Michael Noonan
Ceist:1 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on recent developments in the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1130/02]
Ceisteanna–Questions. - Northern Ireland Issues.
Michael Noonan
Ceist:2 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the Northern Ireland First Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1131/02]
Michael Noonan
Ceist:3 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1132/02]
Michael Noonan
Ceist:4 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach when he next expects to meet the British Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1133/02]
Michael Noonan
Ceist:5 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1134/02]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:6 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he plans to visit the United States around St. Patrick's Day; the programme agreed for such a visit; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1460/02]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:7 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach his most recent contacts with the political parties in Northern Ireland and the British Government regarding the situation in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1461/02]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:8 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the purposes for which the 52,000 allocated in his Department's Estimate for 2002 under the heading of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation will be applied; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1470/02]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:9 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached at his meeting on 10 January 2002 with the Sinn Féin President, Mr. Gerry Adams; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [1635/02]
Ruairí Quinn
Ceist:10 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed at his recent meeting with the United States Special Ambassador, Richard Haas; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2273/02]
Trevor Sargent
Ceist:11 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update of the state of the Northern Ireland peace process; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2378/02]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Ceist:12 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach the contacts he has had with the British Prime Minister in 2002; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2575/02]
Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Ceist:13 Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin asked the Taoiseach the discussions he has had on the peace process since the Christmas recess; the progress made; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2576/02]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 13 together.
I met the president of Sinn Féin, Gerry Adams, on 10 January and we reviewed matters relating to Northern Ireland. A principal concern and focus of our discussions on that occasion was the ongoing violence in north Belfast. As part of ongoing exchanges on Northern Ireland, I will meet Deputy First Minister, Mark Durkan, and an SDLP delegation in Dublin tomorrow. I have also had contact with David Trimble and hope that both he and Mark Durkan as First Minister and Deputy First Minister will together visit us in Dublin in the coming weeks. I will meet the Prime Minister Mr. Blair in London later in the month and I also expect to meet the Alliance leader, David Ford, in the near future.
I express my support and solidarity for the initiative of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions in organising rallies across Northern Ireland which provided a platform for people to demonstrate their opposition to paramilitary attacks and sectarianism. I take the opportunity to extend my sympathy and the sympathy of the Government to the family and friends of Daniel McColgan who was cruelly murdered. All of us, especially church and community leaders and political representatives, have a duty to work to combat the sectarianism and violence which is becoming endemic in parts of Northern Ireland. It is also vital that the authorities act to improve the security and protection of individuals and communities and bring to justice those responsible for perpetrating acts of violence.
As regards policing, both the Ombudsman's report, which raised serious concerns about the conduct of the investigation into the Omagh bombing, and the Chief Constable's response, now deserve the most careful and reflective consideration. Our thoughts are with the families of the victims of the bombing. This is a traumatic time for them. We must not ever lose sight of the fact that those responsible for the terrible loss of life and the horrific injuries were those who planned and perpetrated the bombing. This has been a period of intense debate in light of the Ombudsman's report and the Chief Constable's response, but it is essential that we do not lose sight of the real goal, namely, to bring the perpetrators of this despicable outrage to justice and bring a measure of closure for the families. It is a matter now for the Policing Board to assess these reports and take the matter forward. Its task is obviously a difficult and challenging one and a significant early test of its ability as a board to address sensitive policing issues. I understand the board will meet the Chief Constable and the Police Ombudsman on 5 February. The board will also get the views of the families. We await these deliberations with interest.
The office of the Police Ombudsman, the Policing Board and the new Police Service of Northern Ireland are all central elements in the policing arrangements for Northern Ireland. It is important that this matter now be taken forward in a manner which does not damage the new beginning to policing which is such a vital element of the Good Friday Agreement. On this the 30th anniversary of Bloody Sunday, I acknowledge the work the Saville inquiry has done and hope that its deliberations will achieve what we all want, the truth of what happened on that terrible day.
I met Ambassador Haas on 15 January and our discussions centred on the continuing sectarian violence in north Belfast and elsewhere in Northern Ireland, as well as a range of other issues, including the current situation relating to Afghanistan. We discussed the situation regarding prisoners' conditions and Ireland's contribution towards reconstruction in that country.
