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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 20 Mar 2002

Vol. 550 No. 4

Private Members' Business. - Economic Policies: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann, noting the Government's failed economic policies which have resulted in:

–an increase of €13 billion per annum in the level of gross current spending or 79% despite the Government's promise to keep the annual increase to 4%;

–an underlying budget deficit of at least €1 billion in 2002;

–no real improvement in public services despite increased spending;

–a widening in the gap between the rich and poor;

–an inflation rate of 4.7% which is almost double the European Union average; and,

–125 job losses a day during this month alone,

condemns the Government for its failure to use the fruits of economic success to improve critical public services or to achieve value for taxpayers' money.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Clune, Connaughton, Hayes, Ring, Kenny and Neville.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

It is worth recalling that this Government has been in a unique position. It was the first Administration in the history of the State that did not have to operate under severe financial constraints. Let us think about that for a moment. Until 1997, every Irish Government, of whatever political hue, was short of money. There was never enough to do what needed to be done. The financial policy of every Government in our history was to do the best it could with the limited, inadequate amount of money it had available to it.

In 1997, that changed. That was the first year the full benefits of the Celtic tiger started to flow into the Exchequer. Suddenly, there was no shortage of cash. Suddenly, in place of the chronic deficit in current spending that had plagued the public finances for nearly a quarter of a century, there was a current surplus, a surplus that was to grow over the next four years to a level that was almost embarrassing. It is worth pointing out that when this Government came to office five years ago, it inherited a surplus from the rainbow Administration. That surplus increased and Government action had little responsibility for generating subsequent surpluses.

This Government faced a new test. Instead of having to cope with a shortage of money, like all previous Governments, it had the task of spending an abundance of resources. This abundance of resources should not have allowed the Government to abdicate responsibility for making choices. It should not have removed from the Government the responsibility for spending money well and ensuring the taxpayer always got value for money. Alas, however, that is exactly what happened.

The Government abdicated its responsibility to make choices that would safeguard our future in favour of taking the easy way out – spending money for short-term, opportunistic gain or to gratify the egoistic whim of a leader with an edifice complex.

I read the book.

These gains are now turning to dust and we are left to face the future. We are still left with a ludicrous standard of public services in health, education and public transport, with an infrastructure that has failed to keep pace with our growth and with an education system that is busy tearing itself apart and neglecting the urgent need to adapt and to provide a rapidly changing portfolio of skills to our young people. In terms of public services, we are back where we were five years ago. Nothing has improved during the five long years of this Government. This Government has squandered our boom.

However, that is not all. The Government has failed not just in refusing to improve our public services and to lay a proper foundation for the tougher future that looms ahead of us. Even more culpably, this Government has flagrantly mismanaged the resources of the State. It has failed to realise that the dictates of prudent government apply in good times as well as in bad. It has thrown prudence to the wind, spending unbelievable amounts of money without a care for the results produced, if any.

Value for money is a concept this Government has swept under the carpet, at enormous cost to the people. It has failed to apply even the most basic checks and balances in the administration of public money, the full consequences of which are only just beginning to appear above the surface. The shambles at Abbotstown is a scandal in itself, all the more so because it comes to roost at the Taoiseach's door. However, it also comes in a long line of misadventures that include, to mention just one, the €50 million overrun on the Iarnród Éireann signalling project.

The Government has failed in even the most basic of housekeeping tasks, which is to make sure that the money going out does not exceed the amount coming in. Public spending is out of control and is getting further out of control with every day that passes. The Minister for Finance budgeted for a 12% increase in public expenditure this year on top of the 22% increase last year. That is a total of 34% for the two years. The Minister revised the figures on 1 January and increased the 12% to 14%. The figure was again revised today at the finance committee and now the projection is that expenditure will increase by 14.6%. With each day that passes the Minister is getting more out of line with his targets and driving the country into bankruptcy. The cutbacks in spending promised in the budget are not being realised. The spending goes on and on, regardless of the consequences.

The result is, incredibly, that at the end of our boom we are left with a looming deficit on current spending. This Government is surely summed up by the image of a Taoiseach who can sign blank cheques, closing his eyes to where the money goes and how it is spent. As we finally approach this long delayed election, the people would do well to ponder on this performance when they go to the polling booth to choose the next Government. This Government is intent on taking credit for the boom. We will make it face the truth, which is, that it has squandered it.

At the recent Fine Gael Ard Fheis, I set out my party's vision of a forward looking, fair, compassionate and generous Ireland in which we plan for the future with care. Yesterday we launched the economic framework in which this vision can be delivered. This framework will underpin the policy programme which Fine Gael will put before the people at the general election. Our economic and social management will be driven by six key principles: first, competitiveness; second, maximising growth; third, fairness and social justice; fourth, prudence and safeguarding the future; fifth, efficiency, reform and value for money, and, sixth, social partnership.

Despite the downturn of recent months, Fine Gael has strong confidence in our economy. We believe that with prudent economic policies, sensible legislation and a renewal of social consensus, significant growth rates can be sustained well into the future. However, growth cannot be sustained if we continue to pursue the short-term, opportunistic mismanagement of the past five years. Current spending has grown over the past five years by an average annual rate of 15%, far in excess of growth in the economy. I know the Minister and his ideological position. He knows that an increase of 15% in public spending cannot be sustained. The Minister is presiding over a farce and, what is worse, he knows it is a farce.

Fine Gael will cap growth in current spending at a maximum of 2% over nominal GDP growth, that is, real growth plus inflation. To cut spending growth too quickly could create avoidable disrup tion and worsen an already poor public service environment. As reforms are introduced, the rate of growth in current spending will be managed down.

Where are the resources to come from, to improve our public services and social provision? Borrowing for current expenditure is not an option. Everybody now acknowledges that we must ensure a balanced budget over the full economic cycle. To that Fine Gael now adds a specific commitment – in Government we will never borrow to fund current spending. Raising taxes is not an option either. Our phenomenal recent growth is based on a low tax regime. To reverse that approach would be counterproductive. Fine Gael believes that an incentivised economy is the most efficient way to create the resources to improve services. Rates of capital, corporate or income taxes will not be increased during our first term of office.

Reduced economic growth, however, can and will produce more revenue. We expect real GDP growth to expand in the medium term at an average annual rate of about 5%, following a dip to 3.5% this year. In the medium term we see inflation falling to 2.2% a year. Sustained growth of 5% per annum will generate increased resources for the Exchequer, which Fine Gael will target for improved services. We can also use resources better – stretch them further through getting better value for money. Delivering better public services is not just about more money. A Fine Gael Government will proceed progressively with public sector reform and will review the effectiveness and efficiency of all existing spending.

The Minister, Deputy McCreevy, has been in office for five years. One of his most honest moments in office was when he stated at a press conference on the second last Estimates that he could not understand what the Department of Health and Children was doing with all the money he had voted to it because services were not improving. He hit the nail on the head. Unless we insist on value for money and proper accountability on how public money is spent and turned into better services, then we are going nowhere. That is precisely where the Government has been going for the past three years at least.

