To listen to some of the Opposition, one would think one was living somewhere else. The Fine Gael motion talks about abysmal "failure to adequately address any of the fundamental problems facing the country", but nowhere was that more characterised under the previous Administration than regarding Northern Ireland policy, particularly the policy pursued by the then Taoiseach, the person who puts himself forward as a putative Taoiseach for the future, Deputy John Bruton.
Since the Government came to office, bringing a just and lasting peace to all the people of this island has been our highest priority. Our record and our achievements in this regard stand for themselves. We have overseen truly momentous developments, bringing the vision of an Ireland in which all its people and its traditions are united in partnership and peace, of which others have spoken, closer than at any time in our history. From the work of our very early days in office to the unprecedented developments that have taken place this week, the Government has dedicated itself to advancing the peace process and achieving the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, the democratic will of the people of Ireland. Peace, for too long an unrealised dream, has become an everyday reality.
It has not been an easy journey, but we have come a long way and we have further to go. When we took office in June 1997, the IRA ceasefire had broken down and the future of the peace process was uncertain. Through skilful and painstaking work, we secured the restoration of the ceasefire, putting us back on track for the substantive multi-party talks which began in Belfast in September 1997. The Government, under the visionary leadership of the Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, played a central and vital role in the long and difficult negotiations that led to the tragedies of the past being left behind us. A chance to build together a future in tolerance and mutual respect, where we can all pursue our legitimate political aspirations through peaceful and democratic means, is a legacy of which the Government is proud.
The Agreement was endorsed by all the people of Ireland, North and South, in the referendums of May 1998. In voting for it in such overwhelming numbers, the people made it their own. In the period since, we have never stinted in our efforts to deliver to them the realisation of all that the Agreement promised. We are close to achieving that goal.
We have overseen historic constitutional change. The new text of Article 2 of the Constitution has given a modern expression to our most basic and enduring values, defining the Irish nation in the most open, inclusive and non-coercive manner, entitling all the people born on the island of Ireland to citizenship on an equal basis.
We removed for ever any notion that the Irish people do not wish to see unity by consent of the people, North and South. It can only be achieved peacefully and democratically.
These changes have, of course, been matched by changes in British constitutional legislation which also enshrine consent and, for the first time, now have a clear mechanism to give effect to any majority wish for a united Ireland in the future. We have also overseen the creation of a new set of institutions to reflect the new beginning to relationships on these islands promised by the Agreement.
For those who have watched the conduct of Northern politics down the years, the low-key, professional and businesslike approach of the Executive and the Assembly have been a revelation. The Executive, under the joint stewardship of David Trimble and Séamus Mallon, has succeeded in demonstrating fully that the values underpinning the Agreement – partnership, mutual respect and equality – can be brought to bear in a meaningful and practical way for the benefit of Nationalists and Unionists. The long-awaited real politics has begun with local and locally accountable Ministers taking decisions on matters of importance and significance in the lives of the people of Northern Ireland.
Similarly, the Assembly has been working well. Like any other elected body, it has seen its share of robust debate, but I have been deeply impressed by the manner in which parliamentarians from all perspectives and backgrounds have been approaching their work with diligence, commitment and enthusiasm.
As a member of the Fianna Fáil Party and the Government, I take particular pride in the role we have played in developing mutual understanding and reconciliation and in broadening and deepening co-operative connections between both parts of this island.
The North-South Ministerial Council has brought that work to a new plane. The fact that Ministers from both jurisdictions have been meeting regularly and frequently to the point where such meetings have become almost unremarkable is, in itself, an astounding example of the progress which has been made under this Government and no other in ensuring that those institutions were set up, accounted for and agreed by all.
The implementation bodies are up and running. The British-Irish Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference are carrying forward the substantial programmes of work they have identified for themselves. We have transformed that political landscape in which we, as a Government, operate. Our journey has not always been smooth, and we have encountered many obstacles and overcome many setbacks.
No one issue has proved more difficult to resolve than the question of arms. As Deputies will be aware, the key to this issue, on both sides, has been trust that the institutions will be operated in good faith, and confidence that the question of arms will be dealt with.
When I took up office earlier this year, the narrow ground of decommissioning and devolution, the ground Deputy Bruton likes to plough day in and day out, had been ploughed and ploughed again, but had failed to yield the progress we needed to secure. It was my belief then, as it is now, that the only way in which the objectives of all sides can be achieved is by broadening the debate to encompass the full implementation of all aspects of the Agreement and not being afraid to say so.
