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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 24 Oct 2001

Vol. 542 No. 6

Northern Ireland: Statements.

On a point of order, the Green Party has been blocked from speaking on the issue of arms decommissioning. I urge a change to Standing Orders to make this House more inclusive. If we are serious about telling people north of the Border they ought to have inclusive institutions, we are certainly not setting a very good example here. I ask you to bear that in mind and to bring Standing Orders into line with the spirit of the peace process.

As Deputy Sargent knows the speaking arrangements were agreed by the House this morning.

They were agreed by the larger parties.

We are not having a debate on it. The Dáil Reform Committee sits and if the Deputy wishes changes to be made I suggest he brings the matter to its attention.

I ask you not to distort the truth.

It is the usual carve up by the larger parties.

It is proportional representation.

It is not democracy.

That is not true.

Deputies Mitchell and Sargent, allow the Minister for Foreign Affairs to speak.

Deputy Sargent should not be accused of lying.

I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, to open the debate.

On behalf of the Government I have the honour to make this opening statement on what has been another very good day for the peace process. That the House has scheduled this debate at such short notice reflects the exceptional interest and support all parties have demonstrated in the progress of that process.

We are not happy.

Without that constant support over many years of successive Governments, it would not have been possible to achieve the progress that has been made. On behalf of the Taoiseach and my other colleagues in Government, I express our deep appreciation for that consensus support which sustained us on the bad days and encouraged us on the good. The events of yesterday were enormously significant and 23 October 2001 will rank among the seminal moments of the peace process over the past decade. It joins other milestones of hope such as the Downing Street Declaration, the framework documents, the negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement and the establishment of its institutions in December 1999. Many of these occasions were marked by debates and statements in this House and it is entirely appropriate that we should accord similar respect to yesterday's developments. I know that party leaders have already issued public statements welcoming the IICD report and I thank them for their generous and gracious recognition of the importance of what has been achieved.

Yesterday the IICD confirmed it had witnessed an event it regarded as significant during which the IRA had put a quantity of arms completely beyond use, including arms, ammunition and explosives. As the Government statement indicated, this represents unprecedented progress in the resolution of the arms issue. To fully appreciate the shift involved, we need to bear in mind that the IRA did not consider itself to be party to the Good Friday Agreement. In the immediate aftermath of those negotiations it issued a statement to the effect that there would not be decommissioning. That statement received pithy expression in the murals which appeared in the republican areas stating "not a bullet, not an ounce". Therefore, we should not underestimate the enormity of the move made by the IRA yesterday. It required vision and courage to take that step, particularly against a backdrop of a sustained campaign of violence directed against nationalists in north Belfast, Larne, Coleraine and other areas in Northern Ireland. As Prime Minister Mr. Blair said yesterday, this step was taken not out of weakness but from the strength that comes from recognising that there is now a new dispensation in Northern Ireland which allows political differences to be addressed and resolved through democratic and peaceful debate. I commend Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and the Sinn Féin leadership for the influential role they have played in bringing militant republicanism to this new departure.

The issue of decommissioning has long been an obstacle in the peace process. It nearly frustrated the establishment of multi-party talks in 1996 and was one of the most difficult issues on the agenda of those talks.

Even after agreement had been achieved, it proved to be one of the provisions of the Good Friday Agreement that was most difficult to implement. This is perfectly understandable since the issue of decommissioning goes to the heart of the deficit of trust and confidence that has existed in Northern Ireland. Both sides regarded the issue as the litmus test for the bona fides of the other – if the war is over, a private army is not needed, and conversely, if the guns are silent, why the insistence that they should be handed in?

As we have grappled with this issue over the past few years, the wisdom and prescience of Senator Mitchell's words in 1996 have been continuously validated – the decommissioning of mindsets is as important as the decommissioning of weapons. What we have been doing patiently and incrementally over several years is creating a context that allows us to decommission the mindsets of those who regarded violence as a legitimate instrument for pursuing political objectives and also those who sought to maintain supremacy under a guise of partnership. The decommissioning of the mindsets was a prior condition of the decommissioning of the weapons. The necessary context was the Good Friday Agreement and its full and total implementation.

Over the past few years, the Governments and the pro-Agreement parties have devoted thousands of hours of dialogue and negotiation to achieve that context. The Taoiseach and Prime Minister Blair have made a huge personal investment of time and energy in pursuing that task. The Secretary of State, Dr. John Reid, has done Herculean work in advancing matters, particularly on the policing issue on which great progress has been made in recent weeks.

The leaders of all of the pro-Agreement parties have stretched themselves and their constituencies repeatedly in order to facilitate progress. John Hume, Seamus Mallon, Mark Durkan, David Trimble, Reg Empey, Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness all deserve immense credit for their political courage and stamina. The leaders of the smaller parties in the Assembly, including the Alliance, the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and the PUP, were also very helpful in creating a climate of support for the context we were seeking to achieve.

The required context was finally brought to fruition with the publication on 1 August, following the talks at Weston Park, of the two Governments' proposals on addressing the outstanding issues from the Good Friday Agreement: putting arms beyond use; normalising security arrangements on the ground in Northern Ireland; establishing a policing service that attracts and sustains cross-community support; and ensuring the stability and inclusive operation of the Agreement's political institutions. Yesterday's developments provided the catalyst that allowed us to fully deliver on all of those outstanding dimensions of the Agreement.

As I have indicated, the events of yesterday would not have been possible without militant republicanism acquiring the vision and generosity to stretch itself for the public good, without the creation of a political context that enabled that shift, and without the various political leaders on these islands who took risks repeatedly. Neither would it have been possible without the professionalism, integrity and endurance of General John de Chastelain and his colleagues on the IICD.

The international community has been an immense resource to the peace process over the last decade. The IICD has been able to draw on the best and the brightest from Canada, the US and Finland to break the impasse on the most difficult issue in the process. I am delighted to tell the House that the current US administration is maintaining the close engagement demonstrated by President Clinton when he was in office. We are very fortunate to be able to call on the fair and even-handed support of Ambassador Richard Haass, to whom I spoke yesterday, Secretary of State Colin Powell, who I briefed in Washington recently, and President George W. Bush, who stated very significantly that the peace process in Northern Ireland represented a national interest for the US. Notwithstanding their current preoccupation with Afghanistan, Ambassador Haass and the Secretary of State devoted considerable time yesterday to the unfolding events here, and President Bush issued a very supportive statement welcoming the IICD verification and expressing the hope that it would lead "to the full functioning of the political institutions of the Good Friday Agreement".

The significance of yesterday's events has been generously recognised by the vast majority of people on these islands. There is, alas, a small minority of sirenic voices who wish to degrade yesterday's achievement and keep the issue open as a potential brake in the further working out of the peace process. I fully share Prime Minister Blair's views in this regard – we must not let the wreckers or the cynics win. Those who seek to destroy the Agreement by force or intimidation will be dealt with severely by the forces of law and order in both parts of the island. Moreover, those who dismiss the significance of the IICD verification will confirm suspicions that their ultimate agenda is resistance to change rather than resolution of the arms issue.

The 23 October was the day on which we collectively drew a line under the difficulties in implementing the Good Friday Agreement and resolved to get on with finishing the job. There is now no substantive reason we should not continue delivering all the commitments contained in the Agreement.

The Good Friday Agreement was a profound charter for change, democratically endorsed in both parts of the island. Through its outworking, it has already achieved a great deal. However, a great deal more needs to be done if the promise and full dividend of the Agreement is to be made real in the lives of the people in North Belfast, the Falls Road, the Shankill, Portadown, South Armagh, the Waterside in Derry and places in between. For instance, the people of South Armagh need to see visible evidence of change. It is hard to believe the war is over if one lives under a military watch-tower and has to endure daily intrusions by the British Army. I understand that the Secretary of State intends to make some announcements in this regard in the House of Commons this afternoon. This important work has begun today.

The Government and all parties in this House attach particular importance to the stable and inclusive operation of the institutions of the Agreement and, in particular, its North-South architecture. The reason for that is very simple. If we are to build a future on this island that is different from the past then a cornerstone of that must be a new partnership between North and South and between all traditions on the island.

The North-South Ministerial Council and the North-South bodies have made an impressive start to their work since they were brought into being in December 1999. Without exception all meetings of the council have taken place in a positive, constructive atmosphere and an extensive programme of work is under way across the various sectors involved. The North-South bodies and the new tourism company, Tourism Ireland, are up and running and getting on with their important mandates.

We all know that, despite the progress, some difficulties in the wider political process spilled over into the workings of the North-South institutions. However, thanks to the groundbreaking developments of this week, these difficulties can now be put behind us and we will be free to press on with the many tasks that need to be done in North-South terms.

This breaking of the logjam at last releases the full possibilities of the North-South institutions. Despite the wider political difficulties, which I have mentioned, they have already demonstrated their tremendous potential, with 37 successful meetings of the council held to date and up to 1,000 staff, drawn from North and South, working effectively in the new bodies and in Tourism Ireland.

However, this is not just a paper exercise or a symbolic gesture. These are relevant institutions and structures which deal with critical issues that matter to all the people on this island – issues such as special education, emergency health care, cross-Border trade, road safety and tourism promotion.

In this new climate, the North-South provisions of the Agreement can yield some of the most positive, practical benefits for the people of this island. The structures give us the opportunity to tackle our common concerns and objectives in a new, strategic way, opening up the possibility of a genuine all-island approach to issues when it makes obvious sense. Everyone has something to gain from this approach.

It should now be possible for us to take our planning forward in a genuine spirit of partnership in key areas such as the environment, tourism, spatial strategy, transport and energy. Even where some of these issues are outside the current remit of the North-South Ministerial Council, such as energy, the dynamic of North-South co-operation has progressed to such a degree and the level of Ministerial interaction is now so advanced that I firmly believe these key policy areas will never again be examined or taken forward in a purely 26-County or Six-County mind-set.

This transformation is possible if these structures are developed and utilised to the full. No one can claim that they are being misused as some sort of cloaking device for a political agenda. The agenda is open and clear. Against the constitutional background set out in the Agreement, we need to overcome the fact that the political border on this island has been economically disruptive and socially and culturally divisive to the hindrance and detriment of all for far too long. Everyone must recognise by now that working together is to our mutual benefit. Under the terms of the Agreement, all of these activities are carried out in co-operation with our Northern Ministerial partners, so there can be nothing to suspect or fear.

There is now a dynamic agenda for action. We hope to hold an early plenary meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council to progress important work on practical issues such as the tackling of obstacles to mobility between both parts of the island, developing common approaches to economic competitiveness and re-energising the programmes of work in the individual sectors of the council. On the part of the North-South bodies, InterTradelreland has a major programme of activity ahead in terms of promoting greater trade and business links and interaction between North and South. Tourism Ireland is proceeding with tackling the huge challenges that have arisen in seeking to market the island overseas in the wake of the horrific events of 11 September, a task that can only be made easier by this new strategic partnership.

This is but a flavour of what lies ahead. The common theme through all this is mutuality of interest. Across a range of areas there is a deep mutuality of interest between North and South. We must set about, through the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement and through other linkages, turning this potential into reality. In doing so, we must harness the new energy and maturity which has been released by this week's developments and begin a new dynamic era on this island at all levels based on partnership, equality and mutual respect.

For too long we have lived back to back on this small island, cut off from one another. It is time for us to start working side by side on the basis of respect for the diversity of our traditions and for the constitutional architecture set down in the Good Friday Agreement in the common interest of all our people. That is a challenge for everyone on this island which we must now take on and meet.

Last week Archbishop Eames spoke, perhaps prophetically, about the response to decommissioning being as important as decommissioning itself. He said what was needed was a change in attitude, a movement of minds. Yesterday's developments enable that change and movement. They allow us to recapture the spirit of Good Friday 1998, to re-dedicate ourselves to the task of implementing its provisions in full, to be generous to erstwhile opponents, to believe again in the transforming power of democratic politics, to recognise that a context now exists on the island which allows us all to pursue freely our legitimate goals and aspirations, and to forswear the use of violence and intimidation for the achievement of any political purpose.

