Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 17 Apr 2002

Vol. 552 No. 1

Private Members' Business. - Street Crime: Motion.

Mr. Shatter

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

conscious of the fear prevailing in the country following the most recent increase in violent deaths, and aware of the need to restore a sense of security on our streets,

noting that six people died violently in the past week alone, including two members of the Garda Síochána in the course of their duty,

noting that there has been an increase of 131% in assaults causing harm in the year 2000, and

aware that the Government's refusal to accept the reality of the astounding increase in street violence has allowed a situation to develop whereby only one in four assaults are reported to the gardaí,

condemns this Government for allowing zero tolerance to become zero action in relation to street violence.

I wish to share time with Deputies Coveney, Allen and Crawford, by agreement. The last seven or eight days have been a particularly appalling period in relation to street violence. We have already today paid tribute to the two brave members of the Garda Síochána who lost their lives at the weekend, the funeral of one of whom was attended by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, other Members of the House and I today. Over the past week, four people have been killed on the streets of Dublin. There have been numerous stabbings, shootings and assaults. Street violence has now reached epidemic proportions.

For over two years in this House, the Fine Gael party has raised the escalating problem of street violence and has put pressure on the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to address the problem. He has continued to ignore it. Five years ago, this Minister spoke of zero tolerance. He took the phrase from New York. There, the concept of zero tolerance was used in circumstances where people were fearful to walk the streets, particularly at night but in some areas by day, for fear of grievous assault. Gangs gathered on street corners, assaulting innocent people, creating mayhem and murder on the streets and making life intolerable, not only for those who lived in New York, but for those who visited it.

The Minister used the phrase "zero tolerance" to give the impression that, should he be returned to Government and should he be appointed Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, he would solve problems of public order on our streets that do not remotely resemble the serious state that has been reached five years into his term of office. Zero tolerance was about making the streets safe at a time when no one would deny there were difficulties. However, those difficulties pale into insignificance in the context of what the citizens of this country are currently confronted with in every town and city.

Zero tolerance was a cynical and cute election slogan which has proved utterly meaningless. Rather than applying the concept of zero tolerance, the Minister has shown zero capacity to even acknowledge the extent of the problem. While he has been paralysed by inaction and glorying in self-praise and self-justification, people are being bludgeoned on the streets of Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Galway and the towns of Ireland. Young men are being kicked senseless late at night by drunken gangs. Gangs of drunken youths now play a game in Dublin where they take turns in attacking people to see, with one kick, how many teeth they can kick out of a person lying on the ground. If one member of the gang only kicks three teeth out, the same gang will later attack someone else innocently walking the streets and a mate of the first guy will see if another kick is more effective.

We have reached the stage where 95% of those living in Dublin city and county believe it is unsafe to walk alone in the city centre at night. Similar numbers of people in Cork, Limerick and Galway, when surveyed by the Fine Gael Party in an entirely objective survey, have given the same answer. Some 70% of people do not feel safe walking alone in their own communities at night. There is genuine fear on the streets of our cities and towns. This Minister has ignored what is happening and has utterly failed to address the problem.

When this issue was raised by the Fine Gael Party in a motion some months ago, the Minister defended his position. We listened to a lengthy speech on his achievements and on how he was the best Minister in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform since the foundation of the State, and probably the best Minister for Justice on the entire planet, in the context of comparing his achievements with any country in any part of the world since time began. No doubt, we will hear the same glorious speech tonight in which he will engage in an orgy of personal back-slapping and self-congratulation.

No one outside this House believes that this Minister has done the job he was elected to do. The overwhelming majority of people believe that the Government should long ago have taken action to make our streets safe. They do not believe that a Government, which has all of a sudden acknowledged the problem and announced makeshift solutions when confronted by a general election and the horrendous events of recent days, has any real intention of doing anything or has any credibility.