The programme for my visit to the US has not yet been finalised. I will depart for Chicago on Monday, 11 March. I expect to speak that evening at the North West University and to fulfil a number of engagements in Chicago before departing on the afternoon of Tuesday, 12 March for Washington. On the following day, I will attend a meeting of the Economic Advisory Board. Arrangements for other possible meetings in the morning and afternoon will not be finalised until closer to the time. That evening, I will attend the America Ireland Fund dinner and will depart Washington on Thursday morning for the European Council meeting in Barcelona.
Regarding the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, provision was made in my Department's Estimates to allow for the contingency of its meeting in 2002. Following the successful relaunch of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement and our expectations that they will function effectively up to the Assembly elections scheduled for May 2003, it is probable that disbursement from this allocation will not be required. Assuming our confident expectations are fulfilled, it may be appropriate to have a formal closure of the forum.
Did the Taoiseach receive a report from the gardaí who attended the meeting of relatives of the victims of the Omagh bombing or from the commissioner? Was he informed in advance of the Garda's intention to have a presence and has he discussed the meeting, either before or since, with the British Government?
I have not discussed the matter with the commissioner. The gardaí attended the meeting as an operational matter. I was informed in advance by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform.
Does the Taoiseach accept that the row between the chief constable and the police ombudsman of Northern Ireland has a negative influence on the prospect of young Catholics joining the police force? Will he state whether the Government has made its position known to either the First Minister of Northern Ireland or the British Government on this controversy?
I agree it has the potential to create difficulties. The three arms – the police service of Northern Ireland, the Policing Board and the ombudsman – are important aspects of the Good Friday Agreement and it is important that they all work together to ensure that policing functions properly. The board will consider both the ombudsman's and the chief constable's reports next week. I hope the matter will be dealt with in a sane and sensible manner.
I made my views known to the British Government publicly, that is, that the ombudsman has an independent role and the chief constable has a right to state his case. However, it should be done in a calm way with both cases examined by the Policing Board without damaging the early stages of the new beginning. If it does not happen in that way, it could pose a difficult problem for policing in Northern Ireland with a negative influence on not just the Catholic community but also the wider community there. It must be handled delicately.
The record so far of the Policing Board indicates that it is sensitive to the views of both individuals and that it is determined to deal with these issues in a constructive way. We were careful that the gardaí, in their operational work and in the effort to bring to justice the perpetrators behind the Omagh bombing, would not get drawn into other matters. On 5 February there will be an attempt by the policing board to resolve what clearly are conflicting issues. I have seen both reports and have read the main sections of the reports of the Ombudsman and the Chief Constable report. There are conflicts in some areas but it would seem they can be resolved and I hope that will be done by 5 February or within the next couple of weeks.
The central issue in the controversy, and it is of the greatest concern to the relatives, is that it is suggested that the RUC had information prior to the bombing which, if acted on, could have prevented the tragedy. Does the Taoiseach have a view on that? Has he been advised by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform on whether this is so? Will he inform the House if he has taken this issue up with the British Government at any level and will he communicate the Government's view on this issue to the House?
That is one of the issues. The Ombudsman believes a third party or an outside police force should conduct an investigation into these aspects and that neither Northern Ireland or the Irish jurisdiction should be involved. The Chief Constable has already appointed somebody in the UK to look at these matters and the Ombudsman disagrees with that. On that issue, and based on what the Ombudsman's report says, we have said we support the Ombudsman and that somebody from outside should examine this. I have read the sections where Ms O'Loan has given the details of her case and have also read the rebuttal of that. I accept that it is not easy to examine these differences. The British Government is aware that our view is that a third party should look at this. It would be wrong of us to press that view until the policing board has had its opportunity to examine the issue. It represents both communities so should have that opportunity. My view is that the Ombudsman's report seems fair and we believe it deserves support.
Will the Taoiseach share my view that the commemoration of the atrocity of Bloody Sunday, 30 years on, is something we should mark and in so marking recognise the other atrocities that have occurred since? Does he agree, that in calling for the Saville Inquiry to complete its report as quickly as possible so that we can have the facts, he should call upon all of those involved and those who have knowledge of the events that took place around that time to co-operate fully and comprehensively with the inquiry so that we can get the full facts of what happened 30 years ago?