The report last evening by General de Chastelain's Independent International Commission on Decommissioning is one of the most important documents issued in recent times about events on the island. I congratulate and thank all those who contributed to making it possible. In circumstances such as these, it is invidious to single out one or more parties, but it is appropriate on this occasion to recognise a number of contributions.

I have long been a critic of the republican movement in both its political and military manifestations. In my first ministerial position as Minister for Justice I found myself having to cope with the fundamental challenge the IRA posed not just to peace and stability in Northern Ireland but to the foundations of the State. It is against this background that I commend the courage which lies behind the statement issued by the IRA yesterday afternoon. I do not for one moment doubt the difficulties which yesterday's initiative has caused for the organisation, its volunteers and supporters. The IRA has put a quantity of arms, ammunition and explosives completely beyond use, and this has been verified by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. It has done so, in its words, to save the peace process and persuade others of its genuine intentions. I recognise the courage and generosity of its decision.

I also acknowledge the role played by Sinn Féin in using its influence to achieve IRA decommissioning. It is clear the part played by the Sinn Féin leadership was essential in ensuring the breakthrough of 23 October 2001.

There are many others without whose patience and dedication the statements of yesterday would simply not have been possible. Our sincere thanks go to the distinguished members of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning – Tauno Nieminen, John de Chastelain and Andrew D. Sens. Their technical expertise, their diplomatic skills and, above all, their patience helped to make it happen. They have inspired almost universal confidence. I hope they take some reward from the fact that Irish men and women of almost all shades of political opinion, together with the United States Administration and the British and Irish Governments, have accepted their report without hesitation and without question. The confidence and trust we all have in the members of the commission was well placed. I know everyone in the House will join me in sending them our heartfelt thanks.

I also recognise the contribution of the political parties in Northern Ireland who worked so hard to bring about the Good Friday Agreement and who have worked ever since to ensure its complete implementation. There have been difficulties along the way and no doubt there will be more in future, but the commitment of all the pro-Agreement parties together with the political skills and doggedness they have shown is part of the background which made yesterday possible.

The role of the US Administration is also deserving of our thanks, all the more so when we bear in mind the appalling trauma with which President Bush and his colleagues have had to deal since the atrocities of 11 September.

Last but not least I congratulate the two Governments and their officials for their hard work, ingenuity and, above all, for never giving up. I recognise the personal contribution made on this side of the water by the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and assure them that, in the ongoing work to achieve the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, they will continue to enjoy the support of my party.

There is some unfinished business and, while this is not the day for dwelling on that, I cannot let the occasion pass without asking for early decommissioning by the loyalist paramilitaries. I hope not only will weapons be decommissioned but, more importantly, that mindsets will be decommissioned and that the appalling events at the Holy Cross school in Ardoyne and the attacks on Catholic families in north Belfast and throughout Northern Ireland will end immediately.

I look forward to further progress on the outstanding issues identified in the Weston Park statement by both Governments on 1 August last. Given the generosity of the initial response to IRA decommissioning by David Trimble and his colleagues and by the British Government, the scene is set for better days ahead than we have seen for a long time. The people of Ireland, North and South, have waited a long time for these better days. We must never forget that it is the express will of all the people who voted in the referendums that the Good Friday Agreement be the blueprint for the foreseeable future. For Nationalists and republicans the Good Friday Agreement has replaced the 1918 general election results. For Unionists and loyalists, the Good Friday Agreement gives them new and powerful guarantees for their future. All the people have an opportunity which they have never had before. They have an agreed framework within which to work. If it works well, the affairs of this island will be dealt with by people who live in Ireland, whose roots are deep here, whose interest is exclusively Irish and whose future is Irish.

There will be differences. The two major Irish traditions, Nationalist and Unionist, will continue, at least initially, to face in different directions. The Good Friday Agreement allows for and accommodates that. It also provides for institutions within Northern Ireland, between both parts of Ireland and between Ireland and Britain which will work to achieve the common interests of all people on these islands. I know everyone will work the institutions to ensure maximum results. In doing so, differences will be aired and agreement will not always come easily. However, in the process the best Irish brains will be brought to bear on the issues of the day. We will learn from one another and what we will learn will benefit us as we move forward to deal eventually with longer-term and more intractable issues.

I wholeheartedly welcome the developments of 23 October and hope the date will become as memorable for all that is positive and good as 11 September has become for all that is negative and bad. Ireland needed 23 October. Now that we have it, it is vital we grasp the opportunities it provides with enthusiasm and in a spirit of constructiveness and imagination.

Yesterday's announcement by General de Chastelain that he had witnessed a significant act of decommissioning on the part of the IRA is without doubt a critical and important event. The IRA can finally stand proud that it has at last begun to accede to the democratically expressed wishes of the people of Ireland, North and South. Some may say the IRA was never party to the Good Friday Agreement, but Sinn Féin, its political wing, clearly was. Notwithstanding who did or did not negotiate the Good Friday Agreement, all Irish people were duty-bound to comply with its terms when it was endorsed by the people. The IRA has no basis to exempt itself from this principle which binds us all. For the IRA it is a case of better late than never. It is important that the republican movement's act breaks the logjam in the peace process and opens up to the Northern Ireland people the full opportunities of peaceful and democratic politics.

Clearly, the events of recent days were carefully choreographed and that choreography must continue. The IRA's decision places a clear onus on Unionists of all varieties to respond. Mr. Trimble did so by agreeing to re-appoint Ministers from his party to the Executive. Loyalists paramilitaries now have a short window of opportunity to respond. They have always maintained that they hold weapons in response to the threat posed by the provisional IRA. That excuse never cut it and it certainly will not cut it now. There never was, and no longer remains, any justification for holding on to weapons. Failure to decommission now will copperfasten the view that the main driving force behind loyalist paramilitarism is not now, nor ever has been, to represent or defend, however wrongfully, their political community. Failure to decommission will remove the veneer, however thin, from criminal gangs.

For the Democratic Unionist Party, the challenge is greater as it has not played a constructive role in this process. If it is big enough now it will recognise that the tactics pursued by Mr. Trimble and his party will accord to the Unionist community greater security and safety than would ever be possible outside the Agreement's framework. In short, it is time for the "big man" to be a big man. The same applies to Mr. Trimble's detractors within the Ulster Unionist Party. What they claimed he could not achieve has been achieved. It is time now for them to offer their support for his re-election as First Minister.

To his supporters within the party, whose commitment to an inclusive settlement has been consistent, a particular tribute is due. While I have been critical of Mr. Trimble's attitude to the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement, we all must recognise that without his preparedness to jump first, at Mr. Adams's invitation, and allow the institutions to be established we would not be where we are today.

To Mr. Adams and Mr. McGuinness, I say "well done." It is unfortunate that the process was almost brought to its knees before action was taken, but neither do I underestimate the difficulties posed to them by yesterday's decision. It is one thing to talk about the new realities in the aftermath of 11 September, it is another to deliver on them. One can only hope that the republican community will recognise that it is with peace that its political and economic future lies, and that the decision taken yesterday by their representatives was a brave one. These people have lived too long with disadvantage. To some extent, it was inflicted on them by their own champions in the conflict, but it is now surely time to build a better and more prosperous future in which a struggle for scarcity does not divide communities as it has for generations.

Politics did not end with yesterday's decision. I continue to hold different views from republicans on core issues. I do not recognise their right to describe themselves as republicans to the exclusion of the rest of us, nor do I share their vision for Ireland, and I do not intend to buy into their re-writing of history. I recognise, too, that much of the language used yesterday was for a particular republican constituency at a particular republican moment, so it is not appropriate to take up that debate here. My hope, and what yesterday began to make possible, is that we can debate our collective future free from the threat of guns and armies.

Naturally and understandably, attention was focused yesterday on the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin. It has been a long journey for them and they have some distance still to travel. However, credit is due to others who were not so high profile. Irish and British Governments of every hue played their part and that should be recognised also. However, when times were difficult it was the SDLP, particularly John Hume and Seamus Mallon, who argued consistently the case for consensus and mutual respect. They did so when neither Unionists nor republicans were prepared to listen. As John Hume and Seamus Mallon approach their retirement at the forthcoming SDLP conference, yesterday's events are their legacy to the community which they served for over 30 years.

Yesterday was not the end of a process, but must be a beginning. It represents a licence for those who support democratic politics to take control. It places obligations on public representatives, particularly the First and Deputy First Ministers, who will take command of the devolved institutions soon. They should also take control in Ardoyne and confront those who think it is right to intimidate and terrify children going to school. They should take on those who take it upon themselves to define Northern Ireland's so-called no-go areas. With the new Police Service of Northern Ireland, they must confront those who believe acceptable policing is that delivered with a baseball bat. They must confront the growing sectarianism within society itself in Northern Ireland, which is possibly more prevalent now than when the troubles were at their height.

We need more courage, not less of it – courage to look beyond basic instincts and tackle the bigger picture, to look beyond the needs of one's community and accept the concerns of the other, and to see our collective history as a complex process with wrongs on all sides. We need the courage to say that there is more to life than being mere orange or green, British or Irish. Only then, will Ireland become a fit place for all the Irish people to live.

I join with previous speakers in acknowledging the importance of yesterday. As someone who was born and bred within sight of the Border, I am lucky to look out from where I live on the beautiful Mourne mountains in Northern Ireland every day. Every thing I have done in my political life has been to address the difficulties happening on the island because I firmly believed that the economic and social well-being of my own area would not prosper until there was stability on it.

I echo Deputy Quinn's sentiments on the efforts of John Hume and, particularly Seamus Mallon, who through good times and bad articulated the views of Ireland's silent majority, especially in the North.

When I heard of yesterday's announcement and the choreographed manner in which was done, I was reminded of other events. I remembered in the early summer of 1988 Martin Mansergh, Richie Healy from Meath and myself holding several meetings with Gerry Adams, Pat Doherty and Mitchel McLoughlin. This was the first contact, official or unofficial, between Sinn Féin and any political party in the South. My abiding memory, as I said before, was that while Gerry Adams and his colleagues were well meaning, they did not have the wherewithal to convince those who pulled the trigger and exploded the bomb that the constitutional, political path was the proper way to go. We articulated to them at the time that only by taking the constitutional and political path would they attempt to achieve the aim which the vast majority on this island had, that of unity of our island. I remember those times and that it has taken nearly 13 years for the IRA to listen not only to the encouragement of people such as Gerry Adams, Mitchell McLoughlin, Martin McGuinness and others, but also the urgings of all the political parties and political leaders we have been lucky enough to have had south of the Border. I echo the sentiments expressed by the Taoiseach this morning when he said there was consensus in the Fianna Fáil Party. There were difficult times. I can remember when in Opposition there were times when we were unhappy with the direction being taken by the then Government, but thankfully there has been a consensus that has helped to solidify the path now reached.

Yesterday's announcement reminded me of the inception of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body, of which I was honoured to be chairman for some time along with Peter Temple-Morris, MP. That body did not get a great deal of recognition, but it changed the attitudes of Members and Senators here and Members of the United Kingdom Parliament regarding the problems on the island. With its deliberations we were able to articulate our views and accept the views of the other side. It was one of the other aspects that might not have been highlighted that played a helpful part in the process reached today and, I hope, into the future.

The announcement also reminded me of the ceasefires in 1994. I happened to be in the United Kingdom at a British-Irish conference when the first IRA ceasefire was announced. I remember being struck by the churlish attitude of the Unionists represented at the conference about the announcement. They quickly said they would not sit down with anyone until every bomb and bullet had been handed up. I have grown to understand the fears and doubts which members of the Unionist community have had in the intervening period. I can understand, particularly in recent times, how most people south of the Border could not understand the reason people could not have come on the constitutional path as there was no place in Irish society for having the ballot box in the one hand and the armalite in the other. What copperfastened all the moves made in the past has been the democratic vote flowing from the Good Friday Agreement. Nobody in the IRA or who had aspirations to force people into a united Ireland could deny the democratic vote of the Irish people validly given. That was one of the great achievements of the Good Friday Agreement.

From my party's perspective, we have been extremely lucky in the Taoisigh we have had. I note that Deputy Albert Reynolds is present and acknowledge the work he carried out. I also acknowledge the work done by former Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. The process, of which I was part in 1988, was commenced by him, but perhaps not given enough recognition. The talks in 1988 tried to mirror what John Hume was doing with Gerry Adams at the time.