That is the view that we took in our discussions with the British Government and with the parties which concluded successfully with the restoration of the Executive and the Assembly at the end of last month. In our statement with the British Government of 5 May and in our letter to the parties we set out how and when outstanding aspects of the Agreement for which we have responsibility will be taken forward. We called on others to make their intentions clear, and the IRA responded in its statement of 6 May, setting out the context in which it will put its arms permanently and verifiably beyond use and putting in place the confidence building measure which was delivered this week.
The report of the two independent inspectors, President Maarti Ahtisaari and Mr. Cyril Ramaphosa, that they have inspected a number of IRA dumps and that the weapons contained in them are secure is without historic precedent. Together with the IRA's announcement that it has re-engaged with the de Chastelain Commission, it makes a significant contribution to building and sustaining confidence that all commitments will be honoured and all aspects of the Agreement will be implemented. I have said on many occasions that I want to see decommissioning happen as soon as possible, but I have also frequently observed that it is a voluntary act and will only be achieved on that basis.
As the Taoiseach said, the developments of recent days represent an extremely significant movement forward in the consolidation of peace and political accommodation and present us with a bridge to the achievement of full implementation of the Agreement. We have made remarkable progress since taking office and the Government puts that record before the people proudly and without equivocation. We are not complacent, nor can we afford to be because difficult issues exist which still need to be addressed.
We will continue to work to achieve a representative, accountable and effective police service in Northern Ireland. In this regard, the House will be aware of the intensive work in which we have been engaged to ensure that the legislation before the Parliament at Westminster remains true to the report brought forward by the Patten Commission.
In other areas of foreign policy we are fully committed to our campaign for non-permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council for the two year term 2001-02. We have just successfully concluded a six month term as Chair of the Committee of Ministers which I shared with my predecessor, Deputy Andrews. We have achieved an excellent initiative launched by my predecessor, Deputy Andrews, in the area of nuclear disarmament which has gone unnoticed in this House and elsewhere. We achieved outstanding success at the recent Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference in New York. The proposals of the New Agenda Coalition, in which Ireland has been playing a lead role, not only secured widespread support but became the basis of the agreed final declaration of the conference. For the first time, the nuclear weapons states have made an explicit commitment to nuclear disarmament and have accepted a programme in this regard. That is a major achievement for Irish diplomacy.
Our commitment to work in support of international peace and security has also been fully reflected in our approach to European security and defence which has been characterised by dynamism, direction and decisiveness. The Government ensured that an Irish contingent would play an active part in the peacekeeping operation authorised by the UN after the Kosovo war and we did that quickly and without hesitation. The approach the Government has taken in the EU debate on a common foreign security and defence policy is that the European Union is developing a defence role, but not in mutual defence. Some people in the House continually try to portray their defence of Irish interests as trying to avoid a mutual defence role for Ireland in the European Union. It is not on the agenda. We are talking about developing a role in peacekeeping and crisis management consistent with the Petersberg Tasks and Irish foreign policy traditions of successive Governments. It is time the nonsense from those people in the House ended.
There are areas of activity concerning the intergovernmental conference which we discussed in an earlier debate and we will refer to them in greater detail again. We will always see the prospect of enhanced co-operation as something which requires greater clarity as to the areas where it might apply because we want to see adequate safeguards in place to ensure and protect the achievements of the Union, such as the Single Market and the Common Foreign and Security Policy. We have outlined in detail our negotiating position on those matters and we are prepared to negotiate confidently on those.
Development aid is also a responsibility of my Department and we are putting to Government for consideration ways and means by which we can meet in coming years the UN proposed target for development aid of 0.7% of GNP. That is something the Government will seek to address. On international trade and widening our diplomatic remit, given recent announcements in Norway and Asia, we have seen the implementation of far-sighted policies which will bring great benefits to our country in terms of international trade and, more importantly, our political position in the world.
We are pursuing our objectives regarding Northern Ireland and the European Union agenda in a clear, unambiguous and consistent way and we make no apology to anyone for doing so. Regardless of the difficulties, we are obtaining results which confirm progress in policy areas which are complex. There is no complacency on our part regarding the continuing issues of concern and we will continue to contribute positively so that real change for the better occurs consistent with the interests of our people. I commend the Government's amendment to the House.