I agree with Deputy Quinn. We should remember what happened 30 years ago today and also all of the other terrible events since then. The Saville inquiry is doing excellent work. It has moved on apace over recent months and its work is rewarding. It is certainly helping many people in Derry, the families involved and the people who fought so hard for this inquiry. It is going to take some considerable time because there are a large number of witnesses and a large volume of evidence to be examined. Everybody should co-operate with the inquiry. It is a very costly inquiry and the resources required have caused quite a pull on the British system. I am sure there will be co-operation with the inquiry even though there have been some legal arguments to do with some of the issues. If people do not co-operate fully with the inquiry it will not get to the truth. I hope the inquiry will be comprehensive and that people with information will come forward. I hope many of the issues that have been raised over the past 30 years in one form or other will be put before the inquiry so that it can make its judgment.
When the Taoiseach had a meeting with special Ambassador Haas, did he refer to Ambassador Haas's recently quoted comments about the need for people on this island and on the other island to have some understanding of the sense of alienation within which sections of the Unionist and loyalist community find themselves at present? If so, did the Taoiseach indicate what the Government's attitude was to the speech and the comment made not just by Ambassador Haas but also by Secretary of State Dr. John Reid in relation to the same matter? Has the Taoiseach a comment to make on the matter?
We have all said on many occasion in this House that we must be conscious of everybody's position and the sense of alienation and exclusion on both sides. I agree we must always take account of both sides in any issue. We are all aware that if you speak about one side's point of view people from the other side are very quick to correct you. Both Ambassador Haas and Secretary of State Dr. Reid said that the Protestants in Northern Ireland should not be left out in the cold. My view and that of all of us in this House in dealing with all the parties in Northern Ireland is that we always try to be as inclusive, fair and reasonable as possible. We try to direct our initiatives as best we can to include everybody. We try to be as inclusive as possible when talking about parades, emblems and sectarian violence. It is always dangerous to take sides. We all know that when sectarianism gets too hot it inevitably leads to violence, and violence leads to deaths. That has always been so.
I spoke to Ambassador Haas since his statement and I agree with the broad thrust of it. However, it must be put in a broad context. There was quite a reaction to that statement by Ambassador Haas from the parents of children at the school in Ardoyne and people in the area. It must be explained to them that he was not excluding that. We have seen that there is still community tension, particularly in north Belfast. Sectarianism is still active and people still move from area to area, the Glenbryn estate being a typical example. A few years ago the make-up of the Glenbryn estate was very different. The problems which arose in the lower Shankill a few summers ago caused people to move from that area, and that increases tension. We must try to adopt an inclusive approach so that anything we say is reflective of both communities. If we do something for one side we must also try to do something for the other side. We must try to bring both sides with us.
I have a number of questions arising from the replies given by the Taoiseach to those 13 questions. What is the purpose of the 52,000 provided for in the Estimates for this year in relation to the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation? It seems to be more than merely a contingency sum. In relation to discussions the Taoiseach may have had with the British Government or its officials, has there been any development arising out of the negotiations that took place in Weston Park for the provision of an international judge to make inquiries into the murders of Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and others? Since the House has not met since December, what is the Government's understanding of the process of decommissioning? Has General de Chastelain been in contact, formally or informally, with the Taoiseach or Government officials with regard to progress in that area?
On the first question about the peace and reconciliation fund, other than some small outstanding costs, it is a provisional sum. If things move on during this year, by the end of the year or in the autumn there should be an examination of whether there should be a final round of discussions to conclude the report. Provided there is some sense of normality in Northern Ireland going into 2003, prior to their elections, there may be an opportunity to complete the report and publish the remaining documentation. However, there is no other reason for the money.
As Deputy Quinn said, at Weston Park both Governments agreed to appoint a judge of international standing from outside both jurisdictions to undertake a thorough investigation of the allegations of collusion by the security forces in either jurisdiction in the two cases mentioned of Rosemary Nelson and Pat Finucane. That was extended to look at the cases of Superintendent Harry Breen, Superintendent Bob Buchanan, Lord Justice and Lady Gibson, Robert Hamill and Billy Wright. These are all to be included in the examination. The investigation of each individual case will begin as soon as the current investigations and subsequent proceedings are completed. In any event they must begin by the end of April.
What does that mean? The investigations will begin as soon as the current investigations are completed.