Everyone will accept that the work of the Taoiseach has been incredible given the difficulties he experienced in finalising the Good Friday Agreement with the death of his mother. He subsequently left no stone unturned. His commitment through difficult times never ceases to amaze me.

We have to acknowledge the work of Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and others because there may have been times when they felt they should throw their hat at it. We also acknowledge the final piece in the jig-saw which happened with the involvement of President Clinton and George Mitchell, to whom we will always be extremely thankful.

It is only in recent years that we have seen the benefits of good stable government in the North. I have been lucky to be part of a Cabinet which recently approved the sum of £10 million towards the cost of bringing a pipeline from Dundalk across the Border to service Border areas that historically have suffered because of Unionist domination in government. The pipeline will travel north of the Border to Belfast and on to Derry and service the north west and other counties along the western seaboard. The Government, on behalf of the Irish people, has dedicated the sum of £10 million towards the building of that pipeline, much of which will be in the North.

As a result of the promptings of the Deputy First Minister, Mr. Seamus Mallon, Newry Mourne District Council and Dundalk Urban District Council, there is a commitment by the Northern Executive and the Northern authorities to upgrade the Dublin-Belfast motorway, north of the Border, a major source of complaint not only south of the Border, but also in Border areas which, historically, did not have good infrastructure mainly because they were of a Nationalist persuasion.

I welcome the announcement by the British Government through Secretary of State Reid today of the demolition of the army watch towers along the north Louth-south Armagh border. It has always been a source of much complaint by those of us in politics that to a certain extent there were people who claimed a monopoly of the wish that these should be removed. I hope the British Government will deliver on its promise.

I have already said to the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy O'Donoghue, in talking about the watch towers along the Border, that there is a gun boat in the middle of Carlingford Lough for the past 25 to 30 years, of which Deputy McGahon will be aware.

It is to save lives.

It did in a way. However, it has been there for a number of years and would be much easier to remove than the watch towers. I would like to think it will be removed very quickly because, as Deputy McGahon will be aware, it has not helped tourism in the north Louth area, a most beautiful part of the country which includes the Mourne and Cooley Mountains. Perhaps the British Government will see its way to removing it forthwith.

While this is a good day, we should not run away with ourselves. There is a great deal more work to be done. One has only to look at what is happening on the streets of Belfast. It will take many decades to do away with the mistrust, but at least yesterday's announcement in the achievement of the Good Friday Agreement shows that politics does work. Even though the profession of politics is criticised by the general public, for once we have shown the way and it is now up to the public to follow suit.

I wish to share time with Deputy Sargent.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

This is part of a process that has gone on for some years. It is a critical part of the process, but, as the Minister, Deputy Ahern, said, much work remains to be done. We have had false dawns before. This was, as Tony Blair once stated, a "seismic shift" on the part of the republican movement and the IRA. For too long, those of us in contact with people closely associated with the IRA were greeted with the phrase "Not an inch, not a bullet" and told that any surrender or decommissioning of weapons would be an insult to the people, such as IRA volunteers, who had died in the past. In that context, what hap pened yesterday represents a major and welcome change of policy on the part of the IRA. I hope it will continue along this positive route and help everyone in this country to build a better future.

The most profound statements yesterday emanated from the leaders of both sides. The leader

of the Ulster Unionist Party, David Trimble, summed matters up when he stated, "This is the day we were told would never happen. This is the day we were told we would never see." I accept that he borrowed a quotation from Winston Churchill, but his words reflected everyone's feelings. Even the greatest optimists thought they would never see the day when the IRA would decommission weapons. People worked towards decommissioning and hoped that when the institutions were up and running it would not become an issue. However, credit must go to David Trimble for making it one and now, because of his persistence and that of many of the others involved, it has been taken out of the equation as far as the IRA is concerned. The sooner loyalist paramilitaries react to what has happened the better. They have always stated that their violence is reactive in nature. Now that the IRA has taken a giant leap forward, we expect an appropriate response from them in the near future.

It is also worth quoting the statement of Gerry Adams who said yesterday, "This is a huge moment in the history of our island, in the relationships between our island and the island of Britain, in the history of physical force republicanism. Let's not fritter it away or reduce it." I completely agree with him. A certain amount of momentum will be generated on foot of yesterday's events and it is important that we capitalise on it by ensuring the institutions get up an running in a serious manner in the immediate future and that their work is not obstructed in any way.

There is also a bigger picture to consider. Communities north and south of the Border, organisations, chambers of commerce and local authorities must play their part by intensifying their contacts with each other. I am involved, with the community I represent, in a North-South project with others in Downpatrick which has proven beneficial in breaking down barriers. There are Unionists and Nationalists involved with the committee in Downpatrick who have visited Listowel on a number of occasions and I am going to visit their town next Wednesday. It would be great if this small project, which means so much to the people and areas involved, could be replicated 100 times, because it enhances friendships, breaks down barriers, removes suspicions, etc. I hope there will be an acceleration in contacts between people on both sides of the Border and that those involved in North-South initiatives, no matter how small, will redouble their efforts.

There are a number of reasons we have reached this point. The encouragement given by the Taoiseach, Deputy Noonan and other leaders was extremely important. However, recent events in America, in particular, changed the mindsets of republicans and the fact that they would be excluded from that country in the future no doubt helped. I hope next week Sinn Féin will announce its support for the new police force in Northern Ireland. That should be its next major move.

Having tabled a motion under Standing Order 31 this morning in order to bring about this debate, I am glad the main Opposition party has granted me five minutes in which to make a contribution for which I thank it.

On behalf of the Green Party, Comhaontas Glas, I wholeheartedly welcome the statements from the IRA and General John de Chastelain, in particular, and pay tribute to those inside the republican movement, the broader Nationalist community and those in the Republic, the Unionist community and across the water who had the vision to see this day coming over a decade ago. They had the endurance to face often bitter opposition, particularly to their earliest attempts to put the process in place. It is to their credit that their endurance has paid off and brought us to this most important of days. This is a major step towards what will be a truly historic day in the story of these islands of the North Atlantic, as they are often called, when we will finally say that violence has been replaced by democratic politics.

For most people in Ireland, this day has been too slow in coming. However, it would be wrong to forget the concerns of some who fear that this announcement may have come too soon. There are those in the Nationalist community who believe that the decision to decommission may place them in danger. It is absolutely essential that immediate progress be made on the policing issue in order that communities such as those in the Ardoyne can have full confidence in the new policing service's ability to protect them. I hope difficulties on the Unionist side need no longer impede progress on this most crucial of issues.

It would be wrong to ignore not only the remainder of Provisional IRA weaponry, but also the weapons of dissident republicans and loyalist paramilitaries and the military apparatus of the British Army. There is also the question of legally held arms. This issue is particularly important in the context of areas such as south Armagh where it is vital that military installations be removed quickly so as not to create a vacuum that could be filled by dissidents. It is the test of any state claiming democratic status that it relies solely upon its civil authorities to maintain law and order.

We look forward to the full implementation of the Belfast Agreement which, in spite of its shortcomings, offers a real hope of the development of a true democratic political system in Northern Ireland and an honourable solution to centuries of conflict between Ireland and Britain. We ask that the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement also take hold in the South, whether this means tolerance of minority races, religions or languages. I hope the inclusivity of the Agreement will begin to be reflected in the Dáil in terms of giving a voice to smaller parties, even if it is in proportion to their size, in order that their members can make statements and contribute to debates of interest to all Members, not just those of the larger parties.

I am delighted to have the opportunity to make a short contribution to the debate. This is a day that many people have longed, prayed and worked for. It is an historic day. The republican movement made a bold and brave decision in taking this step forward. It is another historic milestone, of which there have been many. It is only correct that we should acknowledge the contribution of those – I will not name them because the list would be endless – who, in one way or another, contributed to the development of the peace process and recognise the various milestones we have passed along the way.

When I was elected leader of Fianna Fáil in 1992, and before I became Taoiseach, I set out two political priorities: first, to bring peace to Ireland and, second, to grow the economy. I know people thought I was a bit mad because bringing peace to Ireland seemed a total impossibility. Members will recall that nobody saw that as a remote possibility. I looked at the results of successive Governments' policies over 30 years and tit for tat murders were still taking place: there was a terrible spate of them in the days before I took over. I felt it would be a failure of leadership not to attack this problem and to change Government policy if that policy needed to be changed.

The way forward was pointed out by John Hume when he came to see me a couple of days after I became Taoiseach. He believed genuinely there was a window of opportunity for both Governments to take on the task, to accept the challenge of changing horizons in Northern Ireland and to work for peace in an effort to get rid of violence for all time. He believed that because of my well-known friendship with John Major and the trust between us that I was ideally placed to do this and I took on his message of hope, which he had delivered for 30 years. He, Seamus Mallon and the rest of the SDLP worked hard to deliver that message.

So it was that the Downing Street Declaration, which we worked on behind the scenes for some time and put a fair balance into it, was the charter for peace in Ireland in that it recognised the mistakes and wrongdoing of the past on both sides and pointed the way forward. It offered a set of principles on which all could go forward. One of my abiding memories of that is that the loyalist paramilitaries, who were then under the combined loyalist command, wrote the five principles they wanted protected in any future agreement into paragraph 6 of the Downing Street Declaration. John Major and I did not change a word and they, for the first time, saw themselves as getting recognition. They did not believe mainstream unionism represented their views fully either and they felt left out in the cold. When paramilitaries are left out in the cold or in a vacuum we all know what happens.

So it was that the Downing Street Declaration, which was a charter for peace, was followed by the framework document, which formed a large part of the agenda for the Good Friday Agreement. The Downing Street Declaration was probably the first milestone in this part of the process, while the second was the change in Government policy. We notified the President of that in the United States on 17 March 1993, six weeks after he was inaugurated. He wanted to join the process and did so because he wanted to fulfil a political commitment he had given to the Irish-Americans who had helped to elect him. As he said to me:

This election is over but the next one starts now. If I can't hold the Reagan Democratic vote I can't win the Presidency again and consequently I'm going to live up to my promises.

He asked me to take a peace envoy back with me but I said ‘no'. I think he had George Mitchell in mind at the time but I did not think it would be successful, nor did I think it right to expect the unionists, who were in a local election period, to do anything about this.

So it was that we changed Government policy and we took off the ban on members of Sinn Fein visiting the United States, which had been in place for 20 years. That was part of the first step to replace a strategy of violence with a strategy of non-violence and to demonstrate to those using violence, particularly on the republican side in the first instance, that there was another way forward that could be more productive in terms of results for their political objectives than the 30 years of violence which had killed more than 3,000 people and left 30,000 to 40,000 injured. What advance had there been in their objective? Nothing.

Removing section 31 and the visa ban – though John Major and I were on different sides of the argument we left the decision to the Americans – showed the hard men that there could be progress through political means. A visa was given to Joe Cahill subsequently, just before the ceasefire came into play.

The ceasefire was somewhat similar to the decision taken yesterday in that most people believed it would not happen or that if it happened it would not last very long. That was the view of unionism and loyalism but behind the scenes there was an indirect communications link to the republican movement and a direct link to the combined loyalist command. They gave me a commitment, if I got an IRA ceasefire, to call a ceasefire six weeks afterwards. They did so to the day, if not the hour. It showed that if one could understand where both sides were coming from, and their problems and objectives, one could start to do something about it. The ceasefires came into play, though people did not think they would, and despite the fact that people were saying the same then that they are now, I gladly took the risks to bring that about. I gladly put on the record of the House that as far as I was concerned, there and then the war was over in that the republican movement had taken a decision for the ceasefire to take place and I knew at the time what their views were. I had gone on the basis of Martin McGuinness saying: "If section 74 of the Government of Ireland Act is on the table I'll be at that table." So it was in the end and I took him up on that.

Other statements were made along the way which were changing the thinking in the republican movement. They had a big change of heart and direction at the time but of all the commitments they gave me in my time in office, I acknowledge that they never once broke their word. They were honourable about it, as were the loyalists. At this stage I hope the loyalists take the cue again to stop the violence that is going on, particularly the despicable treatment of young children trying to go to school. There is no basis for that. If yesterday's decision could influence thinking in that area maybe they will respond as they did in 1994, as they have the capacity to respond.