It was many months ago in this House that I called for more gardaí on the beat and for a more visible Garda presence on our streets and in local communities to act as a deterrent to crime and particularly to the gratuitous street assaults taking place. On that occasion, I spoke of the plight of three people visiting this country whose lives had been destroyed when assaulted on our streets. The Minister defended himself. He told us about Operation Oíche and how it was solving the problem. Of course, when Operation Oíche did not solve the problem and violence continued to escalate, and when two young men were lying unconscious in the same hospital in Cork following vicious attacks within days of each other in Cork city, the Minister announced Operation Encounter, the sister or brother of Operation Oíche. The Minister now makes the same claims for Operation Encounter that he made for Operation Oíche.

The only difference between the two operations is the name. Even gardaí are cynical. At the conference of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors just a few days ago, the general secretary was anxious to say in his speech that he was concerned that Operation Encounter was simply a short-term public relations exercise. That is exactly what it is. The name has more to do with the "Star Trek" television programme than with any coherent, comprehensive policy to tackle the problems of street violence.

Fine Gael wants to see a more visible presence of gardaí on the beat. We want to see Garda cars specially reinforced to ensure that gardaí cannot be injured and attacked by youths who hijack motor cars and use them as weapons to attack members of the force. We want the greatly expanded use of CCTV. In reply to Dáil questions some 18 months ago, the Minister said that there was to be great expansion of the use of CCTV as a means of preventing and detecting crime.

In 2001, the princely sum of £33,000 was spent by the Minister in extending CCTV coverage. We are now told that the Minister will spend €15 million in the next three years but nobody believes that. It is a figure devised with the election in view to give the pretence that something meaningful is happening in that area when nothing is happening. I have heard the Minister say at committee meetings and in this Chamber that he has built prisons and solved the revolving door problem. We still have a revolving door policy which directly affects the level of violence on our streets. Young teenage bootboys and hooligans come before the courts on charges of assault whom the Judiciary wants to hold on remand in custody pending trial but cannot because we have in total 31 remand places to serve children under 16 who are engaged in vicious and violent assaults on our streets. Far more remand centre places are needed. There are young people engaged in car hijacking and murderous assaults who would be held on remand if the places were available but they do not exist.

Heavier penalties are needed for those engaged in street violence. More comprehensive diversion programmes to identify juveniles in trouble are required because these juveniles are the potential attackers of innocent victims. The problem of truancy must be tackled. Within certain schools in our cities, 20% of pupils miss school and they will end up engaging in violent crime and gratuitously assaulting innocent passers-by. This Government has utterly and totally failed to address this issue.

This motion condemns the Government for allowing zero tolerance to become zero action in relation to street violence. What is needed is a new and different approach. We do not need more public relations announcements with high-faluting names given to the latest Garda operation designed to last only a few weeks and to get the Minister out of political difficulty. This motion is not about political point-scoring; it is about making our streets safe for ordinary men and women so they can feel safe walking at night.

The Garda require additional resources to do the job properly and for which they continually cry out. In the context of crime detection and of pursuing criminals, they remain under-resourced. The helicopter fleet given to the Garda to assist in fighting crime does not fly at night in parts of the country and is not available at weekends. Do those engaged in violence cherry-pick when they are going to attack or when they are going to hijack cars and use them as a weapon to destroy the lives of others? Our Garda needs extra resources. The community wants to see a more visible presence of gardaí on the streets. We want to see CCTV working in our towns and cities to assist in providing protection and detection. We want to ensure that juveniles charged with serious assault can be held on remand pending trial and are not returned to the streets to prey on new victims and commit further offences.

I do not believe this Minister realises the extent to which he has lost credibility in the eyes of the general public. The Taoiseach yesterday suddenly acknowledged that there is a problem of violent crime and that the Government must do something. That sounds incredible coming from a Government that has done nothing about street violence for the last five years. It has sat back and complacently watched the level of violence escalate to a degree never seen before in this State.