There are live investigations into a number of them. If they are concluded quicker, the examinations could start quicker but they will start no later than the end of April 2002, unless it would be clearly prejudicial to some forthcoming prosecution at that time. Concern has been expressed because some people believe that could keep going forever. Some definition is required to avoid the possibility of a prosecution coming out of the blue, which might not have any real substance. I hope that does not happen. We have made our opinion clear on that. If any of the cases were not started by the end of April, there would need to be some very hard evidence and not merely hearsay evidence. I am not saying that might happen but others have said so. The appointed judge will have detailed terms of reference. He will be asked to review all the papers, including the records of any previous investigations, complete or under way. He will report with recommendations of further action that he believes should be taken. In the event that a public inquiry is recommended in any case, the Government will implement that recommendation.
Has he been identified yet?
He has not been identified. There are a number of names. It will be an international judge. A number of South Africans, Australians and Canadians are being sounded out to establish if they would undertake the task. We are committed to the end of April deadline for the commencement of the exercise and we will continue to have discussions with the Prime Minister. Part of my meeting with the Prime Minister late in February will deal with and finalise this so that the terms of reference can be clarified.
What is the position on decommissioning?
I have no further word on decommissioning. I think there has been some ongoing contact with General de Chastelain, who has continued to make himself available, but I have not been briefed on any details.
Ar dtús báire, thar cheann an Chomhaontais Ghlais, ba mhaith liom mo chomhbhrón a chur in iúl do mhuintír agus do chairde Mr. McColgan.
I extend that sympathy to all victims, especially as we are today thinking about the victims of Bloody Sunday. I also think of those who have been terrorised and traumatised, particularly those at Holy Cross national school. My question may sound somewhat hollow as it refers to the peace dividend to those we remember as victims of the Troubles. People have asked me about the progress that has been made with the cross-Border institutions and the positive outcome of the Good Friday Agreement, especially the Food Safety Authority of Ireland, An Foras Teanga, Waterways Ireland and other groups whose activities will hopefully increase. They can give us a lot of hope for the future. Will the Taoiseach detail the progress that has been made on the institutions?
Did the Taoiseach discuss a truth commission with special ambassador Haas? Does he foresee a time when the grievances of victims on both sides can be addressed given that a number of Unionists have indicated they feel there is an imbalance in what someone termed "the parity of victimhood"?
I have answered this question before. There has been an international experience of this, particularly in South Africa. In any discussions I have had either in or on Northern Ireland there has not been much interest in the concept of a truth commission, either as operated in South Africa or elsewhere. People feel that would not be the most helpful way to deal with the years of atrocities. Having said that, members of all communities would like to see closure on a number of important and high profile cases that continue to be very important not only in the media but within the communities. There is a number of these cases – probably no more than ten – and the Saville Inquiry is clearly the biggest one, but for loyalists the case of Billy Wright is very important while for Unionists the cases of Lord Justice and Lady Gibson, Bob Buchanan and others are important. People want investigations into those issues. I hope that can happen and, as I said to Deputy Quinn, the sooner they are dealt with the better. It will take a few years for those issues to be concluded satisfactorily and that is probably a better idea than a truth commission.
What about the cross-Border institutions?
I refer the Deputy to the report of 30 November, which shows the enormous number of positive developments that are taking place through a range of work in cross-Border institutions. The institutions are all up and running and have chief executives, staff and boards. They have extensive agendas between now and summer 2003 and there is a good atmosphere surrounding them. They are working away quietly without causing offence to anyone. There is a changed attitude in Northern Ireland across all communities. I hope I am not being over optimistic in saying that, but from contacts that appears to be the case, even among those who perhaps were not as positive in the past.
The Deputy may recall that on 30 November the First Minister, David Trimble, and the Deputy First Minister, Mark Durkan, made the case that many of the issues were not formally the work of the implementation bodies or the North-South bodies but that those bodies have got involved in them and there is co-operation, and they welcomed that. That is in line with what I said in the week leading up to the Good Friday Agreement, that everything did not have to be written down and that there were other areas where we could informally co-operate. That momentum is there and I think it will continue. I do not think anyone should feel threatened by that. The progress, work and co-operation among officials inside and outside the bodies is excellent and very beneficial. I refer anyone who has an interest in this matter to the report of 30 November, which gives details of all the work that has taken place in the past year to 18 months.
What undertaking has the Taoiseach received from his meetings with the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, on British co-operation with Mr. Justice Barron's inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings? Did he receive a commitment from the British Prime Minister that the British authorities would co-operate fully from this point forward not only on Mr. Justice Barron's examination of the facts regarding the Dublin and Monaghan bombings but on other matters? Did the Taoiseach ask why there has not been such co-operation heretofore? Does he agree that this is an initial preparatory inquiry and that it is disturbing that there has not been such co-operation to date which, in effect, has hampered and delayed the project moving forward?