Our prosperity belies an investment deficit in our economic, social, cultural, recreational and sporting infrastructure. This is the gap the national development plan should be filling. The plan is hopelessly behind schedule, significantly over budget and incurring very high rates of inflation. Incredibly, the Government has cut back on capital spending at a time when current spending is out of control. The economy needs the direct opposite and the Minister knows it. Capital investment wisely spent now will accelerate our return to above average economic growth. If we are to give renewed impetus to the NDP, we need extra investment rather than the cutbacks in investment over which the Government has pre sided. In Government, Fine Gael will provide that investment through borrowing if necessary and better use of public private partnerships, but without a new approach new money will be wasted. There is a need for the State to act in a planned, professional way. Fine Gael will immediately undertake a root and branch review of the NDP, producing within three months a timetable setting out completion targets for all significant projects and legislation where needed.

Economic policy is not just about the public finances. The way we raise revenues through taxes and the priorities we follow in spending those revenues defines the type of nation we are and want to become. Fine Gael believes that the ultimate goal must encompass both prosperity and the quality of life of all our citizens. We reject the suggestion that we must choose between the so-called Boston and Berlin models. With principled far-seeing economic management, we can create in Ireland a society that embraces both a US standard of income and EU levels of social and environmental protection. That is the direction I am confident the Irish people will choose when they are finally given the chance to exercise that choice in the election which is only weeks away.

I support the motion. As the Minister will probably be aware, many of us are canvassing and knocking on doors. There is real concern among the electorate. I have met many voters and they are tuning in for the upcoming election. They are concerned and are raising questions about where all the money went, what went wrong and what happened to the Celtic tiger. During the 1990s there was unprecedented growth and the economy was going well. The Government had the opportunity to invest wisely and to spend prudently for the future. That did not happen, however, and we have very little to show for the good times.

For example, the quality of our infrastructure does not match our economic success. As the Tánaiste stated, we have Third World infrastructure for a first class economy. It just does not add up. The NRA announced its programme recently. It is behind schedule and some projects have been shelved. It was obvious to any of us tracking the progress of the national development plan, particularly in the area of infrastructure, that projects were behind schedule, deadlines were not being met and investment was not meeting targets. We were told continually by the Minister for the Environment and Local Government and those responsible in that area that the plan was on schedule but, in fact, it was not. The spend may have been on schedule but construction inflation has taken its toll on moving the national development plan forward. There have been bottlenecks, delays in planning and delays in reaching agreement on various projects under the plan. In areas where we should be moving forward, the plan is behind schedule. For example, it now takes five hours to drive from Cork to Dublin. It took three and a half hours when I was first elected to this House. I do not take that route anymore; I travel on overcrowded trains.

Public transport, particularly in urban areas, has not improved. The level of service on bus routes is still the same as it was 15 years ago despite the fact that urban areas have grown substantially. There is no sign of the Luas, which should have been on the streets within two years of the rainbow Government going out of office. We saw a toy train on Merrion Square a number of months ago but that was the first sign of the Luas.

We are told by Iarnród Éireann's television advertisements that we are going places. Yesterday there was another announcement in the newspapers by the Minister for Public Enterprise of a consultation document on our rail routes. The Cork-Midleton route was mentioned yet again. It is still an aspiration and still in consultation. That has been on the table for some time. The people are not fooled by Iarnród Éireann's advertisements telling us that we are going places. They know we are not. Any of us who travel on trains are aware of the conditions under which staff are working. We have asked questions of the Minister for Public Enterprise but there is no bright horizon for Iarnród Éireann. There is no relief for the hard pressed passengers who travel to the west and the south with Iarnród Éireann. The people see through these advertisements. They are not fooled by a sample train and track on Merrion Square.

Deputy Noonan is right and he said it previously. This Government was elected to run the country, the health services and local government, but that is not happening. It is riding on the back of the Celtic tiger and the success of private industry. Inflation has gone up. We on the Opposition benches highlighted the effect the euro changeover would have on inflation. We highlighted the fact that the changeover was not being policed and that there were not enough checks and balances in place at that time. We were assured by the Minister of State with responsibility for consumer affairs that the Director of Consumer Affairs would name and shame all those who abused the changeover and engaged in profiteering. We see the results of increased prices, particularly in the services sector. We are paying for it now through a higher inflation rate. It is due to the mismanagement of the Government. It is another nail in its coffin.

I am delighted to have this opportunity to speak on the motion. It is time to pause and see how the fiscal policies of the past five years have impacted on a large number of people. One can only view what has occurred in the light of the huge increase in revenue available to the Government over the past five years.

One cannot state often enough that no one could have dreamt that any Government could have the sort of resources available to it which this Administration had. The growth in the econ omy arose out of economic factors which came together at one time. These were low interest rates, low inflation and a workforce that was very employable. After years of successive Governments investing heavily in education, which obviously paid off in the IT sector in particular, we were positioned for the type of growth which we were lucky enough to get.

Fianna Fáil is taking all the credit. Fianna Fáil takes credit for everything that moves. Even before this election starts we will be told that Fianna Fáil will actually take credit for it if we have a nice fine day. When the Minister came to office one could see, irrespective of what side of the political spectrum one was on, that all the fundamentals of the economy were poised for growth in a very positive way. This has a domino effect – once more people go back to work, there is less social welfare to pay. It is my belief, a belief shared very strongly by Fine Gael, that personal taxation should not be increased. I do not think there is any need to do this. It is possible to do what we want to do in this country without increasing personal taxation.

In light of an expected GDP of about 5% – if one is to believe the economists – there are a lot of things we can do within that framework to point the economy in a desirable direction. That is why the Fine Gael policy document on the economy released yesterday sets out our stall very clearly.

There are a number of questions the Minister and other Government Members will have a lot of trouble answering at the doors over the next couple of months. In a time of unprecedented growth, the people will certainly ask why over 30,000 families cannot get a roof over their heads. This has not happened for years. How could the Minister have organised the system so badly that this is what actually happened?

The Minister speaks about quality of life, a term which means the same thing to most people. It basically means that, one day, one hopes to own one's own house, have a job, get to and from work reasonably smoothly and go about one's normal business without harassment – in other words, that the security of the State would be such that one would feel free to walk anywhere. Instead of that, different circumstances obtain. Some members of society have certainly got rich in the past five years. There is no doubt about that but, for the vast majority of people, it is an endless struggle. It will have to be asked, in light of the fact that everybody agrees that times will not be as good and so dramatic as they have been in the past five years, what Fianna Fáil will do when the pressure is on given that they could not handle matters correctly when they had the money. One of the things I will always remember about this Government over the past five years is that if it could solve a problem with money, it solved it, but that was the only time it solved it. It appears that anything the Government's—

The Deputy's time has concluded.