Unionism has always been fearful that the IRA would not ever do what it has done and the same view obtained in 1994. I say to Unionists that they have got the issue that was burning within, and legitimately so; the two traditions had deep-rooted, genuine fears and a lack of confidence in the security forces to protect one from the other. It was as deep-rooted in one as the other. When people talked about the length of time decommissioning took, this is the sort of thinking that went on in both communities. One had to understand that. We all know that in a democracy there is no place for second armies but one had to understand the Northern Ireland situation when travelling the route to try to get peace and justice for both sides, which was my objective. The type of decommissioning being sought, a handing over of guns, symbolised defeat and would not ever have been a runner. A formula was found in the Good Friday Agreement, the next milestone, which emanated from long discussions – comhgairdeas to everyone involved – and which set out a fair deal on which everyone could go forward. Unionists had to see guns being taken out of the equation in order to contribute and I hope now they will. I do not doubt they will go forward from there. This will be seen as an historic movement and another chapter in Irish history, though I hope, a better chapter which will describe the progress we can make from here in understanding each other and understanding that we must all help each other. That is what people must do in the North. The problems and fears on both sides must be recognised. Yesterday's decision can do much to remove some of the fears. It can prepare the way to go forward and to achieve both sides' objectives. Let a future generation decide if changes are to be made to the constitutional position.

I was privileged to have the opportunity to take the risk for peace, as were John Major and President Clinton. Different Governments of different hues here had to advance the situation, as did two different Administrations in both America and London. It has taken longer than I thought. I said at the time I believed the war was over. I am now convinced, not that I needed any more convincing, that the war is over, that the rest of the guns will be put where they should be, that is, out of use for all time, that the loyalist paramilitaries will follow suit and that there will be the positive approach that I expect from the Unionists.

Above all, the greatest signal they can give is to stop the abuse of young children in North Belfast. It is the wrong message about Ireland to be sending out around the world. We want the message to be that there is a positive approach and a positive movement in the whole situation. That is what can bring more prosperity and a good strong economy to the North of Ireland which is just as good as our own.

I have always believed that we had to improve our economy before people in the North would look seriously at co-operating. The North-South bodies are in place. When their economy expands, as no doubt it will when the gun is finally taken out of politics, they will get investment in trade and tourism, and we can all come together and create what the Irish, at home and abroad, have wanted for generations, that is, a peaceful Ireland going forward confidently as a full member of Europe and creating jobs for the people so that in future they will not have to travel abroad to earn their living.

As a hard line opponent of terrorism here over almost 20 years, I want to congratulate my friend, Deputy Albert Reynolds, for his contribution which has not been fully acknowledged, as yet, since this historic announcement. However, I do not share his conviction that everything in the garden is rosy.

As somebody who has lived in Dundalk, less than two miles from the Border, I have known men who have been murdered by IRA and loyalist terrorists. It sticks in my craw that many of these killers – we must realise they are killers – have got off scot-free because of appeasement tactics by the British and Irish Governments over the years. Those tactics were not those of the man sitting beside me, Deputy John Bruton, who displayed tremendous foresight, knowledge and vision by refusing to accept the demands of the IRA. He did not trust them.

They have come to this decision because of world opinion. It is, to a degree, a cynical gesture on the part of this killer organisation because they want to get more seats here next year. The awful events which occurred in America on 11 September are the real reason they made this ges ture. That said, it is with a sense of relief that I heard this news. I hope that the awful shadow which has menaced my town and hung over it for 30 years will lift in time.

I must express grave reservations at the suggestion that they will disarm totally. Frankly, I do not believe it. While American politicians obviously played a part, they too turned a blind eye over the years to fund raising in America to provide arms which killed Irish people, some of whom I knew.

This must be the only country in the world where terrorism has been rewarded. We have had our own bin Ladens. We have had our own bin Laden, Mr. McGuinness, who was undoubtedly the chief of staff of the IRA. We have had a bin Laden, Mr. Adams, who was heavily involved. They were guilty by association in the deaths and mutilation of up to 4,000 people.

The objective to which we all aspire in this is peace in our land and, hopefully, the unification of this country. I do not disagree with the aspiration of the IRA, but I do disagree with their methods which involve killing people. They have got away with it because the unification of this country is a sacred goal for most politicians in this House and we have turned a blind eye. Prime Minister Blair, the man who is going around the world as a hawk, seems to me, on occasions, to have schizophrenic views on terrorism. That said, I hope that my long-term views and concerns are wrong, but I must express deep cynicism at this particular movement by the IRA.

I also want to suggest that the future threat to stability in the North and, indeed, here in the South will come from the loyalist paramilitaries who have seen what appeasement has got the IRA over the years. The Government in the North and the British Government should stamp down immediately on the loyalist paramilitaries. I want to endorse what Deputy Reynolds said about the disgraceful attitude of the Unionist people towards unfortunate kids who are simply seeking to go to school. That cannot be tolerated in any half civilised society.

The events of 11 September should have opened the eyes of many people here. These are fellow travellers who had ambivalent views on terrorism. Fundamentalist terrorism is the same the world over. There is no difference between an Arab fundamentalist and a green fundamentalist.

I hope the Deputy does not mean the Green Party.

I do not. Deputy Sargent will join us shortly.

The Deputy will be lucky.

These fundamentalists can all justify why they take life. That, in my opinion, is the tragedy. The people who have engaged in such desperate murder over 30 years have, to a large extent, got away with it and, indeed, have been rewarded for it.

I join previous speakers in welcoming last night's announcement by the IRA that they will put beyond use a quantity of arms. I hope they mean all of them and that it will be verified by General John de Chastelain.

At the outset, I want to acknowledge the contribution of the former Taoiseach, Deputy Albert Reynolds. For a man who played such an important part in the developments down through the years, he was modest in his contribution to the debate today. It is important that we acknowledge the presence in the House of two former Taoisigh this evening – the former Taoiseach, Deputy John Bruton, who also played a very important part in the process, is also present – and that we acknowledge their roles in the process.

People are describing the announcement last night as historic. I would not go so far as to call it historic but I would call it important. The Good Friday Agreement was historic. This is part of the Good Friday Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement is not an à la carte agreement. It is a set agreement and we cannot pick and choose from it. This was an important integral part of that agreement, the decommissioning of arms held by the IRA and also by the loyalist paramilitaries. There is no place for guns or ammunition in a democracy.

Nothing is more barbaric or cowardly than the deeds we have witnessed in recent days and weeks, where pipe bombs have been thrown into private homes while young families are asleep in their beds. The persons involved in those deeds do not have the backbone of a louse. The people engaged in that type of activity are small minded and mean. While I understand that young people are being provoked into this, their masters are sinister and evil and the same may be said of those involved in punishment beatings. Who has the right to take a young boy or a man out of his house and knee-cap him and beat him? There are laws to deal with that and I hope that all this activity will stop.

All this activity of intimidating children going to school sent frightful pictures on the television screens across the world which make people ask what type of people are the Irish? We were all branded by that because people did not make a distinction between the North and South. The Ireland as they saw it is not the Ireland as we know it. There are marvellous people in Northern Ireland. I live within three miles of the Border and have good friends and neighbours in Fermanagh who are excellent, first class people who want to get on with their lives, as we do, but they were prevented from doing so by bullies on both sides. I hope we will see an end to that as there is now a major opportunity, including for North-South relations. There is finance available for cross-Border projects which previously were not getting off the ground. Recently I was at a conference in Enniskillen and I proposed that the ICA in Butler's Bridge, my own village, should have a meeting with the ICA in Enniskillen, but I was told that could not happen as the people would be fearful. It is wrong that they should be fearful and that must stop. People are willing to come together and work together, but they are fearful of what might happen, that their families might be intimidated or that something worse might happen.

Recently I was in south Armagh and saw the British army helicopters flying low over farm lands, scattering cattle all over the countryside. This is done to intimidate and it must stop. I hope this development is the end of such activities and that we can look to a brighter future. I hope we can start to build on projects such as the Castle Saunderson boy scouts jamboree centre, where young people, North and South, can come together, develop their lives and understand each other. There is also a major opportunity in terms of tourism. We see the problems which have resulted from the attacks of 11 September and the collapse of the American tourism market. People North and South should cross the Border for holidays. People from Northern Ireland are very welcome in the South. The Erne catchment area is open to development.

I have more to say, but do not have sufficient time. I welcome the major development and the further step which has been taken. We acknowledge it but do not call it historic.

I wish to share time with Deputy Brendan Smith.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the statement by General de Chastelain and the IRA decommissioning which has taken place to date. We have waited a long time for movement on a number of issues arising from the Good Friday Agreement. Now that there has been movement on decommissioning by the IRA it is time to address some of the other issues which have been impeding full implementation of the Agreement. The loyalist paramilitaries should decommission. It is time the attacks on the school children in Ardoyne, emanating from a level of hatred, and in many other areas such as Portadown were stopped. It is time all forms of violence ended, not just violence involving weapons.

It is important for everyone, particularly those who represent their communities, including democratically elected representatives, to recognise that there were referenda in 1998, North and South, on the same day in which 71% of the people in the North and 96% of those in the South voted for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. All those who are in a position to influence events should never forget this. The referendum was a directive to every body to implement the Good Friday Agreement and we want to see this done.

I grew up in south Armagh and am very well aware of the concern and anxiety of all the people there at the level of militarisation seven years after the first ceasefire. Deputy Boylan referred to helicopters, but also involved are military personnel on the ground, look-out posts and a level of activity which is totally unacceptable. I understand that work has commenced today on removing some of these look-out towers and I hope it will not be long before we see the removal of all of them, not just in south Armagh but in other areas where they are of concern to people.

The Good Friday Agreement has brought great benefits to the people of the island. Violence has practically been brought to an end, although unfortunately it still exists. In economic and social terms the Agreement has been of tremendous benefit. In Cavan-Monaghan, my constituency, there is a new air of confidence and a new recognition of the unprecedented level of opportunities for economic and social development. This is reflected in the level of activity and co-operation through, for example, the North-South bodies, local authorities, business organisations and people on both sides of the Border.

I pay tribute to the Taoiseach, the two Governments and all the parties involved in helping bring about the situation we have today. I appeal to everybody involved to address the few remaining issues and ensure the Good Friday Agreement is implemented in full. This has to be for the betterment of all people on the island, North and South.

I am glad of the opportunity to make a short contribution. In recent years in the House we have had the opportunity to discuss developments in Northern Ireland. Fortunately, many of those debates took place following developments which were positive, such as the signing of the Downing Street Declaration in 1993, the announcement of the ceasefire in August 1994, the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and the legislation establishing the North-South all-Ireland bodies in 1999. Unfortunately, there were other occasions when we had debates, such as in the aftermath of the Canary Wharf bombing and the Omagh atrocity.

As the Minister, Deputy Cowen, stated in opening the debate, yesterday's development was most important and significant. I compliment the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and all others involved in leading the peace process to this stage. It is essential that every aspect of the Good Friday Agreement is implemented. Politicians, North and South, were mandated by the overwhelming majority of the electorate through the referendums in May 1998 to implement the Agreement. It offered Irish people a new beginning and decommissioning underpins this new start. It creates the conditions for a new trust and confidence between the two traditions on the island. No group or political party can be allowed exercise a veto on the implementation of that Agreement, which was overwhelmingly endorsed by the Irish people, North and South. The political advances which can now be achieved will benefit everybody on the island.

As other speakers mentioned, we were all appalled by the scenes in north Belfast, particularly in Ardoyne. The mindset of those loyalists involved in violence must be changed. Paramilitary groups must decommission and all weapons must be put beyond use. The political process must be seen to protect and enhance the everyday lives of those people living in communities which continue to suffer through violence. Fortunately, we are the first generation in hundreds of years to have achieved a peace settlement embracing all the main traditions in Ireland. The Northern Executive is made up of Ministers from across the political process, which is a huge leap forward. Recently the Taoiseach stated that a new and widely acceptable police service will be established in line with the Patten Report, which deserves full Nationalist support. I commend the SDLP on courageously leading the way. I pay tribute to Deputy Albert Reynolds for advancing the peace process. He rightly paid tribute to Seamus Mallon and John Hume on their endeavours over the years through the good and bad times and their efforts to bring normal politics to the northern part of our country.