Mr. Coveney

I welcome the opportunity to speak yet again on the issue of street violence and crime and the fear factor that has developed among both young and old. There is no doubt that Ireland has become a more violent place over the last few years. Between 1999 and 2000 there was an increase of 131% in the number of violent attacks. In 2001, 3,500 people were detained overnight in Dublin hospitals because they had been violently attacked or assaulted in the capital. The fear factor among both young and elderly people has increased dramatically. In today's Irish Examiner, a representative of a group for elderly people says that many of its members now sleep during the day; they are afraid to go asleep at night because of anti-social behaviour in their neighbourhoods. Groups like Victim Support are at the coalface of this problem. They note that the reporting of serious crime and assaults is decreasing dramatically. Only about one third of assaults are being reported to the Garda. Accident and emergency consultants in Cork city agree with these statistics.

There has been a decrease in respect for authority by young people, particularly when under the influence of alcohol and particularly in relation to the Garda. Six people have died as a result of violent incidents in Dublin in the last ten days, including two members of An Garda Síochána. We have also witnessed vicious attacks on the streets of Cork where in recent weeks two rapes have been committed and violent incidents are now a regular feature of weekend night life. As Deputy Shatter mentioned, two young men are still in a very serious condition in Cork University Hospital. One young man is on a life-support machine and the other, from Togher, has come off a life-support machine but is in need of critical care.

In my view, violent crime has replaced health as the key concern for citizens in the run-up to the general election. This Government has done little or nothing that is proactive in relation to street crime. Deputy Shatter also referred to Operation Oíche undertaken in October 2000 and Operation Encounter in February 2002. Those two operations came about because the Minister felt obliged to introduce a political response following vicious incidents. However, nothing proactive has been done to tackle the real causes of crime.

The Criminal Justice (Enforcement of Public Order) Bill is the most important proposed legislation in this area. It has been published but there has been no further progress. After five years, we do not even know if it will be passed before the end of this Government. For the past two years, Members on this side of the House have been trying to persuade the Minister to be proactive in this area, but almost nothing has happened. So much for zero tolerance. I read the Government's amendments to our motion with disbelief. The first amendment states:

Dáil Éireann welcomes the substantial decrease in serious crime since the Government took office and the zero tolerance measures taken by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in achieving this remarkable result.

Mr. Crawford

Some result.

Mr. Coveney

The crime of physically attacking and almost killing or actually killing somebody, as we have seen in the past week, is most serious. The public wants this threat to individuals who are out enjoying themselves in towns and cities at night time to be addressed. Surely people are entitled to go out, enjoy themselves and get a taxi or bus home without feeling threatened by thugs on the streets. It is time we had a Government willing to take a truly tough line on crime as opposed to giving political responses to individual isolated incidents. We need a Government willing to take a tough approach to the causes of crime. Unless we deal with the real root causes, we are effectively just fire fighting as members of the Garda have to do at the moment.

I feel very strongly about the causes of violent crime. Any garda who is dealing on a nightly basis with street violence in a city will say the biggest cause of fights, anti-social behaviour and trouble generally is an alcohol abuse, be it binge drinking or mixing alcohol with recreational drugs. In Cork, these are primarily ecstasy and cannabis, but in Dublin it is often heroin. We have done nothing to reduce alcohol consumption among young people and, if anything, we have made alcohol more freely available by extending licensing hours. There was a 300% increase in psychiatric treatment of teenagers with alcohol related problems between the years 1997 and 2000. If that rate of increase continues, the problem will shortly be impossible to solve.