Private industry seemed to do very well, but once the semi-State organisations or the Government got a handle on it, it did not work well.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to say a few words on this very important motion which I strongly support. There are many different areas and aspects which one could cover in respect of this motion. Some of the issues that come to mind concern infrastructure and health. One could go down along a different list, but this evening I want to talk about infrastructure in particular and the widening of the gap between the rich and poor. One wonders what this Government did to tighten or narrow that gap.

Having contested two by-elections and met a lot of people in my own county, one of the things that strikes me – which will strike the Government when it goes to the people in the next few months – is the way the Government has neglected the very poor and badly off sections of our community. Housing aid for the elderly is a simple scheme administered by the health boards. Very little funding has been allocated for this scheme. In fact, the health boards were not even able to deal with a new list of people last year. Over 300 people have applied in my area alone for the scheme and they cannot be dealt with because the money is not there. It is a good scheme designed to help the very vulnerable and older sections of our community. The Government claimed it would look after those people. The scheme is an example of one that could help those people and give them a much needed quality of life.

In terms of essential repairs grants, the Government allocated £30,000 for a constituency the size of Tipperary South. If one goes across the country and checks how much the various local authorities got for essential repairs, one will see they got similar allocations. Does the Government care about those who are living in poor housing conditions when it is giving out only £30,000 for essential repairs? It is a joke to say that a £30,000 allocation to any local authority is adequate to meet the needs of an entire constituency.

I have given two simple examples relevant to the motion of how the Government is not caring for the poorer sections of our community. Those of us who entered politics in the early 1990s saw the country beginning to get off its feet after the bad days of the 1980s when the economy was struggling. We were looking forward to an economy that would produce a lot of goods and jobs and result in improved infrastructure. What has happened? National plans have been drawn up. Deputy Clune spoke earlier about travelling on the Dublin-Cork road. The bypass of Cashel was planned and promised, but what happened? A number of weeks ago, the allocation—

Deputy Hayes, the time allowed to you has concluded.

I will finish on this point because it is essential. The amount of money allocated could not even buy the land to start the project. If it takes five hours to travel from Dublin to Cork, it will take six and a half in a few years' time at the rate things are going.

I am delighted to have the opportunity to speak on this motion. This Government has fought with the nurses, doctors, gardaí, teachers and everybody in the country over the past five years. This is the first Government that had real money. I have to say it has spoiled its chance. It has even choked the Celtic tiger. He is dead now, gone. The tiger never arrived in the west of Ireland – he was choked in Kildare. He certainly did not come to the west.

He was fairly active in Westport.

I want to tell the Minister a little story. I was driving to the Dáil a fortnight ago when I encountered big Mercedes Benz cars. The Taoiseach and gardaí were present and I thought there was an emergency. I drove behind them. To tell the truth, I broke the law. I said: "If they are going to be caught, I am going to be caught. If they are going to be fined, I am going to be fined." None of us was fined, thank God. We got into Strokestown and there were traffic lights. I was delighted because it was the first time a Taoiseach actually drove into the West of Ireland. The rest of them used to come by helicopter into Knock airport. Anyway, there were traffic lights in Strokestown and I was delighted. It is not because there was too much traffic but because there is a stretch of road in Strokestown where, if two cars or lorries were to meet, there would be an accident. They now have to have traffic lights there so one car can pass through on the N5. That is how well we have done from this economy. This is how well this Government has looked after us.

Today, I saw on the television how well we have advanced in this country. Due to the Government making such a mess of the NRA and the road down in Kilkenny, we now have to get the police to escort the cattle across the road. Have we not advanced? Are we not making progress when we have to get the police to escort the cattle across the road? Of course, we are. That could happen only in rural Ireland.

The Government was good for two things. Rather than improving our health service, it appointed 75 spin doctors. The Government has spent £300 million on consultants' reports. Last year alone the Department of Health and Children spent £17 million on local advertising. Last week the Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs and I had a few words on this subject. I told him I hear him on local radio when I get up in the morning. When I am eating my dinner, I hear him again and late at night I hear him yet again. Then I take the local paper and I see his head – like myself, he is losing his hair – looking out at me. This is all being paid for by the taxpayers. Spin doctors are spinning this publicity all the time.

The people are waiting for this election. It is five years since we had one and I am looking forward to it. County Mayo will be like Vietnam. There will be battles in every part of the constituency.

I can guarantee that.

And they will not all be with Fianna Fáil.

There will be very few with Fianna Fáil. I hope the Deputy's colleagues are listening.

The people are waiting in the long grass. I spoke to a man the other day at the St. Patrick's Day parade. He said there was a time when we got 240 pence for the pound, then it went to 100 pence and since this Government came in, it is down to 77 pence. He wondered why we are letting them away with this and why they are on the radio every day of the week spinning about how well the economy is going.

This Government has allowed the rich to get richer – I am sure they will look after the Government in return – but the poor have got poorer and the middle classes are being squeezed. The sooner the general election is held, the better because the people are looking forward to giving their verdict on the Government. We do not need to ask what the Dublin media thinks of the Government. They think the Government is wonderful and no wonder because it has given so many of them jobs. Journalists have been taken out of RTE and Independent Newspapers and jobs have been created for them as spin doctors and consultants.

Fine Gael has created a few jobs too.

They are being paid more than Members of the Oireachtas. I say good luck to them. They might as well enjoy this time because it will end very shortly. The plain people of Ireland will express their view of the Government.

Today we heard an important announcement regarding gas. Gas is coming to Tullamore.

I am reluctant to intervene, Deputy Ring.

In respect to the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I will finish quickly. The people of the west of Ireland will speak on the gas issue. A natural resource is being taken out of my county and brought to the big cities which are rep resented by Ministers. In respect to the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I will sit down.

God help poor Deputy Kenny.

More gas to the electorate.

The average person would regard the Minister for Finance as a practical man who has shown a great awareness of public concerns and has gone about his business in a practical way. He is to be commended for that. However, in the past two and a half years the Government has lost the sense of urgency necessary to deal with the economic problems now arising. High volume producers in this country face dark clouds. Napoleon called China a sleeping giant which should be left to sleep lest when it awoke it would move the world. Average rates of pay are currently $1 per hour in China compared to $20 here. If we do not do research and development in the areas of technology and environmental and health technology, and if we do not plough money into education, we will find ourselves at the back of the class in the next 15 to 20 years. The entry of new members to the European Union who have invested extensively in education and whose workforces are prepared to work at lower rates of pay than ours will present us with problems. The Government has lost its sense of urgency and focus in facing these challenges.

The downturn in the trade figures is a cause of serious concern. In a recent interview Deputy Spring said he would not mind being appointed Minister with responsibility for trade in the next Government. Like Deputy McCreevy, I have been a Minister with responsibility for trade. Experience tells me that the Minister with responsibility for trade in the next Government should be given that task as a full-time job. It is only when one has led trade missions abroad that one sees the impact and success that can be gained by them in countries where we want to break into markets for quality products.