The Minister, Deputy Cowen, stated very significantly: "Against the constitutional background set out in the Agreement, we need to overcome the fact that the political Border on the island has been economically disruptive, socially and culturally divisive, to the hindrance and detriment of all for far too long." Everybody in the House, including the two former Taoisigh, know that the economy of the southern Border counties was devastated through the political difficulties in the North for over 30 years. Some 12 counties were directly affected as a result of the political troubles. All of us who are honoured to represent Border constituencies are particularly conscious of the need to attract further investment to that area. There is a need to underpin the political process and the peace process by giving people the economic dividend they need and which did not exist for 30 to 35 years. I support the remarks of my constituency colleagues who said that we need flagship projects to be identified and funded. Those of us who represent the Border area would have no difficulty in identifying such projects.

I appeal to the Government and to the various Departments to think positively about giving the infrastructure and investment needed. Investment in the southern Border counties will have a positive knock-on effect on the economy north of the Border. We have suffered tremendously over the years because of the haemorrhage of people through emigration and the lack of job opportunities. We all know it is not an inclusive society when people are idle and have no workplace to go to. In modern Ireland we need to provide job opportunities for all the people and we need extra investment in the northern part of the country.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Crawford. I congratulate all those who have contributed throughout the years to achieving what Senator Ted Kennedy described as a new day of liberation for all the people of Northern Ireland. I include in my congratulations the two former Taoisigh who are present in the House. I know the words of praise for the SDLP will be appreciated by the party. I join with Deputy Noonan in acknowledging the courage, tenacity and skill of the republican movement. I listened to the Minister, Deputy Ahern, tell us about a meeting he and others had with the republican movement a number of years ago. He reminded me of meetings I had as a member of the SDLP in 1988 when John Hume, Seamus Mallon, Seán Farren and myself were on one side and Gerry Adams, Mr. Morrison and two or three others were on the other side. I am pleased that what we were encouraging then has now come about.

Decommissioning, even when completed, is not an end in itself. The ultimate objective has to be reconciliation between the two major traditions in Northern Ireland and on this island. The creation of the new institutions in the North and the link between North and South are useful only to the extent that they contribute to that reconciliation. The powersharing Executive, in particular, provides the workplace where representatives of the two traditions can join together in government to tackle the political, social, economic and cultural problems which afflict the northern community and who can, watching the 17th century rerun in Ardoyne in recent weeks, minimise the enormity of the job that has to be done in eradicating sectarianism and the political, social, economic and cultural problems which underlie it. The start of this process of putting illegal weaponry beyond use and, I hope, its quick completion provides the opportunity and spur to get down to the job of tackling these age old problems.

There remains one outstanding problem, policing. The new agreed institutions will not work properly and the efforts of the responsibility sharing Executive will not be successful unless there is a policing service with which all can identify and those suitable can join. Not only that, the evidence of the past suggests that the lack of an acceptable police service will lead over time to the erosion of the institutions. Ideally, policing should be under the control of the Executive which I believe will happen eventually. An administration which cannot enforce its own laws is a eunuch. In the meantime, I hope the republican movement will join with the SDLP in participating on the police board and advising young Nationalists and republicans to join. There is no logical reason the republican movement should not take this step. The British Government will bend over backwards to accommodate them. Republicans have now consented to the existence of the Northern Ireland state. They are participating in its government and its other institutions. Helping to run its police service does not, therefore, raise any question of principle or fundamental policy.

On this day of generosity and congratulations there are people we should not forget. Let us remember those who lost their lives and their relatives who still suffer daily. Let us remember those who have been banished from Northern Ireland by the diktat of paramilitiaries and who, I hope, will now be allowed to return without delay. Let us remember the disappeared whose relatives still do not have a focal point for their mourning. They and their relatives still cry out for justice.

I thank Deputy Currie for sharing his time with me on this very important subject.

Deputies Smith and O'Hanlon mentioned that those of us who live in the Border area understand the situation better. I wish to take this opportunity to encourage the Government to ensure that funds and other necessary measures are put in place in the region. While much has happened since the Good Friday Agreement regarding industry coming to this country, both North and South, it has not ended up in the Border region which has suffered most in the past. I support Deputies Smith's and O'Hanlon's request to ensure flagship projects are placed in that region. To date no major cross-Border body has been set up in the Monaghan region even though we have the longest and most difficult Border region. That situation must be rectified. The food industry was set up in Cork.

I acknowledge the two former Taoisigh present in the House, Deputies Albert Reynolds and John Bruton, both of whom gave sterling service. Deputy Bruton brought in George Mitchell who tried to bring about decommissioning, which some felt was not a major issue but as part of the Agreement had to be dealt with. Both men played a major role and I acknowledge their presence in the House tonight.

As someone who has lived all my life within a few miles of the Border with Northern Ireland, I have all the more reason to rejoice and thank God that we have reached 24 October and IRA decommissioning. This opens up the possibility to move forward in a positive manner through the Northern Ireland Assembly, cross-Border bodies and all the other democratic institutions. I stood at the graveside of people from both sides of the divide in Northern Ireland and along the Border and there was no difference in their tears. Anyone involved with the funerals following the Omagh atrocity will never forget the cost of terrorism.

I congratulate all Taoisigh and political leaders, including Garrett FitzGerald, on their efforts to build trust and a good relationship with and within Northern Ireland. The present Taoiseach, his Ministers, the Prime Minister, Tony Blair, and his predecessors have worked hard and patiently to hold things together to reach this stage. I pay tribute to all political parties in Northern Ireland who stood with the Good Friday Agreement. Decommissioning opens up a new era for John Hume, David Trimble and Gerry Adams and must lead to the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. My closest contacts since my election to this House were Ken Maginnis, MP, Fermanagh-South Tyrone and Seamus Mallon, MP, from the Armagh border. Their commitment was total. Given where they come from they understand the problems. As someone who called for decommissioning at every possible opportunity since it was part of the Agreement, I now call on the loyalist groups and other splinter groups to follow the IRA especially as loyalists claimed they only held arms to defend themselves. I want to be associated with the words of others here tonight about the disgraceful events in Belfast especially which have been broadcast on international television. The knee-capping and all the other issues that go with so-called policing within that organisation must end.

I have no doubt the decision to decommission was influenced by what happened in the USA on 11 September. We must not allow the impetus to cease. The IRA must continue the process. We must have one police force in Northern Ireland which has the support of all the people.

I congratulate the SDLP on the lead it took and the fact that it was the first party to support the peace process. I hope that all others will join it and make sure that this police force works properly for everybody. All other aspects of the Good Friday Agreement must be implemented. The fact that Agriculture Ministers from both sides of the Border were able to work together during the foot and mouth disease crisis proved the value of those sort of processes.

As regards tourism, the Border region especially will benefit from this new situation. Like my colleagues, I want true cross-Border projects such as the Ulster Canal and Castle Saunderson's Scout Centre brought into being as quickly as possible. There is much goodwill and opportunity and we must make sure that the impetus that exists is continued.

I congratulate all those concerned with this project. The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, who is in the Chamber, along with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, played their role.

I am grateful for this opportunity to make a short statement on the historic events of yesterday. The statement by the IRA that they had implemented the scheme previously agreed with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning and the subsequent report by the commission confirming that a quantity of arms, including firearms, ammunition and explosives, had been decommissioned are events of enormous significance which give new life to the peace process. I do not underestimate the difficulties faced by the IRA in coming to its decision. It is, from its perspective, an unprecedented move.

Decommissioning has always been an essential element in the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, an Agreement democratically endorsed North and South. The start of the process of actual decommissioning by the IRA enables that Agreement to now move forward in all areas. It gives people on this island the genuine hope that the commitment exists to give reality to the promise held out by the Agreement.

Both Governments have worked very hard to see this day. I want to especially mention the contribution made by the Taoiseach, who has never flagged in his commitment to the cause of peace. The British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, has also given generously of his time and effort in this process. Like Deputy Crawford, I would like to acknowledge the presence in the House of the two former Taoisigh who made a very significant contribution to the process.

There are so many others who have made contributions, too many to mention here today, but I must pay a special tribute to the work of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning. General de Chastelain and his colleagues have played a crucial role in developments through their independent oversight and verification of the process of decommissioning. The international arms inspectors, former President Ahtisaari and Mr. Ramaphosa, contributed enormously to the process. In response to its announcement that its task has come to an end with the engagement by the IRA with the International Commission on Decommissioning, we were fortunate that at a difficult time in that process, persons of the integrity and international standing of former President Ahtisaari and Mr. Ramaphosa were prepared to contribute so much to the resolution of the arms issue through the confidence building measures they helped to put in place. It is a tribute to their commitment to the cause of peace that they gave so much of their time and effort.

I acknowledge also the role played by Sinn Féin in making the case to the IRA for decommissioning. They all played their part but it finally took a decision by the IRA which, as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, I warmly welcome. It is a decision which called for a response designed to reinforce the momentum it has given to the peace process. In this context the two Governments will not be found wanting.

There have been those who, perhaps for understandable reasons, doubted whether actual decommissioning would ever occur, suspected that the prospect of decommissioning held out by the IRA and other groups was a tactical ploy and wondered if politics would ever win out over violence. The decision by the IRA has answered those doubts and has opened the way to the resolution of outstanding issues. Politics is said to be the art of the possible. Perhaps the events of yesterday show that it may also be the art of what many people thought to be impossible.

There have been statements by a number of commentators to the effect that the actual events following decommissioning will be even more important than the act of decommissioning. It is of fundamental importance now that there is movement across a whole range of issues and that we see the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. There are no circumstances which one can envisage whereby both Governments will be found wanting in this respect.

It is of crucial importance that there is progress on the issue of policing. Policing is fundamental to the whole question of law and order, its enforcement and its respect in any society. In that respect I sincerely hope that we will see the implementation of the Patten report. I hope that outstanding difficulties, in so far as they exist, can be resolved and that accommodation and compromise can be reached where it seems there are logjams which would block that process.

We must make no mistake. The logjam which the failure to decommission to date represented was a serious one. It has been unlocked in a fashion which demands a generous response and insists that magnanimity should also play its part now.

I am convinced that the island of Ireland is on the threshold of a brand new beginning at the cusp of a new millennium, a beginning which many people worked over many generations to achieve. We owe it not just to former generations but to subsequent generations that every political party and individual will work to ensure that the Agreement works. I feel sure that will be the result of the decision by the IRA to decommission its arms and under no circumstances should the historical significance of this be underestimated. Militant republicanism has never decommissioned its arms by putting them verifiably beyond use. This is the first time that has occurred on the island of Ireland.

It is important to stress that no individual or group has the right to subvert the democratic will of the people of Ireland, North and South. They have expressed their wish that the Good Friday Agreement be operated and that it be done so in a democratic fashion. The word must go out from this House and from other democratic fora that any attempt to subvert the Agreement or the will of the people of this island will not and cannot be tolerated.

It is appropriate that we have this special debate on Northern Ireland and it is particularly appropriate that two former Taoisigh are in the Chamber. Both of them have played an enormous part, along with Deputy Dick Spring, in creating a change in Northern Ireland that is to their great credit.

The decommissioning of IRA weapons is the breakthrough that was desperately needed to ensure the future of the Good Friday Agreement. It is an initiative that was long in coming. Now that it has been confirmed by the International Commission on Decommissioning, its significance is fundamental not just for politics in Northern Ireland but for every one of us. Today we find ourselves living, literally, on an altered island. Possibilities are opening up and the prospect of a fair and secure future is brought closer. In setting about the abandonment of its weapons, the Provisional IRA has taken a step across the Rubicon and taken its place in the history books. Lasting credit is due to all those who made this possible.

