedy has been Slobodan Milosevic, and he must face international sanction for his part in it. In establishing peace it is imperative that we also ensure that those who are responsible for this horrific tragedy are brought before the courts to face those charges.

Ireland's participation in KFOR is a further element in the wide ranging contribution Ireland is making to addressing and resolving the humanitarian, political and security crises in Kosovo and neighbouring areas. UN Security Council Resolution 1244 marks a welcome re-engagement by the UN with the Kosovo issue and is the result of diplomacy and negotiations which Ireland has constantly seen as essential to finding a solution to the Kosovo problem. The UN resolution is only the beginning of a long and complex process aimed at a just and lasting settlement of the Kosovo issue.

Ireland and our EU partners will have an important role to play in this process. The stability pact for south-eastern Europe and the EU initiative seeks to harness the contribution which all relevant organisations can make to the long – term stabilisation process.

Regarding our peacekeeping role, Ireland has committed a maximum of 850 military personnel for service with the UN at any one time under the UN standby arrangement system – UNSAS. With the proposed dispatch of 80 to 100 Defence Forces personnel to KFOR, Ireland will have almost reached the 850 limit specified under the UNSAS agreement. I think we will probably be in the top five for the last 20 years in the number we have deployed with the UN in different parts of the world.

I previously indicated in the House that Ireland must give whatever assistance it can to the Kosovo population, given the appalling tragedy which has beset their region. My earlier efforts as Minister for Defence were focussed on measures to assist in the humanitarian crisis by contributing the services of experienced Defence Forces personnel and providing facilities for the accommodation of refugees on their arrival in Ireland. I also indicated I would give favourable consideration to any request to send members of the Defence Forces to Kosovo under the UN mandate in the event of a political settlement. I am pleased to see this intention being brought to fruition today and I thank all Deputies who have broadly supported this measure.

In the light of Dáil approval, the practical aspects of the proposed participation in the mission may be pursued. The safety of Defence Forces personnel serving on overseas missions is always a matter of serious concern. In recommending that Ireland contribute a transport group to KFOR, I am cognisant of the current assessment of risk attaching to the KFOR mission as advised by SHAPE and the Defence Forces and will take full account of the ongoing risk assessment.

While no absolute guarantees can be given with regard to the safety of the troops serving on missions such as KFOR, it is my policy to ensure the Defence Forces personnel are adequately trained and equipped to carry out their missions. The transport group will be equipped with 32 vehicles, 20 of which will be troop carrying vehicles within the existing complement of Defence Forces vehicles. It is envisage that these DVCs, which were purchased between 1980 and 1989, will be replaced early next year by 12 new demountable rack off-load pick-up system vehicles called DROPs. These are being purchased by my Department as part of an ongoing five year plan to purchase 20 such vehicles.

The exchange of letters on financial matters is misconstrued by Deputy Higgins. The same procedure was followed for SFOR and recognises countries which are not members of NATO but which are participating in the force. I believe we should go with all the resources available to us to help and we should not expect other countries to pay for what we are doing.

(Dublin West): To clear up the mess they have made.

I am happy to stand over an Irish contingent going and paying for what we are doing. We are not going on one leg.

Regarding Deputy Gormley's contribution, after every war everyone says it could have been avoided and that something else could have been done. The harsh reality in this case was that thousands of ethnic Albanians were being slaughtered and pushed from their homes months before any NATO involvement. To suggest that everything that happened was because of NATO involvement is a misconstruction.

I never said that. The majority of atrocities occurred after the bombing.

There were plenty of atrocities before the bombing also.

I thank all Members for their contributions. We all wish the mission every success and we look forward to it being a safe and successful mission. We will continue to contribute every extra facility available to us in the light of our resources. We are prepared to do so and to pay for it.

Question put and agreed to.
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