The tax credits which were introduced in the budget are calculated at the rate of 20% of the relevant allowances. Previously a taxpayer received tax relief at the top rate of 40% or 42%. A bill of £1,000 for the VHI, for example, would entitle a taxpayer to relief of £420. However, tax credits are calculated at the rate of 20% so that the relief on £1,000 is now only £200 and the taxpayer must pay £220 more tax. To present tax credits in the way the Minister has done is a sleight of hand. From 2002, for example, the VHI must reduce its bills by that amount. However, the VHI has already increased its premia by more than 9%. Where is the real value of this tax relief?

Whatever Government the people elect will be faced with a series of emerging difficulties which are becoming more urgent by the day. If the current trend of business closures continues and if we do not make an impact abroad, our net immigration could be transformed into a labour sur plus. Investment in education and in research and development is critical to our future as a country which has been held aloft internationally as the jewel of European economies. We are in the lap of the gods.

Nowhere have the Government's economic policies failed more than in rural Ireland. We see people leaving rural areas, particularly in the west and in my constituency of Limerick West, because farming is in difficulty. One can no longer make a living on a family sized farm as one did 20 or 30 years ago. Some say this is inevitable but that is debatable. Nothing is replacing the family farm.

Infrastructure is not being put in place to attract people back to rural Ireland. The practice of constructing single houses in the countryside is coming under pressure. There is concern about ribbon development and the environmental effect of septic tanks. People are rightly concerned about these matters although, in many cases, I believe they are overly concerned. Policies which discourage the building of single houses in the countryside are not being compensated for by the provision of proper infrastructure in villages. We talk about cluster development and the development of villages, but this needs infrastructure. The most important piece of infrastructure for the development of a village is a sewerage scheme. One cannot build ten houses in a village if one does not provide a sewerage scheme. Septic tanks are not sufficient. The Government has singularly failed in this regard. It has paid lip service to the development of rural villages while not providing the necessary infrastructure. Rural development also needs modern water schemes. We are extremely concerned in my own area. We have lobbied for years for the development of the Shannon Estuary and the improvement of the N69 between Limerick and Foynes and onwards to Glin. It is recognised that there is an opportunity for development in the area. There is an excellent port in Foynes which could provide for marine industries. There is a 200 acre site in Askeaton which is serviced by Shannon Development and the IDA. When investors visit the region, they point out that there is an excellent airport at Shannon and an excellent port at Foynes but they cannot get to the port because of the standard of the roads.

We hoped the NRA would give a substantial commitment to the improvement of the N69 this year and we are disappointed that has not happened. It is a disgrace not alone because of the opportunity that exists for development but because people must travel that road to work in Limerick, Aughinish, Askeaton and Foynes. It is also a scenic route that could aid the development of the tourism industry in the area.

We are also extremely concerned about the village of Kildimo, which is on a fast section of that route. The people of Kildimo have been seeking traffic calming measures for the past ten years for the safety of the villagers. The NRA has also said this will not be done this year even though Limerick County Council has all the relevant information. It is not good enough and I ask the Minster to examine the development of rural villages and the estuary on the Limerick side through improvements works along the N69 and in Kildimo village.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all the words after "That Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"notes the sound and successful economic and budgetary policies of the Government which have resulted in unprecedented growth in living standards and employment, enabling strong improvement in public investment and service provision in tandem with a continued easing of the burden of taxation and national debt and the establishment of the National Pensions Reserve Fund".

I am very glad of this opportunity to set out the Government's record of achievement since we came to office. This record will stand the test of time and the assessment of the electorate. What is just as important as the progress we have made is the fact that the Government's economic and fiscal policies have placed the economy in a strong position to take full advantage of the international economic upswing, which various indicators suggest has already begun.

The key issue is which policies are best for the future. The Government has followed a strategy of building up our economic infrastructure and rewarding work and effort by putting in place a supportive tax regime. It has shared the fruits of economic growth fairly in the community by creating approximately 300,000 jobs – this is the best way to bring about real social inclusion – but also by directing very substantial extra resources to those outside the workforce. It has set about providing for our future through the National Pensions Reserve Fund and through radical changes I introduced in the tax system to foster individual pension provision. We have done this while running a budget surplus.

These are sound, productive and forward looking policies. They seek to set us on a path away from the misguided high tax and high spend policies of the past, which I sincerely hope have had their day. We are the envy of Europe in this regard. We are celebrated in the international press for our achievements. I am asked regularly by international commentators for insights into our experience. The judgment of our peers abroad on how successful we have been is much different to the picture which the motion seeks to portray.

Since coming into office on 26 June 1997, the Government has created an economic climate which has helped our economy to prosper and has put the fruits of our economic success to good use. We have delivered on our promises; achieved a level of employment in the economy never seen previously; reformed the taxation system, especially personal taxation; improved our public services and infrastructure and distributed resources fairly; significantly reduced our national debt burden and run budget surpluses; and, made provision for the future by establishing the National Pensions Reserve Fund.

The sound management of the economy has been one of the cornerstones of the Government's success. We have achieved one of the best economic performances in the world over the past four years. Since 1997 the economy has grown, in GDP terms, by an annual average of almost 10%. Living standards, in per capita consumption terms, have risen by almost one third. Involuntary emigration is virtually unknown and approximately 300,000 new jobs have been created. As a result, unemployment fell from 10.3% in 1997 to an average of 3.9% last year and long-term unemployment has fallen from 5.6% to 1.2%. This record outshines that of our main European partners.

Our economic prospects are good provided we continue to pursue the right policies and secure our competitiveness. The Government's policies offer the best prospect of meeting those criteria. At budget time I indicated that I expected a GDP growth rate for Ireland in 2002 of just under 4%. This is still a reasonable estimate and compares favourably with the European Commission's forecast for this year for the European Union as a whole of about 1.5% GDP growth.

While opinion is still divided as to the pace of the recovery in the international economy, the consensus is that the US economy is recovering. The recently published fourth quarter US GDP data supports that view. The recovery in the US will be a strong boost to both the EU economy generally and to our own. Looking forward, I am in no doubt that the economy is in good shape and is well positioned to take advantage of the improvement in the international climate as the year progresses so that we can return to our trend GDP growth level of approximately 5% from 2003 onwards.

However, this is not to say we can take success as given. We must keep our eye on the ball. As a small, open economy with large-scale dependence on trade and foreign investment, it is imperative for our continued success that the economy remains competitive. That is why social partnership has been so important to our economic success as moderate and predictable wage developments have underpinned our competitiveness. It is crucial that an inflationary mentality does not take hold. Inflation will ease as the year proceeds because the factors causing the upswing now are largely transitional. We cannot take our success for granted and we must all keep working for it.

The Government has used the fruits of economic growth to put the public finances on a more sound footing. We have also reduced the general government debt from 74% of GDP in 1996 to an estimated 34% at the end of this year. That is a huge reduction of 40 percentage points of GDP. In 1996 interest payments came to 46% of income tax receipts while today's figure is 21%. This is a measure of the tax savings from reducing the debt burden. This year we will again have the second lowest general government debt ratio in the EU.