We have completely failed to tackle under age drinking. On numerous occasions in this Chamber, I have asked the Minister to seriously consider the introduction of a mandatory ID card scheme or a national entitlement card scheme to be politically correct. If we are serious about stopping 15 and 16 year olds binge drinking on a regular basis, surely a practical measure to try to reduce its incidence is to require a young person to show identification before being served. The Vintners' Federation, parents and even student bodies want a mandatory ID card scheme, but the Minister refused and offered a voluntary age card scheme. Only 40,000 people have applied and received such a card. That is less than the populations of UCD and UCC combined. The scheme has been a total failure. Are we seriously suggesting that 16 and 17 year olds will volunteer to get an ID card if they want to be served alcohol? Only young looking people aged over 18 will volunteer to get an entitlement card. So the scheme facilitates people to drink more.

Where is the promised national alcohol awareness campaign or the national drugs awareness campaign that the Minister for State, Deputy Eoin Ryan, promised but has failed to deliver after five years? If I had more time, I would talk about the national drugs strategy.

The Government has failed to even approach the area of parental responsibility because it is afraid it is politically unpopular. When 15 or 16 year olds are caught causing havoc on the streets, their parents have responsibility and should be called to account. If necessary, in certain cases, parents should be fined for their children's offences.

If we are serious about fighting street crime, we need a proper juvenile justice system. As an example of the type of juvenile justice system currently place, I quote from one of today's broadsheet newspapers:

A teenage boy with 76 previous convictions was charged with taking nearly €40,000 from a Securicor van in a violent robbery in the last few days. The 16-year-old boy is also facing another charge for biting a senior garda when it is alleged he attempted to escape custody. The boy had 76 convictions for robberies, car thefts and assaults when he was arrested in connection with the robbery. However, he has never served a sentence on any of those offences.

What kind of a joke is our juvenile justice system? How frustrated must the judges and gardaí be in trying to implement the law?

We also need a tough approach in stopping violent crime as well as tackling its causes. My colleague, Deputy Shatter, mentioned CCTV. We also need more gardaí on the beat. There has been a mere 8% increase in the numbers of gardaí in Cork city over the past five years and the numbers on the beat only increased very recently. Outside Dublin there has been no attempt to address public transport. The gardaí feel under threat due to inadequate equipment. Is it not time for the Minister to work with the Garda Commissioner to reassess the equipment available to the Garda? Is it sufficient for a garda to try to break up a fight with a small hand baton when he is dealing with four or five people who are drunk or under the influence of drugs? It is time for a change of attitude towards crime and the only way to do that is with a change of Government.

Mr. Allen

Tonight's motion is very timely given that the issue of crime and personal safety is one of the main concerns of people of all ages. Last year I sent a questionnaire to 28,000 houses in my constituency and received a substantial number of replies. At the time, health was the dominant concern and crime and personal safety was close behind. People's concern about crime and personal safety is much deeper now than it was then.

As the previous speaker said, in recent times the people of Cork have seen a number of innocent young people being beaten lifeless. In one case, where a man died before witnesses, no prosecution followed. I raised that issue in the Dáil just before Easter but have yet to receive a satisfactory reply. In the past two weeks in Cork city there has been an alleged rape case and a number of sexual assault incidents on young women. As a result, many women are now afraid to walk alone on the streets of Cork. The very serious case of alleged rape occurred within 100 yards of my home. In that area young and old alike are, to say the least, afraid. Not only are women afraid to venture out after dark, but some promising female athletes are afraid to undertake morning training sessions because of the situation in urban areas.

In the Whitechurch and Carrignavar areas of my constituency – tranquil rural districts – people go about their daily lives respecting the law and their neighbours' rights. In recent times, however, such communities have witnessed a series of serious incidents, including the savage beating of an 80 year old woman, the robbery of a local shop, and attacks on domestic dwellings at all hours of the day. On a number of occasions last week I visited those areas and have never seen such anxiety and stress among the people living there. I have never heard so many expressions of fear from decent people who feel defenceless against the onslaught being made on their communities by criminals.

In a week in which two gardaí lost their lives defending the community I will be very sensitive in speaking about the work of the Garda Síochána. Speaking to individual gardaí on a personal level I am always impressed by their commitment to the job and courage in the face of danger. However, many of them are frustrated by the manner in which their organisation is managed. There is an overdue need for a major review of the management of the Garda Síochána at the highest level to ensure maximum use is made of available resources.