For many of us it seemed that this day would never come. It has taken the truly horrific acts of

terrorism of 11 September to force the pace and to create the imperative which the Provisional IRA has moved to obey and which the rest of us accept as the cornerstone of democracy. Democracy demands absolute allegiance to the mandate given freely by the people. Terror, murder, intimidation and punishment beatings have no part in the process. One cannot be half a democrat and operate on a paramilitary basis simultaneously. The republican movement has made a choice which, inexorably, must lead to the end of any paramilitary parallel organisation. It may not happen quickly but happen it must. This move may not mark the end of physical force republicanism but I hope it marks the beginning of the end.

I hope the statement by the IRA yesterday represents a sea change in republican thinking, but I suspect that is not yet the case. I fear the decision was made for tactical reasons rather than through any conviction that violence is wrong. It would be good to hear that the IRA spokesman, P. O'Neill, is saying clearly and unequivocally that the war is over, but I acknowledge that Gerry Adams has come close to saying so over the past few days. However, even if the decision to decommission was taken purely for tactical reasons, it is still welcome and it is still significant. Every step that brings the republican movement further into the democratic system makes it more difficult to revert to violence. The initiative taken by the IRA forces responsibility onto the loyalist gangs that are still armed and active in Northern Ireland. Loyalists have often argued that their paramilitary organisations grew up as a response to IRA terror, yet the record speaks for itself. Brutal sectarian attacks have characterised and continue to characterise loyalist violence. It is vital now that the same response is extracted from loyalism as has been extracted from the republican movement.

All that has been said about this being a historic and unprecedented development is true. Many people thought we would never see the day when the republican movement would voluntarily put guns, ammunition and explosives beyond use. Of course, this is not the only unprecedented development. It was unprecedented for members of Sinn Féin, a party inextricably linked to an organisation that was responsible for horrific crimes over the past 30 years, to be received as honoured guests in Government Buildings, Downing Street and the White House. It was unprecedented for Sinn Féin to be guaranteed ministerial positions in the devolved Government in Northern Ireland. It was unprecedented for the Ulster Unionist Party to agree to share power with Sinn Féin, even while it retained its link with the IRA and while the IRA retained its huge arsenal.

The purpose of the Good Friday Agreement was to break free from the stranglehold of the past and to create a new dispensation in Northern Ireland and between the two islands. The Agreement set an ambitious agenda. With all the problems, interruptions and false starts, it is easy to lose sight of the achievements, which are considerable. A new devolved Government, including members of the Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Féin, has been established. This is a remarkable achievement and one that has been very popular among people in Northern Ireland who, for so long, were starved of any kind of governmental structure that reflected their views at local level. The British army was taken off the streets, Border roads were re-opened, army barracks dismantled and the gates of prisons were thrown open, and this was often at the cost of great pain for the families of the victims of violence. A totally new approach to policing was developed, from which we in the Republic could learn much. I commend the SDLP for showing leadership and courage in its approach to policing in Northern Ireland. Cross-Border bodies were established, new human rights bodies were set up and Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution were amended, with the overwhelming support of the people.

By far the greatest achievement of the Good Friday Agreement is that it led to a huge reduction in the level of political violence in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has been experiencing its lowest levels of political violence for more than 30 years. The blunt reality is that there are people alive today who would, in all probability, be dead were it not for the signing of the Good Friday Agreement.

There have been various attempts by senior republicans to rewrite history but we must ensure that truth is not another casualty in the bloody conflict of Northern Ireland. The duplicitous ending of the IRA ceasefire in 1996 has been written out of history and, on many occasions, I have heard Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness claim that the IRA guns have been silent since 1994. The record must stand and another myth to be challenged is the claim that IRA arms were required to protect the Nationalist population. The IRA murdered almost 600 members of the Nationalist population over the past 30 years. The biggest category of IRA victims were members of the Nationalist population. Far from providing any degree of protection, IRA arms and explosives were one of the biggest threats to Nationalists.

We have to acknowledge all who died, whether Nationalists or Unionists, or members of the British army. We must understand the past and we must use that understanding to build a future free of fear and hatred. The sectarianism of Northern Ireland cannot be underestimated. It runs very deep and extends over centuries. The evidence at Holy Cross school shows the extent of the problem of sectarianism and that evil persists, but also that much work still remains to be done. We have also discovered in the Republic, particularly in the new multi-cultural Ireland, what we have suddenly become, that here also there is prejudice, hatred and fear which we have to tackle. The Forum for Peace and Reconciliation considered, in a sub-committee, the obstacles to reconciliation as between the Republic and Northern Ireland. It is time to publish that report and to consider the challenges it presents to us in the Republic. Prejudice does not begin at the Border and we, too, have to make an effort at reconciliation. We, in the Republic, have our part to play in bringing about the necessary decommissioning of mindsets as well as decommissioning of weapons, which peace and democracy require.

Deputy J. Bruton rose.

The order of speakers is from the Opposition and Government side of the House in turn. I understand Deputy Ó Caoláin is sharing the Government slot.

That is a new development.

Molaim Óglaigh na hÉireann as an ghníomh ollmhór atá déanta acu. Gníomh dána a bhí ann. Gníomh doiligh a bhí ann, gníomh a thugann deis nua chun an phróiséas síochána a chur chun cinn agus Comhaontù Aoine an Chéasta a chur i bhfeidhm.

I commend the leadership and volunteers of the Irish Republican Army for the momentous step they have taken. It was an unprecedented development and a very difficult decision that required real courage. In its statement the IRA said it had taken the step to save the peace process and to persuade others of their genuine intentions. I have no doubt about the genuineness of the republicans who have taken this decision. I firmly believe they are sincere in their pursuit of justice and lasting peace in our country. The IRA has demonstrated that commitment at every stage of the peace process from the August 1994 cessation onwards. That fact needs to be recognised by all sides in this House. What also needs to be recognised is the huge difficulty a development such as this causes for very many sincere republicans.

Long before yesterday's events, we in Sinn Féin had fulfilled our obligations with regard to decommissioning and to every other aspect of the Good Friday Agreement. Nonetheless, repeated efforts were made to deny the rights of our electorate and to exclude us from the institutions established under the Agreement. The Taoiseach acknowledged in this House a fortnight ago that David Trimble's exclusion of Sinn Féin Minister for Education, Martin McGuinness, and Minister for Health, Bairbre de Brún, from the All-Ireland Ministerial Council was in breach of the Agreement and was found in the courts to be unlawful.

The IRA was not a party to the Good Friday Agreement. It helped to create the conditions, which brought about the Agreement. It helped to sustain it and now the IRA has taken a course of action which should, if others fulfil their obligations, save the agreement and the peace process.

I refute utterly the notion that these developments have come about as a result of 11 September or the arrest of three Irishmen in Colombia. Long before 11 September, the IRA had taken other unprecedented initiatives including its engagement with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning and its agreement that two international inspectors, Cyril Ramaphosa and Martti Ahtisaari, should have access to a number of arms dumps. Anyone even remotely familiar with Irish history knows that these were also unprecedented and very difficult initiatives for a militant republican organisation to take.

Let us look at the background against which yesterday's decision was taken. It followed a summer in which we have seen an escalating loyalist sectarian campaign against Catholics with murders, nightly pipe bomb attacks and the daily terrorisation of the pupils and parents of Holy Cross in Ardoyne. It came after a summer when no progress was made on British demilitarisation and a summer when the institutions were in limbo as a result of the refusal of the Unionist Party to share power with republicans. This is the real background to the courageous republican decision of 23 October 2001.

We now have a new opportunity to fulfil the promise of the Good Friday Agreement. We need to see long overdue progress on all fronts. Moves on demilitarisation announced today by British Secretary of State, John Reid, must be part of an ongoing process. We must see all British military installations removed so that the people of south Armagh and all other parts of the Six Counties can live in peace on their land. The British Army never had any right in Ireland and it must be removed, bag and baggage, once and for all.

The current policing legislation falls far short of Patten which was itself a compromise. There must be real accountability, the disbandment of the Special Branch – a force within a force – and the human rights oath for all members and new recruits. Plastic bullets must be banned. We need to see the repeal of repressive British legislation. We need real action to combat economic discrimination against nationalists, and to regenerate all deprived communities, Unionist and Nationalist alike.

The Irish Government must fulfil its obligations and commitments. We need to see the repeal of repressive legislation in this jurisdiction – the odious Offences Against the State Act, which is an affront to civil rights. There must be progress on representation in the Oireachtas for citizens in the Six Counties, a measure which has been delayed for far too long. The delay has not been since Good Friday 1998 but, as the record of this House will show, since at least 1951 when a motion seeking right of audience for Six County MPs was tabled by Sean MacBride but rejected by the de Valera Government.

We need to see a real peace dividend for the Border counties. That has been promised, but there has been little sign of it in the communities in Counties Cavan and Monaghan, which I represent.

I urge the leaders of unionism to embrace this new opportunity for progress. They should renew their commitment to the Good Friday Agreement. They should now participate fully in all the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement, including the All-Ireland Ministerial Council and the All-Ireland bodies. It is in all our interests for the leaders of unionism to defend and promote the agreement among their own supporters and beyond, harnessing the broad support for it in the North of Ireland.

Unionist leaders need to give real leadership to those loyalist communities where sectarianism is flourishing, stoked by anti-agreement politicians and loyalist paramilitaries – Glenbryn Estate for example where protesters are daily terrorising young Catholic schoolgirls. Mr Trimble could and should stand side by side with the parents and their children. He and others need to actively combat the sectarianism, which blames the social and economic problems of loyalist communities on their Nationalist neighbours. All of us need to encourage the emergence of real leadership from loyalist working-class communities, which have been the political cannon fodder of bigots for decades.

Contrary to much of the commentary around these developments, it is important to point out that the Irish republican tradition is not and never has been static and unchanging. It has always developed and adapted to the times and the political conditions, but the commitment to Irish unity and independence and to social justice for all our people has not changed and will not change. The republican tradition, which I am proud to represent, did not end in 1921 and draws no distinction between the Mountjoy Ten and the Long Kesh Ten.

This is a time of renewed hope. I look forward to working with those of every tradition on this island as we create a new Ireland in which all our children can live together as equals.

Politics is often downgraded and people make little of our profession. However, when we look at what has happened in the past 24 hours, we can say this is a great achievement of democratic politics in our time. I hope those who are cynical about politicians and unwilling perhaps even to vote because of that cynicism, recognise that democratically elected non-violent politicians working patiently to change people's minds have brought us to this important day.

Arms have no place in Irish politics and I am glad at last the republican movement has recognised that. Violence never made any useful contribution to Irish political development in the past 200 years. I am a constitutional nationalist right back to pre-1916. If constitutional nationalism had been followed there would have been no Civil War nor would there have been the sort of Stormont administration in a partitioned Ireland that the people of Northern Ireland had to endure for so long. The constitutional path would have led us to a better Ireland sooner. That is a matter of historical speculation on which many will disagree.

I am glad to speak in the House, not only in the presence of Deputy Albert Reynolds, whose role I join others in praising, but also in the presence of the person who led the first civil rights march in Ireland, Deputy Austin Currie. It is important to recognise that it was not the others who came to more prominent positions in that movement who led the first march, but Deputy Austin Currie. He was protesting against discrimination in housing which would never have been possible if Stormont had not been established by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, something which would not have happened if home rule had been allowed to come into force.

I also acknowledge the many victims of violence. I have been in this House throughout the duration of the Troubles. I shared a small office with a Deputy from a neighbouring constituency, Billy Fox, when I first came here aged 22. Billy Fox was murdered by the IRA on 11 March 1974, a day I will never forget. That gives me some insight into the feelings of the Catholics and Protestants who have lost relatives and loved ones to the violence of loyalists and the IRA. It gives me some insight also into the feelings of the widow of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe.

At this time of celebration we must not forget the unhealed hurt of many families. We must also remember that for the Good Friday Agreement to work there must be the consent and support of Unionists and Nationalists. The Sunningdale Agreement failed because in the general election of 1974, anti-agreement Unionists got 51% of the vote while pro-agreement unionists got only 13%, thereby creating the political conditions for the Ulster workers' strike. It is essential that Unionist support be maintained and that everything said or done on the Nationalist side takes account not only of their needs but also the need to maintain Unionist support for the Agreement.