We have run budget surpluses during our period in office. The Government has not sought to borrow to fund its tax and welfare commitments in any of its five budgets. This is a major achievement and will leave the public finances in good stead for the future. We have had unhappy experiences in the past of high borrowing levels and the difficulty which Governments had in bringing this under control, even in good times. All parties looking forward should understand the downsides of borrowing to sustain public expenditure.

The Government has used the benefits of economic growth to deliver on its promise of tax reform. A key part of our programme was our commitment to reduce personal taxation and to encourage people to take up work. In our five budgets, almost €4.8 billion in tax reductions has been delivered. The standard rate of tax has been cut from 26% to 20%. The higher rate has been reduced from 48% to 42%. The initial entry point to taxation has been more than doubled. These changes delivered substantial increases in real disposable income for all taxpayers. Furthermore, the introduction of tax credits has made the income tax system more equitable. To be fair, Members opposite have acknowledged these positive achievements and do not have a fundamental issue with them.

Following the last budget more than 690,000 income earners or 37% of those on Revenue's records are outside the tax net. The corresponding figures when we took office were 380,000 or 26%. I would remind the House that, of the €4.8 billion in tax reductions in the Government's five budgets 43% has gone on increasing the basic tax allowances, or credits as they are now, including the PAYE allowance; a further 22% went in taking more than 370,000 taxpayers off the top rate of tax; over 16% went to reduce the standard rate of tax paid by all taxpayers; and just 11% went to cut the top rate of income tax. All taxpayers have benefited substantially from the major tax reforms and tax reductions the Government has carried out. The Government has been a Government for all taxpayers.

In setting out the Government's record on taxation, I would like to remind the House of some of the key measures introduced in the budget. We took more low income earners out of the tax net altogether and a substantial number of those on middle incomes were moved from the top rate of tax to the standard rate. In addition, we took another large step towards achieving the aim of moving the income tax entry point to the level of the minimum wage. Both of these measures made further progress towards meeting the policy objectives of the Government and the social part ners in this area over time, as agreed in the Programme for Prosperity and Fairness.

The last budget brought the entry point to the tax net for a single person to over €209 per week and took 68,000 low income earners out of the tax net altogether. When we came into office the corresponding entry point was £77 or almost €98 per week. The single standard rate band was also increased by €2,605 to €28,000 with relevant changes to the married bands. This took 57,000 taxpayers from the higher rate of income tax in 2002.

The Government has also shown its commitment to the elderly in the area of income tax. When we came into office, the income tax exemption limits for those aged 65 and over were as low as £4,600 per annum single and £9,200 married. They have been more than doubled, removing a substantial number of elderly taxpayers from the tax net.

As part of its tax rate reduction policies, and following an agreement reached with the EU Commission, the Government will have reduced the standard rate of corporation tax from 36% in 1997 to 12.5% from 1 January 2003. Business has responded to this reduction by creating hundreds of thousands of new jobs. Our corporation tax rate will help to ensure that Ireland will continue to remain an attractive location for foreign direct investment which has played a key role in Ireland's economic success over the past ten years. The Government has also helped businesses and shareholders in companies by reducing the rate of capital gains tax from 40% to 20%, resulting in a more than five-fold increase in the yield from this tax between 1997 and 2001.

Our tax policies have sought to promote investment, reward effort, encourage risk-taking and secure equity in the distribution of resources as best one can. Our move to a tax credit system offers greater scope for marrying more coherently the incentive and equity aspects of our tax code for the benefit of all income earners. It will allow us to target tax reliefs better than we do now.

The Government has delivered on its promise to improve our infrastructure. We have committed significant resources, especially to roads, public transport and housing. Capital spending has increased from just €2 billion in 1997 to just over €5.7 billion in 2002. Even with such a high level of investment in our infrastructure, more is needed in order to meet the growing needs of the economy and the Government is committed to this.

The national development plan is key to meeting our infrastructure needs. Contrary to what some maintain, there has been an excellent roll-out of the NDP infrastructure programme over the first two years of the plan. The evidence of this is visible throughout the country as infrastructure projects of unprecedented scale, especially in the transport and environment areas, are either currently under construction or at various stages of planning.

Particular attention has been focused in recent times on progress in the NDP roads programme. Over the first three years of the plan the Exchequer has provided gross funding of some €2.5 billion for the roads programme, which is €260 million above that committed in the published operational programme. This has facilitated an excellent roll-out of the roads programme in the key first two years of the plan. The evidence is there for all to see. Progress is evident on the Dublin port tunnel, the M50 and the M1 to Dundalk and beyond, to name but a few key projects. We are committed – as will be clear from what is an historically huge level of investment in the roads programme – to ensuring that there will be no undue delay in projects that are essential for national and regional development. We are moving into the third year of a seven year investment programme with the objective of ensuring that by the end of 2006 there will be a transformation of our road network.

In public transport, the Luas is proceeding apace. In addition, while not part of the national development plan, the Government has recently invited expressions of interest for the development of a metro system on a PPP basis. Additional rolling stock on the DART, the first since it opened, is now in operation providing significantly improved transport services in the Dublin area. Under the NDP, Iarnród Éireann is seeing the first major Exchequer public investment in railway infrastructure for decades. In public transport we have also seen improvements in Dublin Bus and Bus Éireann.

In the area of housing, my colleague the Minister for State at the Department of Environment and Local Government recently announced the fifth record year for housing output. Over 52,600 new homes were completed last year. We are building houses at a rate of more than 13 per 1,000 population, which is by far the highest rate of house building in Europe. In terms of social housing, over 5,000 local authority houses were completed or acquired last year, the highest level of output for over 15 years. Output under the voluntary housing programmes in 2001 was some 1,200 units, the highest level ever achieved by the sector.

Reflecting this performance in implementing the NDP, it is estimated that during the three years from 2000 to 2002, over €10.1 billion will have been invested in economic and social infrastructure under the plan. This is in excess of the commitment in the published operational programmes. More significantly, by the end of 2002, the Exchequer will have provided over €750 million more than originally promised.

The Government is also delivering on its promise to improve public services. We have focused in particular on health, education and social inclusion. We promised to develop a quality health service. Between 1997 and 2002 we have increased the gross allocation to the Department of Health and Children by over €4.5 billion or 125%. In numbers terms, we now have more than 4,000 additional doctors, nurses and other health-care professionals. Hospital waiting lists have been reduced by one fifth during the Government's term of office. Target specialities have seen a particularly sharp drop in waiting lists since December 2000. The waiting list for cardiac surgery is down by 49% and the ENT waiting list is down by 22%.

Behind this waiting list reduction lies a huge increase in the throughput and workload of our hospitals. The number of medical procedures performed has almost doubled over the past five years from 422,000 per annum to 825,000 per annum. While certain problems continue to exist, nevertheless the increased expenditure on health services over the period has delivered a significant advance in the level of service provision.