When will the next report of the all-party Committee on the Constitution be published? Will it deal with the issue of representation in the Oireachtas for citizens of the Six Counties? Will it also deal with the need for fundamental reform of the Seanad, including the widening of the franchise with regard to third level graduates, as provided for by Article 18.2º of the Constitution? Will the passing of referenda be required on foot of implementation of this report and, if so, when might they be held?
On the Deputy's second question, I have not seen that report, but I understand the all-party committee is to report on this matter. I know that prior to Christmas and since then, it has been working on the report and that representation is one of the issues with which it is dealing. I am sure that, as always, the committee will forward us an excellent report.
On the reform of the Seanad, I am not aware if that is included in the report. It may be, but I cannot confirm that. I know the first issue the Deputy raised regarding the report is included in it. Depending on the recommendations the committee bring forward, I assume their constitutionality would have to be examined. Until the report is brought forward and we know what recommendations are made, it is not possible to make a judgment on that matter. It was reported last November that the committee would report in the new year.
On the first issue, a meeting took place two weeks ago between Mr. Justice Barron, the Ceann Comhairle and Sir John Reid. I understand that was a useful working meeting and that Mr. Justice Barron made it clear what he requires and what he thinks should be available. The Secretary of State has undertaken over the next number of weeks from that date to provide those reports. I understand that has been communi cated to the Police Service of Northern Ireland with regard to the records he would like to get and there has been a promise of co-operation from the police service. Hopefully, the files Justice Barron has been seeking for the past year or so will be provided in a relatively short period.
Is the Taoiseach confident that the commitments he reports he received from the British Prime Minister will translate into real and effective delivery and co-operation with Justice Barron? In relation to Article 18.2 of the Constitution, an amendment to the Constitution was made some decades ago to facilitate the widening of the franchise to other third level colleges. We have seen huge growth in third level education in the State yet we have not seen the extension of the franchise for the Seanad election, a reform which I believe does not go far enough in itself. Does the Taoiseach not agree that legislation should be introduced as provided for by an amendment to the Constitution to widen the franchise to include colleges other than those that hitherto have been accommodated?
Regardless of whether it should happen, there is no proposal in that regard in the short-term. This issue has been debated many times. A report on it was produced about a decade ago and nothing happened then or since.
The Progressive Democrats no longer want to abolish it.
That was abolition; the Deputy is seeking only reform of the university panel.
No, they wanted the abolition of God.
With regard to the Deputy's first question, it has been reported to me that Justice Barron is now hopeful that what he is seeking will be passed to him. He made clear what he requires. There is no assurance other than that. We will have to wait and see if it happens.
There are ten minutes left and five Members are offering. I will take questions in the following order – Deputy Currie, Deputy Flanagan, Deputy Spring, Deputy Noonan and Deputy Joe Higgins. Deputies should be as brief as possible.
I take this opportunity to congratulate the Garda Síochána on the successful conviction of one of those responsible for the Omagh atrocity. I hope the other 16 convictions will speedily follow.
Will the Taoiseach join me in welcoming the statement by leading members of Sinn Féin that they now fully support the defence forces of this State, the Army and the Garda? However, it is causing me slight concern. Has the Taoiseach any idea when this happened or in what circumstances it happened? I do not recall an Ard Fheis resolution or anything of that nature. Be that as it may, it is welcome.
On the next occasion the Taoiseach meets the leadership of the republican movement, will he insist that its members do what Pat Doherty and others, including the Sinn Féin Member of this House, have refused to do, which is to give information in their possession to the Garda on their former colleagues who were involved in the atrocity at Omagh? Does he agree it is hypocritical for a Member of the House to ask the Taoiseach to put pressure on the British Government to provide information on people responsible for murders in Dublin and Monaghan while, at the same time, refusing to call for similar action in terms of giving information on former colleagues who were responsible for the murders in Omagh?
To accommodate the other Members, perhaps the Taoiseach will reply to the questions together.
He should reply to them separately.
Then there will not be time for certain Deputies.
I will try to be brief in my replies. I saw the statement by the leader of Sinn Féin. He was replying to some issues I raised and comments I made. I cannot help the Deputy about the rule book but the comments are in the public domain now.
It is very strange.