The current phase in the process is due to the negotiation of the Downing Street Declaration by my then predecessor, Deputy Albert Reynolds, and former Prime Minister, John Major. However, it is fair to say that the declaration would not have been possible were it not for the prior negotiation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. That agreement created the type of close relationship between Taoisigh and British Prime Ministers and between British and Irish administrators that created the conditions of trust enabling Deputy Albert Reynolds and John Major to negotiate the Downing Street Declaration.

One of the most significant aspects of the Downing Street Declaration was the fact that unlike the Anglo-Irish Agreement, it was accepted by Unionists. That was due to a number of factors, one of which was that the British Government consulted Unionists whereas they were not consulted on the Anglo-Irish Agreement. It was also due to efforts I made. One month before the Downing Street Declaration was negotiated I led the first ever delegation from a party south of the Border since the Anglo-Irish Agreement to meet members of the Ulster Unionist Party at their headquarters in Glengall Street. That reaching out from this side of the Border to the Unionist community was a small contribution towards creating the conditions in which it was possible for Deputy Albert Reynolds and John Major to secure Unionist support for the Downing Street Declaration.

It is frequently suggested by republican spokespersons that the issue of decommissioning was first raised with them by the British after the IRA ceasefire of August 1994, that it was a condition imposed after the event to create difficulties for republicans. That is not true and my authority on this could not be better. It was Gerry Adams, who, on 8 January 1994 told the Irish News that the discussions Sinn Féin had been having with the British Government had concerned “how the IRA can hand over their weapons.” That was eight months before the ceasefire. To say, therefore, that the issue of weapons had not been raised with Sinn Féin prior to the ceasefire is untrue.

I have regrets about the way the ceasefire was put in place without clarifying between the intermediaries involved what exactly were the conditions regarding entry to talks and decommissioning and what linkage, if any, there was between them. It is surprising that so many intelligent people who were involved in the discussions leading up to the ceasefire did not think to clarify that matter. When I became Taoiseach in December 1994 I had to deal with this.

I made substantial efforts to get Sinn Féin into the talks. One of the initiatives I took was the appointment of Senator Mitchell. He presented a report to the two Government on 24 January 1996, following, I believe, discussions he had with the IRA. In his report he said he had received a commitment from all to work constructively to achieve full decommissioning as part of the pro cess. He went on to say that he had got assurances that decommissioning was agreed to be part of the process by the paramilitaries, including the IRA. Thirteen days after that report was delivered Canary Wharf was bombed with the murder of two civilians. There are legitimate questions for historians to address as to how Senator Mitchell was led to believe there was an acceptance of a commitment to decommissioning so near to the use of those weapons at Canary Wharf.

However, I am glad to say an approach was found through the electoral route to get to the talks that would include Sinn Féin. Many Nationalists criticised the electoral route at the time but I believed then and believe now that it was a sensible way to overcome the difficulties facing Unionists. It was the right approach. I am glad it was possible for me as Taoiseach to get agreement on a date – 10 June 1996 – for the talks to start and I am also glad it was possible for me in a summit I had with Prime Minister Blair in May and in a subsequent summit I had with him in June in New York to agree on the establishment of an international commission on weapons. It is important to recognise that the de Chastelain commission was put in place at a summit involving Prime Minister Blair and myself.

A number of remaining questions need to be addressed. What will happen to the command structures of the various paramilitary groupings? Will the loyalists decommission? It is essential that they do so immediately. Will the republican and loyalists punishment beatings stop? These have no place in a democracy and they are occurring on both sides of the Border, in Dundalk as well as in Northern Ireland. They must stop.

Having asked these questions we must celebrate the achievement of yesterday and congratulate all concerned, including those involved in the republican movement in the decision they have taken. An option for democracy has been taken by everybody on this side of the Border. I am glad it has and I am also glad to have lived to see it.

I welcome the action taken yesterday to implement the Good Friday Agreement. It is an important step in ensuring the Agreement is implemented in all its aspects. For many living in this State there must, of necessity, be a more quiet and calm approach to this problem. It is difficult for us to understand the passion and intensity which characterise the views of many North of the Border.

I listened with interest to Deputy Ó Caoláin recommending changes in our practices in this State in relation to the Offences against the State Act and the issue of Northern representation in the Oireachtas. However, the biggest change that must take place in this part of Ireland is a recognition and understanding by those who live here of the conditions in Northern Ireland. If there is one mote in our eyes it is a lack of awareness and knowledge of them, including the very deep communal tensions that exist, their origins and how they reflect themselves in popular practices today. On this day, which is another day on which we benchmark our progress on the Northern Ireland question, I urge all in this part of Ireland to consider that we are not fully familiar with the conditions in Northern Ireland and with the huge changes that have taken place there in recent years, including the huge economic and demographic changes, which will have serious implications for us in the future.

I welcome the announcement made this afternoon by the Secretary of State in relation to demilitarisation. It is an essential concomitant of the progress made yesterday on the putting of arms beyond use.

There was much discussion earlier on the nature of republicanism. In this part of Ireland the 1937 vote on the Constitution was the first referendum in our political history. By that vote the people in the greater part of this island adopted a constitution for themselves. Since then there can be no argument that we do not operate in a legitimate republican state in which we have government of the people, for the people and by the people. The Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act, 1998, is part of the necessary machinery of the State. It has to exist because the State has to be able to defend itself against subversion. That subversion does not originate in any one source. We need only look around the world today to see the different sources from which it may come.

I welcome the decision made yesterday as another step in realising the republic we all want to see. That will be a united republican Ireland.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Conor Lenihan.

I welcome the announcement made yesterday by the IRA that it is to start decommissioning its arms. It is a significant event that will give a huge psychological boost to the peace process. We hope it is the quantum leap we have all waited for in that process. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland indicated yesterday that there would be a quick response to the changes and my information is that the demilitarisation of south Armagh began today with the removal of the lookout post at Camlough. The intention is to move on to Newtownhamilton tomorrow. Clearly, the quicker they get to Crossmaglen and Glassdrummond the better because the lookout posts have been the source of much irritation down through the years. They are hugely symbolic as far as the local communities are concerned. Coming so quickly after decommissioning, the move will be a major confidence building measure.

It is important to put decommissioning in context. It is merely a stage in the evolution and development of the peace process. The problems in north Belfast where children have been intimidated on their way to school will have to be addressed quickly. The issue of loyalist decom missioning will have to be considered and the quicker it can be put in place the better. On reflection, the process, from the first ceasefire in 1994, has travelled a tortuous path. It is important that, as decommissioning commences, the plight of families bereaved during the Troubles of the past 30 years is not lost sight of. As the process evolves it is a matter that will require considerable attention. The roots of much of the hatred and antagonism are clearly in the many brutal, horrific murders committed during the Troubles in Northern Ireland. I hope the subject will be addressed. Many of those murders were committed not far from my own boundary in north Louth and we certainly would like to see them addressed. We must have regard for the plight, state of mind and position of the families of the victims of all of the sectarian murders that have been committed right across Northern Ireland.

Deputy Brian Lenihan referred to the demographic shift taking place in Northern Ireland and that is a hidden dynamic in the changes occurring there. There have been very significant population changes that in time will have implications for the electoral process.

I appreciate Deputy Kirk's generous decision to afford me the opportunity to speak. It is a historic day and this is a historic debate. It is a pity there are not more people here to witness it.

I congratulate the IRA on its groundbreaking statement. It marks the end of an era – an epoch almost – in Irish history. It is the end of the rugged, stubborn tradition of physical force nationalism trying to provide a solution to the problems on this island. I congratulate the IRA on its wise decision. We are now leaving that cul de sac for the open road of constitutional politics. It is important to remember that this is not an act of decommissioning. It is the putting of weapons beyond use and that is appropriate and right. The solution of putting them beyond use is the best one because it does not pander to those, including some on the negative side of the Unionist community, who want the white flag to be run up and to humiliate those who have been involved in paramilitarism. They wanted to humiliate them at the door of democracy. That is not appropriate if one is trying to build a new democracy as we are trying to do on this island. It is important to move beyond the weapons issue. We have to put the whole panoply of paramilitarism beyond use also. Paramilitary structures must be dismantled if people are to participate fully in democracy on an all-Ireland basis.

I found it very odd to hear Deputy John Bruton describe Sinn Féin and the IRA as the republican movement. I violently disagree with that assertion. The republican movement is not confined to Sinn Féin or the IRA and it is not the exclusive property of any party, including my own, in this House. It is not the property of any party north of the Border. It is the inheritance and legacy of this State and of all people on this island. No party has an exclusive right to republican sentiment. The republican movement is the movement that founded this State and it is the movement which will establish an all-Ireland democracy and republic within five to 15 years. It is the aim of all right-thinking republicans to establish a united Ireland – united politically and in every other sense – by peaceful and proper constitutional methods and using persuasion. We wish to persuade our colleagues and partners in this journey, the Unionists and the people of the Orange tradition, to come with us on the high road to Irish unity. I resent the fact that people are describing those two parties as the republican movement. They are not. It is a much wider affair than they make out. The ground-breaking nature of the Good Friday Agreement and the referendum that followed from it constituted the first great act of Irish sovereignty. As a national people we decide our destiny. The choice of 1918 was forced. It was an act of sovereignty, an act of people voting themselves out of the United Kingdom, but it was forced by circumstances. The Unionists did not approve or agree. The Good Friday Agreement is the great act of Irish sovereignty and we are now on the high moral road to Irish unity. It may not be the unity of which Pearse and Connolly dreamed, but it may be a more practical and real one. Hopefully we will achieve it within our lifetimes.

I recognise the presence of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen. I congratulate them and their officials, who are in many cases nameless faces to the public. They have put a huge amount of effort into this process down the years which it is only right to acknowledge. I present the thanks of all Members of the House to former Taoisigh, Deputies Albert Reynolds and John Bruton, for the contribution they have made since the beginning of this part of the process in the early 1990s. It would be churlish of us not to recognise that there were very difficult times during this process but throughout we, in this republic, were very fortunate to have a leadership that was clear and determined about what it wanted to achieve in terms of a new dispensation between the peoples of Northern Ireland and the Republic and the peoples of Britain and Ireland.

I welcome yesterday's decision by the IRA to start the decommissioning of its illegally held weapons. At last, it has realised the expressed wishes of the Irish and British people. It is part of our past and not our future. At last, the IRA has realised the self-determination of the Irish people, as expressed clearly and democratically in the forging of the Good Friday Agreement. The people of Ireland, North and South, and of Britain should be congratulated for their patience, courage and forbearance in the face of the actions of the IRA over the past 30 years. We should remember all the victims of IRA violence – the 1,800 people who were systematically killed and murdered and their families. We should pay homage to them.

The campaign of the IRA has come to an end because politics has won. This represents a huge step forward for everyone, particularly the people of Northern Ireland. Removing violence, once and for all, will allow true reconciliation to take place among the people of Northern Ireland and between the North and South. This final piece of the jigsaw will allow the power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland to be restored.

I welcome Mr. Trimble's announcement in the House of Commons this afternoon that he has decided to renominate UUP Ministers to the power-sharing executive. I also welcome the statement of the Northern Secretary, Dr. John Reid, in respect of the British government's decision to demolish a number of British installations along the border. Demilitarisation is now happening.

From the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, through to the historic Downing Street Declaration in the early 1990s and the Good Friday Agreement, it has been absolutely clear that a new dispensation was required to resolve the conflict in Northern Ireland. Irish nationalism had to change in recognising the position of the Unionist community in Northern Ireland and, equally, unionism had to recognise the intrinsic rights of the entire Nationalist community in all parts of Ireland. We have come a long way since the historic shift in the mid-1980s.

As I said, the IRA represents part of our past. It was an ugly past, a past that refused to recognise the multi-layered allegiances that many people in this country have, a past that we must not relive. The IRA's nationalism was exclusivist, sectarian and tribal. It was a mirror reflection of the very worst examples of loyalism, which is still evident on the streets of Northern Ireland.

The events of 11 September were central in the IRA taking this final decision to move away from violence and to disarm. It is no longer credible to have a political party and a military wing working hand in hand and suggesting, especially to senior politicians in America, that that can be tenable. This has now changed and the announcement yesterday has changed it forever.