By targeting investment in health services strategically, the Government is committed to funding further significant improvements. As part of the health strategy, 700 new beds will come on stream in the current year at a cost of €65 million. A treatment purchase fund to reduce waiting lists is also being put in place, with a budget of €30 million to purchase capacity for public patients either in private hospitals or in hospitals abroad. By the end of 2002, the aim is that no adult will wait longer than 12 months and no child will wait longer than six months for any hospital treatment and that by 2005 no patient will wait longer than three months.

The Government has also made targeted investments in services for people with disabilities for which the 2002 budget set aside an additional €55 million. This includes provision for an additional 500 rehabilitative training places. There has also been a significant increase in the level of funding for services for the elderly. An additional €49 million was provided for this in the 2002 budget. Also, a further €10 million has been provided in 2002 to develop additional services to address youth homelessness, with particular emphasis on services for children in need of special care and protection.

I have repeatedly highlighted the fact that we also need to ensure that the very significant funding which is now being committed to the health services is accompanied by the highest standards of efficiency and effectiveness and the Government is committed to this.

The Government also promised major investment in the area of education. We have delivered on that promise. Since coming into office, capital funding for building and refurbishing our schools has almost quadrupled. In 1997, only 30 primary school projects were under way. In contrast, there are currently 84 primary school projects either in construction or at the tender phase, with construction about to commence. In 1997, only 12 major projects were sanctioned at second level, compared with a record 125 such projects in 2001. Class sizes in primary and secondary schools are at their lowest level for many years. This year alone, an additional €3 million is being provided to appoint an extra 350 teachers at first level and 200 teachers at second level from the commencement of the next school year. There are now 20,000 more third level places, enabling far more children to prepare themselves for their future in a modern economy. An additional €10 million was also provided in the last budget for a range of measures in the education sector to assist pupils with disabilities and to provide improved services in the special needs education area.

However, providing resources alone is not the complete answer to improving public services. I am committed to ensuring that value for money is achieved across the major spending programmes. My Department is driving a number of reforms to improve the overall management of public expenditure and it will continue to seek the full co-operation of Departments in delivering both effectiveness and efficiency in the provision of services.

My philosophy in relation to public spending is clear. When there is money available I am willing to invest it in our public services. However, I am not prepared to stand over an approach which would set our public finances on an unsustainable path. We cannot spend what we do not have. Significant pressures for additional spending over the next few years already exist. We must all work to ensure that the response to these pressures is based on the long-term interests of our economy. We need to achieve an appropriate match between spending and resources going forward.

The Government is committed to social inclusion. In the PPF, the Government undertook to progressively introduce social inclusion measures with a total cost in the year 2003 of €1.9 billion. In the event, the combined cost of social inclusion measures introduced in the last two budgets alone, even before any account is taken of improvements provided for during the annual Estimates process, was over €3 billion in a full year.

Let us reflect for a moment on some of the key achievements in the social welfare area over the past few years. The lowest rate of social welfare payment now stands at €118.80 per week for a single person, an increase of 43% since 1997. The old age contributory pension is now €147.30 per week for a single person. This is an increase of 49% since 1997 and well in excess of the £100 per week target which we originally set in an Action Programme for the Millennium. The rate for a couple aged 66 years or over has risen even faster and now stands at €261.10 per week, an increase of 54% over our five years in office. From April of this year, the monthly rate of child benefit will be €117.60 for each of the first and second children and €147.30 for each of the third and subsequent children. This is a virtual trebling of the payment rates and means that the PPF commitments in this area have already been exceeded. There have also been many other improvements in the social welfare area, such as relaxation of means tests, accelerated increases in qualified adult allowances, extension of the free schemes and earlier implementation of social welfare increases, all of which combine to enhance the position of the elderly, carers, disabled and other vulnerable groups.

The success of these measures in improving the living standards of the most vulnerable people is confirmed by the research data. The latest figures from the Economic and Social Research Institute show that the level of consistent poverty, as targeted by the national anti-poverty strategy continues to fall. It stood at 6% of the population in 2000, down from 15% in 1994. Particularly welcome is the very substantial fall in levels of consistent poverty among children, down from 23.5% of children in 1994 to just 8% in 2000.

However, this Government recognises that challenges remain. We are determined to build further on the progress already achieved. To that end, following a very comprehensive review of the existing national anti-poverty strategy involving all of the social partners, the Taoiseach and Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs recently launched Building an Inclusive Society, an ambitious plan which seeks to continue the development of a more inclusive society. Among the central goals of that plan are an objective of reducing, and ideally eliminating, poverty in Ireland; a specific target of eliminating long-term unemployment and a new benchmark for the lowest social welfare payments of €150 per week by 2007, in 2002 terms. These policy priorities, combined with a continuation of the sound economic and fiscal policies of recent years, provide the framework which will ensure everyone has both the opportunity and skills to participate in economic and social progress.

The Government has not just used the fruits of our economic success to provide for today's needs. It has also begun to provide for our future needs. I established the National Pensions Reserve Fund because, in common with other industrialised countries, Ireland is set to experience a significant ageing of its population over the coming decades and this will give rise to a serious financial burden on the State. It will put a severe strain on the capacity of all Governments to fund social welfare and public service pension liabilities on a "pay as you go" basis. Today there is a ratio of five persons of working age for every person aged 65 or over. By mid-century, it is projected there will only be two persons of working age for every person aged 65 years or over. If we do nothing to anticipate that development now, the consequence will be either that taxes will have to rise dramatically when that time arrives or the value of pensions in real terms will have to be reduced.

The purpose of the National Pensions Reserve Fund is, therefore, to move from sole reliance on pay as you go and introduce part-prefunding of our future liabilities. It is a long-term project from which we should not be deflected in the early years. Pension liabilities are as real as any other and the fact that they will not arise until some point in the future does not mean they need not be addressed now. It is for this reason I provided for a statutory minimum contribution to the fund of 1% of GNP each year with the option to make additional contributions by resolution of the Dáil when circumstances allow. This is a level which will make a significant contribution to future pension costs and is a sustainable commitment.

In addition to the statutory contribution, the Government has already set aside the net proceeds of the sale of the former Telecom Éireann and 1% of GNP in 1999 and 2000 to kick-start the fund. At the end of last year, the total value of moneys standing to the credit of the fund was €7.7 billion. Under the tax code, I have made significant and radical changes in the incentives for individuals to provide for their own pensions. These changes make it more attractive to provide a pension for oneself, more feasible to retain control of one's pension portfolio and make pension products more portable. These changes will more than prove their worth when it comes to dealing with pension issues in the future.

The establishment of the National Pensions Reserve Fund will help to smooth the Exchequer burden arising from our additional pension commitments and introduces a new strategic long-term element into budgetary planning. This is our nest-egg for the future. In my view, we should not deploy it to meet short-term priorities. The ageing burden is an inevitable cost. It is not something we can avoid or dispel, or over which we have any real measure of discretion. That is why we must save to provide for it and why we must start saving now.