People should assist in any way they can in bringing forward evidence. It has been well documented in newspapers for a long time that the Garda and the Police Service of Northern Ireland have a virtually complete picture of what happened in Omagh. Their difficulty is evidence. It would be surprising, as it is in all such cases, if there were not people, wherever they are or with whoever they are associated—
Particularly former colleagues.
—who could certainly help. I support that kind of co-operation because it is such co-operation that ultimately will generate the confidence we discussed in earlier questions.
I refer to the arrangements at Weston Park. Since those meetings a serious development has taken place. The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commissioner said in a significant statement that, in his opinion, there was significant and direct collusion between the British security forces and those who perpetrated the killing of Pat Finucane. Has the Taoiseach been in contact with the British Government since Brice Dickson made that statement? As far as the Pat Finucane case is concerned, there is now an overwhelming case for a full and separate public inquiry.
That will follow from the detailed investigations, interviews and examination of the facts which will be undertaken in the judicial process. Whoever undertakes this task, which is due to begin at the end of April, will make recommendations on whether an inquiry is likely. The Government has called publicly for a report on and a full independent judicial investigation into the Pat Finucane case. I spoke to Mrs. Finucane recently and have spoken to her a number of times previously. The legal group that supports the family and other groups accept this is the proper way.
I hope we will get to that position and, as I have said previously, there is evidence, whether it stands up under investigation, that there was collusion in this case. That is a deeply held fact according to an enormous number of people. The sooner this information is examined by an eminent member of the international judiciary the better and then we can get to the point of holding a tribunal.
Whatever about other cases, the Pat Finucane case leads one to believe that serious events took place that are very worrying. Others hold the same view about the Robert Hamill and Rosemary Nelson cases but I have not heard anything in regard to them that would make me feel the same way. They are terrible cases but many of the things I have head regarding the Pat Finucane case, which I put to the British Government long ago, make one very concerned, if not downright suspicious, about what happened. The only way to prove that is through a judicial inquiry.
A separate inquiry?
Yes.
With regard to Question No. 9, during the Taoiseach's recent meeting with the leadership of Sinn Féin, did he raise the question of the standing down or the disbandment of the IRA? If so, what was the response of the Sinn Féin leadership? If it was not raised, will he give an undertaking that it will be raised at his meeting with them?
The issue was not raised at the meeting but I raised it in the past. Both Gerry Adams, President of Sinn Féin, and Martin McGuinness, the party's chief negotiator and Minister, have said on many occasions that it is a position they hope to achieve in time. That is the only answer I have ever received, but it is their policy to get to a stage where that would happen, without it ever being stated by them.
Why is there such a stand-off in the merger of Bord Fáilte and the Northern Ireland Tourist Board? As we face into an extremely difficult tourism season, will the Taoiseach inform the House what steps he is taking to resolve the issue so that Ireland will be promoted effectively as a tourist location this year?
As I understand it, substantive progress has been made. I was asked to assist in regard to industrial relations issues a number of months ago, which I did at the time, and progress has been made since then. However, I will raise the issue with the Minister for Tourism, Sport and Recreation.
(Dublin West): Does the Taoiseach agree the strongest answer to the sectarian bigots on all sides was on Friday, 18 January when tens of thousands of workers, Catholic and Protestant, demonstrated together against death threats and sectarian intimidation, many being on strike to emphasise their purpose? Will he join me in congratulating the postal workers who stood shoulder to shoulder for days while taking industrial action in protest at the murder of their colleague?
Does the Taoiseach appreciate the importance of this new development in recent times given that we know from reports that the physical separation of the communities has intensified significantly while the peace process has supposedly been in place? This is a process implemented by politicians who are members of political parties based on sectarian lines. The structures of the Good Friday Agreement equally institutionalise sectarianism.
Will the Taoiseach join with me in hoping that the working class on all sides in Northern Ireland takes further initiatives to sideline the sectarian bigots through an exercise of its power in this way and perhaps even move beyond the sectarian based political parties as well?
I congratulated the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and the postal workers who played a major part in the organisation of the demonstrations and protests in respect of their colleague.
And the teachers' union.
Yes. They were widely supported. In a very short period, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions did an excellent job of mobilising people on what was a very bad day weather-wise in Northern Ireland. It received huge support and that was a welcome development. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions has endeavoured in recent years to build on its campaign to stop sectarianism. It has many projects in operation in this regard and it should be strongly supported, as should the increasing number of groups which are doing their best to fight sectarianism.