Vol. 526 No. 6
52 Mr. M. Higgins asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on a report in a publication (details supplied) that overall control of the Rapid Reaction Force of the European Union to which Ireland has an undertaking to contribute, will be in the hands of NATO's Deputy Supreme Commander; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27819/00]
I propose to make a short statement on the outcome of the recent Capabilities Commitment Conference and, in doing so, to address the particular issue raised in the Deputy's question.
I attended, with the Minister of State, Deputy Seamus Brennan, the Capabilities Commitment Conference held in Brussels last week. The conference provided the opportunity for EU countries, including Ireland, to indicate formally the resources they can make available for potential humanitarian or crisis management operations. These contributions were made in the context of the voluntary Headline Goal agreed at the European Council at Helsinki last year.
In summary, Ireland's contribution of up to 850 members of our Defence Forces does not in any way affect our long-standing policy of military neutrality to which the Government remains firmly committed, nor is any mutual defence arrangement involved.
A declaration by EU member states was issued after the conference which outlined progress to date on the elaboration of the voluntary goal in the lead-up to the Nice European Council. It clearly stated that the Union's contribution to international security would be made in keeping with UN and OSCE principles. Moreover, it reiterated that these steps did not imply the creation of a European army.
Participation by Ireland in any Petersberg mission remains a sovereign decision to be taken by the Government. The Government will decide on a case by case basis whether, when and how to commit either troops or other resources. In our interventions at the conference, Ireland reiterated these points and specified that in our case, in compliance with the terms of the relevant Irish legislation, we would participate only in missions authorised by the United Nations.
The capabilities announced at the conference constitute one element in the development of a European security and defence policy, which has its basis in the aims of the Amsterdam Treaty. They derive from decisions taken by European heads of state and government at successive European Council meetings in Cologne, Helsinki and Feira and are firmly rooted in the framework of European common foreign and security policy.
Particular concerns have been expressed concerning implications for our continued involvement in UN peacekeeping and, as raised by Deputy Higgins, regarding the possible role of certain NATO personnel.
In addition to being entirely consistent with our policy of military neutrality, our commitment to the EU Headline Goal is fully in keeping with Ireland's approach to overseas peacekeeping and with our foreign policy traditions. We remain absolutely committed to Irish involvement in UN peacekeeping. We will continue to play a full part in it.
In this context, I stress that the central role of the UN, and particularly that of the UN Security Council in matters of peace and security, is explicitly recognised by the EU. There are clear links between what the EU is trying to achieve and the overhaul of UN peacekeeping operations which is now under way in line with recently adopted Security Council Resolution No. 1327. Our membership of the UN Security Council will facilitate our efforts to help ensure that European security and defence policy and UN reforms proceed in a complementary and mutually reinforcing manner.
The involvement of NATO stems from the fact that the EU, which is not a military organisation, is likely to remain dependent on NATO infrastructural and transport capacity, as UN-mandated operations such as SFOR in Bosnia and Herzegovina and KFOR in Kosovo have shown.
Detailed discussions have been taking place between the EU and NATO on the modalities for the use of NATO assets by the EU in carrying out specific Petersberg Tasks where the EU does not itself have adequate capabilities. In this context, it is envisaged that the Deputy Supreme Allied Commander of NATO, DSACEUR, would have a co-ordinating role between the EU and NATO on the allocation of NATO resources for a specific operation. The command arrangements for an EU-led operation would be for the EU to decide and the EU would maintain the political control of any operation using NATO assets and capabilities. Moreover, I emphasise that Irish involvement in operations where the EU and NATO co-operate will occur only where our peacekeepers act under a UN mandate.
I reiterate that Ireland's ongoing participation in the development of European security and defence policy is fully consistent with our policy of neutrality and our commitment to international peace and security. We therefore, approach this task in a positive and constructive spirit.
In a positive and constructive spirit and in response to the Minister's reply, I will ask him a number of questions. I am always grateful for his long replies because they are full of information. My first question, which was answered, was whether the new force will be under the logistical control of the Deputy Head of NATO who currently happens to be a British general, according to my information, and we can confirm that. Is it true that a joint meeting of EU Foreign Ministers and NATO ministers is being planned for December? If it takes place does the Minister propose to attend, and if he does, on what basis? As his commitment last Monday did not have the benefit of a public debate or an elaborate debate in this House, does the Minister agree the framework to which he referred in his reply within which these decisions are being taken has not been the subject of public debate or a debate in this House? The other point which he suggests as the source of the Irish position and the principle upon which he made the commitment last Monday is an evolving set of co-operations through Council over a period of years. Does the Minister agree that in view of the complexity of the matter and given that the force will be under the control of the Deputy Head of NATO, a public and extended debate in this House is necessary?
That is not the case, as was suggested in the Financial Times last week. It is misleading to say that the Deputy Commander of NATO will be in control of any future EU force. That is not correct. What is correct is that in building a capability which will involve co-operation between EU and NATO in respect of NATO assets used in any EU rapid reaction force, there will be a co-ordinating role by the Deputy Commander of NATO. This is not to say he will be automatically in charge of any force which would engage in either military or civilian crisis management in the future. It is misleading to suggest the Deputy Commander of NATO will be in logistical control. That is not correct. The Deputy suggested there had not been a debate on the basis of the framework on which these developments have been taking place. That is also not correct. The legal basis for these developments is the Amsterdam Treaty which has been not only debated in this House but a referendum on the matter was put to the people. The legal basis of these developments has not changed. The capabilities conference is not a pledging conference. There is no binding obligation involved in Ireland participating in the conference. We are simply formally indicating what resources and personnel we would make available so that people involved in the planning of these operations in the future, should they arise, will know what capabilities are available within the EU member states.
I therefore do not accept Deputy Higgins's suggestion that we do not know the framework. The legal basis has not changed and it is not true to suggest, as has been suggested in the public domain, that the Deputy NATO Commander would be in charge. It is in the context of EU-NATO co-operation which we have seen already in EU-mandated missions in Kosovo and Bosnia that that sort of involvement by NATO will take place and regardless of who is in charge of an operation in the future, it will remain under the political control of the European Union.
This raises the question of who is in control. It is unusual to suggest that the person in charge of political control is in charge of the logistics. Surely the information, as is available for anybody who wants to look for it, is that what is very likely is that, following the co-operation in terms of military assets and capability, is logistical control. The other question I put to the Minister, which I am afraid he did not answer – which I accept was an omission – was whether, in the event of him being invited to a joint meeting of Foreign Ministers and NATO ministers for the purpose of co-operation into the future, he would attend and if he does, will he inform the House on what basis he will do so? Will he also make available the text that suggests that any Irish participation would be dependent on a UN mandate? Where is that text? Can it be placed in the Oireachtas Library?
Once again, those in technical control will obviously be the European Union. The operations, should they be in military crisis management, will obviously involve military people. It is not correct to assume that it will be the Deputy Commander of NATO. What we can assume is that the co-ordinating role for the use of NATO assets in any EU-logged operation will be that of the Deputy Commander of NATO, which is only part of the total preparatory steps to be taken.
Second, in relation to the meeting, I have not yet been invited to such an event. If I am invited, I will positively consider it. The basis on which my attendance would take place would be that it is in relation of the co-operation that would be involved between the European Union and NATO in implementing the Petersberg Tasks under the Amsterdam Treaty to which we have signed up and with which I have no problem.
In relation to the question of UN mandates etc., the defence Acts stipulate legislatively that in excess of 12 military personnel requires the Government, having made the decision to participate, to come here and get the approval of the Oireachtas.