There is a bureaucratic stranglehold in the Garda Síochána. I have already referred to the numerous break-ins in the Whitechurch and Carrignavar areas of my constituency. Local residents are mystified and angry that victims of crime who require the protection of the Garda Síochána are being told to contact gardaí in Cobh 20 miles away. Whitechurch is located about six miles north west of Cork city. There is a major Garda station about four miles away, in Blarney, but people living in the area are dependent on the protection of gardaí in Cobh because of bureaucratic boundaries. This rural hinterland on the periphery of Cork city has Garda stations at Carrignavar and Glanmire which are open during office hours five and a half or six days a week. Surely the Minister and Garda chiefs realise that the majority of criminals do not operate during office hours. There needs to be 24 hour protection of the community, seven days a week. Victims of crime are upset that bureaucratic mismanagement has left them defenceless for long periods during the week and cannot understand the reason they are dependent on a Garda station some 20 miles away. That is one example of mismanagement at the highest level.

Last weekend a constituent informed me that having made a telephone call stating his house was under surveillance by criminals, the Garda did not arrive until six hours later. Having voted in the present Government, mainly because of the promises made by Fianna Fáil that there would be zero tolerance of crime, the public does not understand the reason these promises have been abandoned. People now lie dead on our streets, yet no one is prosecuted. The public does not understand the reason, when serious assaults take place against women, suspects are interviewed, files are sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions, the suspects are then released back into the community, some to reoffend. People cannot understand how, when break-ins take place on business premises and the thieves are caught on video, no prosecutions follow. Solutions to these issues could be implemented if the political will was there. Unfortunately, however, time has run out for the Government.

Mr. Crawford

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this important debate on current crime levels. I cannot help but recall the situation when the Minister, Deputy O'Donoghue, was in opposition. He regularly hauled the then Minister, Deputy Owen, over the coals, blaming her for every single crime that occurred. I have no intention of doing this because I know the Minister wishes the fatal events of the past week could have been avoided. I have no intention of bringing the debate down to the personal level the Minister reached when in opposition.

The situation is extremely serious and one cannot but sympathise with those who have been left as widows and orphans as a result of deaths caused by criminal activities. Above all, our thoughts are with the families of the two gardaí who died in a patrol car rammed by two youngsters in a stolen car.

The Minister will no doubt provide statistics on all the extra gardaí he has deployed, but people will judge the situation by how many gardaí they see patrolling the streets. As has already been mentioned, there is a real problem with groups of late night drinkers who gather around fish and chip shops. Parents lie awake at night not knowing when or how their offspring will return home. There is a real problem of alcohol and drug abuse. As Deputy Coveney said, drink presents possibly the worst problem of all. Some treatment is available for drug addiction, but the Government has totally ignored, and thus far failed to deal with, the serious problem of alcoholism.

The Government earns €2 billion in VAT and excise duty on alcohol, yet little if any of this money is spent on treating those who fall victim to alcoholism. Some months ago Ballybay town was in absolute uproar at 4 a.m. When some elderly ladies and others rang the Garda Síochána, they were told they would try to send a patrol, but it was already dealing with a similar row in Castleblayney. Fortunately for the people of Ballybay, by the time gardaí got there some time later – although the delay was no fault of the Garda Síochána – the crowds had dispersed. Before leaving, however, the crowds had caused extreme fear and anger among local residents.

An aged couple living near the Border, along the M2 motorway, were glad to have so-called peace in the area, but their house was robbed in the middle of the day. They are now living in fear of a recurrence. The man's brother was a well known independent councillor who spent his life working for the community, yet his only remaining brother lives in fear, although there is supposed to be zero tolerance of crime. Does the Minister wish to be remembered for this issue?