At the outset I reminded the House that the Government has fostered a climate in which it has been possible to deliver on our promises. In many cases, we have actually exceeded our commitments. There is no doubt we have improved the standard of living and the level of public services. We have also ensured the economy can continue to deliver good levels of growth so that we can make further progress into the future. I have no doubt that all parties wish to make this economy stronger, more productive and more capable of meeting our economic and social priorities. The Government's record shows that we have policies that work now and will work for the future.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Rabbitte who will continue the contribution of my party tomorrow.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I was reading the Fine Gael document today and rereading the budgetary documentation produced last December in the context of the Fine Gael documentation. I was struck, not for the first time, by the extent to which things have changed so dramatically in the past year or so. In his budget of December 2000 the Minister was able to do extraordinary things. He was able to reduce tax, project an increase in public expenditure in excess of 20%, reduce the national debt considerably and even allow himself the odd peccadillo, such as the special savings scheme. One has to remark how quickly things have changed. In his budget introduced just 12 weeks ago, the Minister effectively jumped through every hoop conceivable to avoid the ignominy, as he clearly thinks it to be, of borrowing. He effectively camouflaged a budget deficit of close to €2 billion by raiding every fund available and magically turned it into an apparent surplus of €170 million.

Then I listened to the Fianna Fáil Ard Fheis a few weeks ago and heard the Taoiseach and the Minister make very interesting speeches. I am not sure whether the scripts provided tallied exactly with the way they were delivered, but it certainly sounded to me as if the Taoiseach was ruling out borrowing. Not only that, he attacked with great vehemence and vigour those parties – I presume he meant mine – which have engaged in what he called "reckless borrowing". He ruled this out into the future. The Minister, unless I misheard him, appeared to go even further and suggested borrowing was a terrible thing which no responsible Government could possibly consider.

Either I am missing something serious or the Taoiseach, the Minister and their party were either codding themselves or were looking to cod the people. It is explicitly clear in the budgetary documentation produced by the Minister a few months ago that the starting position in a few months' time will be an Exchequer deficit of close to €3 billion. What exactly is the Taoiseach saying to us? Is he saying that the Government will turn that starting deficit into a balanced budget? If that is to be done, it will be necessary, as the Taoiseach and the Minister know, to cut public expenditure not just in real terms but in actual terms as well. Is the Taoiseach trying to pretend that the starting position is different from what we know it to be? I suspect he is either trying to cod himself or cod the public.

For many years Fianna Fáil has been all things to all men and, for much of the life of the Government, it has been in a position to do that. Now is a time for real choices. If the Minister wants to avoid borrowing, he will have to engage in cuts, not just real cuts but actual cuts. If he wants to fund the national development plan, as he appears to be committed to doing, he will have to borrow and it will have to be real borrowing, probably quite substantial at that. If he wants to improve services, which he again claims he is committed to doing, he will have to find the money somewhere.

In the document launched by the Fine Gael Party yesterday, a similar problem arises. It was a decent job of work and someone has clearly engaged in a great deal of honest endeavour and has done what I know to be tedious but nonetheless quite useful work.

Are we smelling the beginning of a coalition?

That was the good bit. I saw a headline in the Irish Independent today, which incidentally did not sit very comfortably with the story, to the effect that at last there was a party engaging in radical thinking. Whatever else the Fine Gael document may entail, radical thinking it is not. It amounts to something which could very easily be produced by the Minister of State's colleague in the Department of Finance. It is prudent budget management into the future. There is no policy change. It is roughly the same commitment in terms of capital spending for the next number of years and roughly the same commitment as the current Government would be likely to make in terms of current spending into the future, give or take one or two percentage points. I am sorry that the Acting Chairman is not in a position to respond because I know he would like to. Perhaps he will get the opportunity to do so tomorrow.

Radical thinking the document certainly is not, but it will also clearly entail, perhaps not immediately or next year but certainly the year after next, a significant cut in the rate of increase in current expenditure from that which we have seen in the past two years, from the projected increase of 14% to something in the region of 9.5%. That sits uncomfortably with the central message which I took from the press conference given by the leader of Fine Gael that we would have the best public services in Europe, not tomorrow, not next year but perhaps in a number of years. The message appears to be the same as that coming from the Government, that even though one may cut expenditure and will not raise taxes, one can nonetheless have significantly improved services.

As I listened carefully for 40 minutes to Members of Fine Gael list things which needed to be done and deficiencies in the use of public money in their constituencies – no doubt the same would be said by people on the Fianna Fáil benches – I noticed they did not draw the logical conclusion which surely must follow from that, namely, that we are not spending enough. That appears in the Fine Gael document and it will be said privately by Fianna Fáil Members that we spend a good deal less than most other European Union countries. Fine Gael has identified that we have the second lowest level of investment in public services and social security in the European Union.

I agree with that analysis, but we must get over the thinking that we can get something for nothing because the public knows that is not the case. It is certainly true to say, and to this extent I go along with colleagues who have made this point, that additional money, public spending and resources do not necessarily mean one gets better services. Unfortunately, we have had all too much experience of that in recent years. However, surely it can also be said that, without additional money, resources, public spending and private spending for that matter, one will not get better public services. That is the bottom line and all colleagues in the House, whatever constituency they represent, know that to be the basic fact of the matter.

There are, broadly speaking, three interlinked challenges which will face the Government which comes into power in six or eight weeks' time. One is how to deal with the health service, another is how to deal with the infrastructural deficit, in other words, the national development plan, and the other is the issue of improving public services. I wish to spend a few minutes on health to begin with.

The reason I choose this topic is because, as I am sure others in the House will agree, it is the major issue which surfaces when canvassing. I have, as most of us have at this stage, been on the road for a very long time knocking on doors in my constituency and I will happily say that it is the only major issue of a national kind which arises regularly. One meets people who have had bad experiences in accident and emergency, with waiting lists or in trying to get an appointment with a consultant. I received a letter today from the Northern Area Health Board concerning two people about whom I was inquiring regarding orthodontic services for which they have been on a list since 1996. It told me that the list was being reviewed and that, when it was completed, the board would see whether it could give the people an appointment. They have been on the list for six years and that is apparently something we are meant to consider acceptable in this time of unprecedented economic opportunity.

We all know there is a problem with the health services, and I include in that the Government and the Minister for Health and Children. What did they do? They clearly identified this problem a better part of a year ago as the major potential election issue and the Minister for Health and Children was charged with working out a way of dealing with it. In fairness to him and his Department, they clearly attempted to do so in good faith. During the course of last summer and for some months beforehand, they worked to produce the health strategy. The first warning signals occurred in Ballymascanlon when the Department and the Minister sought to brief the Cabinet only to have their efforts torpedoed subsequently by the Minister for Finance who made it quite clear that he thought that the case for additional health spending was not well made. The Minister and the Department ploughed on regardless and, in November, published the strategy amid a great deal of fanfare and acclaim.