There is now an opportunity, which Sinn Féin should grasp, to take part in the new policing dispensation. The real architects of this process, John Hume and the members of the SDLP, had the courage to nominate people to the policing board. I do not believe there is now any reason Sinn Féin should refuse to nominate people to that board. As Deputy Currie and others have said this evening, we have to ensure a new policing regime is established and that the allegiance of Nationalists, republicans, loyalists and Unionists is given to it. It is a central part of the Good Friday Agreement.

This is a great day for everyone in Britain and Ireland. We should welcome it. We should also remember that there are many people who will find it difficult to accept the new situation – the victims of violence, loyalist and republican. This must be given due regard. I agree with Deputy Kirk that, in the days ahead, that must be fully recognised in whatever agreement we have.

I thank the Members from both sides of the House who have contributed. The Government was happy to respond to the request for a debate on the developments in the peace process in Northern Ireland.

For the past few months, it was not clear, despite our continuing, intensive and best efforts, whether the political institutions established by the Good Friday Agreement would be able to survive in the face of all the continuing difficulties. We were fast approaching a juncture where we could have either fatally lost momentum or looked to a future based on the valuable and irreplaceable institutions established under the Agreement.

I am pleased that, at this critical turning point, we succeeded in making the type of crucial progress that was so essential in countering the deepening political and public despondency. The patience that was such an obvious hallmark of our efforts has been rewarded. The future now appears more secure as a result. We have a responsibility to take full advantage of the new circumstances and to approach the challenges ahead in a new and more optimistic spirit.

There have been many historic moments and events in recent years in relation to the peace process. The Government gladly acknowledges the work of other Governments – the work of Albert Reynolds, John Bruton and others. At times, the processes that brought us these historic developments have been difficult and tortuous.

For the Minister for Foreign Affairs and myself, the issue of decommissioning has, from the beginning, probably been the most difficult. This is true for everyone involved, especially for the republican movement. For that reason, we have spent an enormous amount of time this year, never mind other years, trying to find a resolution to this problem. However, the republican movement has now taken the historic step necessary to give the process new momentum. This development is of profound historic importance and deserves a generous response, as it is receiving here in the Dáil.

I have just met Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness. I pay tribute to their efforts and acknowledge the key role they have played in bringing us to this point. I fully acknowledge what this decision means for the republican movement and its leadership. It was a difficult decision for them, but it was the right one. It was essential if the peace process was to be saved.

At this time of renewed confidence and hope, we should, however, pause to remember the victims of the strife and turmoil in Northern Ireland. There have been so many down through the decades. The euphoria of this moment, when the future suddenly seems so much brighter, should not be allowed to obscure the suffering and loss that have affected almost every family across both communities in Northern Ireland. In our commitment to keep moving forward, we are determined that we must never allow a resumption of the chaos and hardship that were so much a part, for so long, of daily life in Northern Ireland.

I appreciate the integrity and commitment which General de Chastelain and the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning has demonstrated in their tireless and painstaking efforts to fulfil their remit. I believe our confidence in Mr. de Chastelain and the work of the IICD has been fully rewarded with their confirmation yesterday evening that they had witnessed an event – which they regarded as significant – in which the IRA had put a quantity of arms, ammunition and explosives completely beyond use.

This represents unprecedented progress in the resolution of the arms issue. The report reinforces the Government's view that it is only through the commission that the putting of paramilitary arms beyond use can be achieved. The commission has said that it will maintain its contact with the IRA representative in pursuit of its mandate.

It is appropriate also that I should extend my appreciation to the two international inspectors, President Martti Ahtisaari and Cyril Ramaphosa, who have announced today that their work has come to an end. They have played a key role at a vital point in the peace process – I acknowledge this and the contribution they have made. I thank them for the amount of time they invested in the process over the past 18 months.

I believe we can now, and must, move forward on the basis of the IRA's statement. We have lost valuable time, but it is not too late to make up lost ground. It is clear that all of the pro-Agreement parties recognise that this move offers the breakthrough we have all sought. I welcome David Trimble's positive response and his decision to recommend to his party executive that the Ulster Unionist Party return to the Northern Ireland Executive and to nominate his colleagues again.

It is essential that all aspects of the Agreement should be implemented in full and on a sustained basis. We believe that yesterday's development makes it not only possible but essential for all to play their part in bringing about the full implementation of the Agreement. All parties to the Agreement must play their full part in the institutions and enable the other parties to play their rightful role. As regards the North-South Ministerial Council and the British-Irish Council, we look forward to all Ministers participating fully in all meetings relevant to their responsibilities. The future in Northern Ireland must be based on democratic politics, equal and fair treatment of both communities, freedom from the threat or use of paramilitary weapons in pursuit of political ends and the dismantling of the military and security infrastructure that this new situation will allow.

The Good Friday Agreement reached on 10 April 1998 received an historic endorsement by the people in referendums North and South. Constitutional arrangements to reflect fully the principles of consent and self-determination have been brought into effect. Devolved institutions, which brought power and accountability closer to the people, demonstrated that the parties could work together for the common interest. The putting of arms beyond use is just one of the essential elements in implementing the Agreement. The discussions between the parties and both Governments at Weston Park also set out the other elements which will deliver the full implementation of the Agreement.

As regards policing, I believe we now have the conditions for the delivery of the spirit and substance of the Patten report. I have already warmly welcomed the decision by the SDLP, John Hume and his colleague, Seamus Mallon, to make nominations to the Policing Board and district policing partnerships. I wish the chairman and vice-chairman of the board, Professor Desmond Rea and Denis Bradley, and all the members every success in their important work which will begin in earnest on 4 November when the name of the RUC will change and the powers of the new board are commenced. I hope Sinn Féin will in time also find it possible to participate and contribute to the new beginning in policing. It is precisely at this time, as the new police service is developing, that it can make an especially valuable contribution. For its part, the Government will ensure the Garda Síochána will work closely with the new police service to do everything possible to combat any dissident threat and to enable the normalisation of security arrangements.

The implementation of legislation and other measures in respect of the justice system in Northern Ireland is also of crucial importance. The justice system must deliver justice effectively and efficiently to the community through a fair and impartial system which encourages community involvement, has the confidence of all parts of the community and is staffed in accordance with the rigorous application of the highest standards of fair employment and equality of opportunity for the community as a whole. I look forward to the publication of the implementation plan for the criminal justice review together with the draft legislation with a view to the early passing of the Bill.

There is no doubt the continued security presence in Nationalist and republican areas has been a source of deep concern and disappointment to people living there. The commencement of decommissioning of IRA weapons has, however, totally changed the prevailing security context. We want to see the position on the ground transformed for everyone so that there are no surveillance towers, troops on the streets or routine helicopter use. In plain terms, we want to see normal policing and security supported by the com munity. We want to see a return as soon as possible to such normal security arrangements in Northern Ireland. Today's announcement by the Secretary of State is a welcome and positive development and is a step in the right direction. It signals the beginning of a new era for republican and Nationalist areas of Northern Ireland.

I welcome the British Government's commitment to carrying out a progressive rolling programme reducing levels of troops and installations in Northern Ireland. A progressive, imaginative and determined approach is necessary. Expectations are high and people will expect to see real change for the better at an early stage. That is very important for the process and we hope the British Government understands that. We have made the point to it and I am sure it will understand so that we can proceed with great momentum.

The Good Friday Agreement, when implemented in full, will establish for the first time in Northern Ireland a new and democratic framework which has widespread legitimacy on a cross-community basis. In bringing in these changes, we are making the changes necessary to transform a society in conflict to a society at peace. One of the significant challenges we are faced with is convincing those who remain in the mindset of conflict and division that times have changed and that equality and equal opportunities, justice and security are for everyone. These are not concessions but basic rights which belong to everyone in a free and democratic society. The Government and I know the British Government is absolutely committed to the implementation in full of the Good Friday Agreement and to advancing progress comprehensively on all outstanding matters. The statements issued by the two Governments last night make this abundantly clear.

From the beginning of this process, the negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement, the long road through the winter of 1997 and 1998 and the implementation of the Agreement since April 1998, the US Administration has played a pivotal role in the peace process. The support of our friends in Congress has also been crucial and I welcome the statements by President Bush, Senator Kennedy and all the statements of support we have received. In recent weeks, regardless of their difficulties, Ambassador Haass has remained in close touch with us and that has been the case right up to yesterday when he discussed the ongoing and latest developments with the Minister, Deputy Cowen. We thank him for that. He is a new friend but an especially good one to us in the past 12 months.

The events of 11 September have reverberated around the world. We as a nation have expressed our solidarity with the American people in their time of trial. It is right that we have done so and we will continue to do so. Through the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, including the putting of weapons beyond use, we are conveying to the international community our commitment on this island to peace, reconciliation and a future determined by democratic means and consent. In the current difficult international environment, I am glad we have been able to demonstrate that progress is possible through active and imaginative political engagement. At my recent meeting with the European Commission, I also acknowledged and expressed our appreciation for the role the Commission has played in advancing peace and reconciliation in Ireland.

Northern Ireland in recent times has begun to emerge from the very dark shadows of the past. The peace has not been perfect, but there are many more people alive today than would otherwise have been if we had not started this journey of peace some years ago. There has also been a resurgence of urban renewal programmes and increased economic activity and prosperity. The alternative is not to be contemplated. We have witnessed elsewhere recently the terrible consequences when momentum is lost and violence returns.

The historic division and conflict in Northern Ireland is not of this generation's making. In this situation, creating peace and a process of reconciliation must be worked at. There is nothing as easy as retreating to the slogans of the past, but that will do nothing but perpetuate division and pass it on to another generation. That is certainly not something we want to do. Our contribution must ensure the conflict ends here and that we can move on to a new generation without the conflict, hatred and division of the past.

The situation at Holy Cross school is deeply depressing. A way must be found to end the protest and bring people together. There is an alternative to sectarian division and strife. It is dialogue and mutual respect. Given what has happened in recent days, I urge people on all sides to help us, the Secretary of State and the parties to find a resolution to this issue. Children cannot be expected to understand all this and should not be brought into it. It is easier, although not that easy, for adults to live with this, but children should not be asked to live with this every day because, if it is not stopped, they will remember it forever and it will only toughen and harden them and make them bitter when they are older. I appeal to people to stop it forthwith.

Deputies:

Hear, hear.

I hope that, with the renewed energy in politics in Northern Ireland, those in a position to influence will address and actively seek to resolve the continuing problems throughout north Belfast. An early resolution of this sad situation would be a clear indication that politics in Northern Ireland has taken a new direction for the better.

There is also an opportunity now for all those with influence over other paramilitary organisations to reflect on the new situation and use their influence positively. An opportunity exists to work intensively to take weapons out of use for good and to ensure that we will never again see the horrific violence of the past. This is needed not to prop up Sinn Féin in government but for the integrity of democracy in Northern Ireland. There is an enormous amount of work to be done. It is now time to return to the ordinary work of democratic politics for everyone.

In co-operation with our colleagues in the Northern Ireland Executive, I look forward with my colleagues to the renewal and enhancement of the work of the North-South Ministerial Council and the British-Irish Council. It is exactly a year ago this Saturday that this work was interrupted. We look forward this weekend to taking up where we left off last year. It did not stop totally and useful work was done. However, not everyone was involved so it was not inclusive and that created difficulties. We have the opportunity to get back to working together for all the people of this island. I urge all the parties to grasp this opportunity and ensure that stable, democratic local government endures.

As we look to the future, we know that we have the right political infrastructure in the Good

Friday Agreement, which has proven to be resilient over this period. There will be further challenges and difficulties in the months and years ahead but we will surmount them. We know there are those who will test or undermine it at every opportunity, but I assure the House that we will continue to invest all our energies and efforts into meeting these challenges and making the agreement work as it was intended for the benefit of all the people in Northern Ireland and these islands generally.

I thank all those who offered their congratulations to those involved. I refer to the officials concerned who worked extremely hard in the Departments of Foreign Affairs, Justice, Equality and Law Reform, and my own Department. I thank, in particular, my colleagues, Deputy O'Donnell, the Minister of State, and the Ministers, Deputy John O'Donoghue and especially Deputy Brian Cowen who was with me every day of this phase of the negotiations which started on 11 January and concluded last night.

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