Joyriding is not just an issue in Dublin city. Last night I was travelling on a road in County Tipperary where people are living in fear of young people who seem to be out of control. A greater effort must be made to ensure identity cards are available and the ID system is enforced. It is not good enough simply to leave publicans liable for inaction on their part if the structures are not in place and fully understood.

Crime figures are being manipulated and I make no apology for saying so. Many do not report crime because they do not believe it will be dealt with. Some judges act irresponsibly – again, I make no apology for saying so in the House – by letting people off with very light sentences. This leaves prosecuting gardaí totally frustrated. Young people are causing serious problems in broad daylight, never mind late at night. Much more support must be given to victims of crime rather than the perpetrators.

Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform (Mr. O'Donoghue)

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

welcomes the substantial decrease in serious crime since the Government took office and the "zero tolerance" measures taken by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in achieving this remarkable result;

commends the enormous level of resources allocated to the Garda Síochána, including the increase of €319.7 million, IR£252 million – 53% – in the Garda Síochána Vote, from €599.3 million, IR£472 million, in 1997 to €919 million, IR£723.7 million, in the current year;

notes that the strength of the Garda Síochána now exceeds 11,700 – an all-time historic high – which constitutes an increase of approximately 900 members since the Government took office, and is on target to reach the planned strength of 12,000 this year;

recognises the provision of significant additional resources for other sectors of the criminal justice system, including increasing the number of prison places by 1,207 to date, with approximately 700 additional closed places on the way;

commends the success of the Government in ending the scandal of the "revolving door" in our prisons system;

commends the Minister's legislative record since taking office in enacting an unprecedented 46 Bills and, particularly, his reform of the criminal law;

acknowledges the significant structural reforms being made to the criminal justice system through, for example, the appointment of additional judges, the establishment of the Courts Service and the Prisons Service and the significant progress being made in reforming the administration of the Garda Síochána;

commends the allocation of additional resources aimed at the expansion of the probation and welfare service;

endorses the measures adopted on the basis of the additional funding in the sum of €110.5 million, IR£87 million, allocated under the National Development Plan, 2000-2006, for crime prevention directed towards young offenders;

notes the social crime prevention activities supported by the Government as an important intervention in the lives of "at risk" young persons, not least the significant numerical expansion in Garda youth diversion projects, from 12 in 1997 to 64 at present;

welcomes the measures taken at community level to deal with local crime problems, including the massive expansion of the Garda CCTV programme, for which €15 million has been allocated over the period 2001-03;

commends the Garda Síochána's national public order initiative, Operation Oíche, for its many successes in tackling public order issues since October 2000 and, in particular, its focus on "hot spots" of criminal activity and high visibility patrolling;

welcomes the commencement of the Garda Síochána's Operation Encounter on 23 February 2002, which builds upon Operation Oíche by using acquired information about the times and locations of previous public order incidents to address the problem at source, such as in the vicinity of night clubs, licensed premises and fast food outlets;

endorses the Criminal Justice (Public Order) Bill, 2002, introduced by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform as a further proactive response to tackling the problem of late night violence and disruption, in so far as it has its origins outside licensed premises or fast food outlets;

notes that, according to the national household crime victimisation survey conducted by the Central Statistics Office in 1998, almost two thirds of assaults were reported to the Garda Síochána and that the principal reason cited for not reporting was that the incident was "not serious enough/no loss";

welcomes the measures taken by the Garda Síochána to facilitate the reporting of crime, particularly among members of ethnic minorities, through its quality customer service initiative and the establishment of a Garda racial and intercultural office;

acknowledges the improvements in recent years in the service to victims of crime, including the publication of a victims charter and the provision of additional funding for service providers;

notes the important steps taken in relation to dealing effectively with crime and crime related issues, including the fear of crime, through the establishment of the State's first ever national crime council;

welcomes the high level of support among the community for the Garda Síochána; and

approves the Government's continuing commitment to prioritise structural and legislative measures to build upon the significant advances made in the fight against crime and, in particular, to tackle effectively the problem of street violence.