It is a glossy brochure of between 150 and 170 pages. There are several other additional glossy brochures going with it dealing with primary care, the resource requirements within the services, manpower and so on. I have read it all quite carefully and it amounts to a compelling case for additional resources and spending. The strategy is costed at £6 billion in additional spending, which is about €7.5 billion, and £4 billion in additional current spending in 2001 terms. We have had hopelessly inadequate public debate about this. What the strategy argues for in effect is a dramatic increase in the level of both current and capital spending on health.

It argues for increasing our spend from roughly 6.5% of GNP just a couple of years ago to very close to twice that figure, bringing us from the bottom of the EU league to very close to the top. Unfortunately, we have not had any real public debate on the matter. In November 2001, the Government signed off on the strategy but in December – just a couple of weeks later – the Minister for Finance, in his budget, provided virtually no extra finance. The figure was probably somewhere between €40 million and €70 million depending on what you care to take, but virtually nothing in the context of the overall funding requirements of the health service.

Only a few days ago, just 12 weeks into a ten year strategy, the Minister for Finance wrote in the Irish Medical Times that the current rate of funding increase in the health service is unsustainable and that it does not require a brain surgeon to suggest that if we allow health spending to increase at its current rate, levels of taxation will have to increase in order to maintain the necessary balance in our public finances. He goes on to make it clear he has no intention of doing that. The Minister for Finance – the man who writes the cheques and advises the Government on the funding of the health service – is effectively tearing up the strategy within 12 weeks of its publication. The Minister is making it clear that not only does he deeply resent the funding he has had to provide over the past four or five years, but that he has no intention of providing funding into the future. He feels free to say this within 12 weeks of the strategy's publication and apparently there has been no comment on it. This is utterly unacceptable.

There are many aspects of the health strategy with which I do not agree. The two-tier model in the means of access to the health system is unacceptable. It is further unacceptable that one is admitted to hospital or accesses a service or treatment largely on the basis of whether one can afford it, less so on the basis of medical need. Medical need should be the only criterion for access to decent health care and the fact that the strategy does not deal with that issue in any serious way is a major flaw. The strategy is also deficient because the Labour Party favours a universal insurance scheme which would be part-funded by the State for those who cannot afford it. We disagree on that but let us leave it to one side.

We are willing to accept that there are huge capacity problems within the service. We removed 3,000 beds in the 1980s and we need to put them back. This is provided for in the strategy and I agree that it must be done, but it will require money. We also agree with the need for additional assessment rehabilitation beds for older people. We agree there is a need to provide primary care centres – 200 of them perhaps – which will require a large amount of money. It will also cost money to provide GP co-operatives and the various other step-down facilities for older people that are clearly needed. Beaumont Hospital in my own constituency is largely "blocked" if that is the right word – I do not intend it to be derogatory – in the sense that it is full of older people who should not be there. We do not have the level of step-down care and the number of beds required to accommodate these people in nursing homes where they could access para-medical assistance or something less than that which is available to them in hospitals. The hospital beds are being badly used in a fashion that is detrimental to those who could better use them, including some of those who are required to spend time on trolleys in accident and emergency departments. We need all this additional capacity but we have had no debate and we have a Government which has no intention of engaging in it. This is the major challenge and priority for funding in the next four or five years and I see no sign that the Government is tackling it.

I will go some distance with the Minister because I acknowledge that there has been progress on some levels but rather less on others. This is the first time since we joined the EU, or EEC as it was formerly known, that we have been required to provide virtually all of our capital spending on infrastructural requirements from our own resources. For much of the late 1980s and 1990s it was effectively paid for by the German, Dutch and Swedish taxpayers and our better-off colleagues in the EU. That is no longer the case. The money must now come out of our back pocket and, therefore, it has brought more focus to the argument than there has previously been.

The national development plan is now into its third year and has seven years to run in total. It was not originally intended to comprise the entire capital budget but that is how it has ended up. Even if one accepts that as being inevitable, two things emerge when one examines it. First, in some important areas, roads being the most obvious, we are likely to overspend the amount of money committed without achieving what is required. In other areas, of which health is an example, we will neither spend what was provided for nor get what is required. I acknowledge there have been problems in relation to roads in the areas of construction inflation, planning and landowners who are reluctant to allow access to their property to allow the planning process to get under way. Nevertheless, the plan is hopelessly behind time in terms of planning and delivery. The plan calls for about 900 kilometres of motorway and dual carriageway of which less than 10% has been delivered.

A story in the Irish Independent a few days ago set out a list of five projects which have been put on hold until the end of this year. These are projects that should have proceeded this year but which will not now be funded. They include the Ennis bypass, the Carrickmacross bypass, the Sligo inner relief road, the Castleisland to Abbeyfeale road and the Enniscorthy to Clonroche road. All of them were apparently close to the end of the tender process but are now shelved due to lack of money. When the Minister for the Environment and Local Government tells us that the money is there and the plan is being rolled out, we know from the NRA that this is not the case and that some of the more important projects have had to be shelved or postponed. The problem with this is that, in order to deliver projects of this kind in a coherent way, there must be an element of predictability about it. When one starts into the planning, tendering and route selection process, one needs to know it is going somewhere. What has caused us so many problems is that we proceed in fits and starts. Frequently, when we have assessed a project and selected a route, we leave it on the shelf for another ten years, until such time as we can progress it to the next stage. By the time we have done that, the original selection plan is out of date and inadequate for our purposes. The serious problem of unpredictability is one that undermines the way we have been trying to deliver this plan.

There are still huge areas of the public service which are entirely deficient and some of them were alluded to earlier, public transport being a case in point. We are getting the first DART carriages in the 20 years since the service came into existence although the Government has promised them every year. I have listened to the Minister for the Environment and Local Government and his colleague, the Minister for Public Enterprise tell us that we will have longer new carriages and longer platforms but this did not happen until the past few months when we got a few additional DART carriages. It is great, but it is four or five years too late. Heaven knows how we are going to build the metro. It is not in the national development plan but no matter what price we put on it –€8 billion or €10 billion – I cannot understand how we can be asked to take seriously a Government which with a Luas system virtually ready to run says that it can now deliver a metro system which is infinitely more expensive, far more complicated and will require a great deal more planning. I find it difficult to take the Government seriously.

When this Government took power, it inherited decisions in terms of expenditure reviews which the previous Government had made. The Comptroller and Auditor General recently undertook a review of those reviews, following which he discovered that many Departments were slow to start work on their schedules and were also slow in carrying out those they did start. The review went on to state that the level and value of work done fell far short of the level of coverage intended when the reviews started. We have not taken seriously the business of value-for-money expenditure reviews. Our failure to do so is partly responsible for our failure to deliver the improvements in public services we should have received from the money we spent.

Debate adjourned.
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