Today's debate takes place in the shadow of the tragic events of the past week or so. It is right that we should first convey our deepest sympathies to those who have been bereaved in the course of those events. Two of those killed were members of An Garda Síochána – Garda Tighe and Garda Padden. They were killed early on Sunday morning when a stolen car, occupied by two teenagers, ploughed into their patrol car at the junction of The Rise and the Stillorgan Road in Stillorgan, County Dublin, when they were, in discharge of their duty in accordance with the best traditions of the force, attempting to protect the public in very dangerous circumstances. Garda Tighe's funeral took place this morning in Dublin. Garda Padden's takes place tomorrow morning in his native County Mayo. People who have attended the church services associated with these funerals – I know that Deputies on all sides of the House have done so – will have an acute awareness of the sadness and dignity associated with them. It would be the wish of most that this debate, which coincides with the funerals, should be characterised by the same sense of dignity, restraint and, above all, truth.

If today, of all days, we allow truth and honest debate to fall victim to political gamesmanship, it will do absolutely nothing in terms of addressing the problem of crime, but simply convince the public which looks to us for reasoned debate and solutions to issues of public concern that honesty, a sense of reality and any real sense of concern about matters of public importance end at the door of the House. We should not, on this of all occasions, allow what would normally be taken simply as the cut and thrust of politics to obscure the true realities about crime and the responses to it or pretend that rhetoric can provide a substitute for actual solutions. Having said that, I must deal with the motion in the terms which Fine Gael have seen fit to put it before the House this evening.

There are two striking things about the motion. First, it contains not even a vestige of an idea as to how crime should be tackled. It refers to the need to restore a sense of security on our streets. How is this to be achieved? What action is to be taken? The only answer in the motion is to condemn the Government. Second, the motion refers to an increase of 131% in public order offences during the year 2000. Where was this figure dreamed up? The number of public order offences rose in that year by about 18%, some of which would be attributable to increased Garda activity.

Mr. Shatter

The motion refers to an astounding increase in the level of street violence, as distinct from public order offences.

Mr. O'Donoghue

An increase of 18% is still worrying but very far short of 131%. It is up to the Members opposite to explain the reason, in their motion, they have seen fit to exaggerate the situation by a multiple of about six. It may be that they are confusing the figures for public order offences with the much smaller figure for headline assault offences, but such a mistake, presum ing it is not a deliberate attempt to be misleading—

Mr. Shatter

The motion specifically refers to an increase of 131% in the number of assaults causing harm.

Mr. O'Donoghue

—could hardly sustain the public's confidence that they are the people who know how to tackle crime effectively.

Mr. Howlin

The motion is being misread, obviously.

Mr. O'Donoghue

I have, on many occasions, outlined the actions taken over the past five years to address the problem of crime. It does a disservice to the truth to suggest, as some have done, that there has been no action. The public knows otherwise, because it has funded the very extensive measures the Government has put in place to tackle the serious crime situation existing when we took office. There is no merit – and no truth – in pretending that what has been done has not been done at all. The amendment to the motion summarises a list of actions which Members opposite seek to characterise as "zero action". I do not propose to repeat them, but they expose the motion before the House this evening for the opportunistic sham that it is. I am the first to recognise and have repeatedly stated that while the level of serious crime has dropped significantly in recent years, there are absolutely no grounds for complacency. I have acknowledged – it would not only be dishonest but nonsensical to do otherwise – that certain forms of offending are a matter for genuine concern. Foremost among them is the problem of public order and street violence among youngsters, young males in particular.

One of the first things to be said about this form of offending which is, incidentally, part of modern experience internationally is that it is not a problem that can be solved by law and order measures alone. All the expert advice, backed up by the common sense analysis of the vast majority of law abiding parents and citizens, points to the need for a multi-agency approach involving the education and health systems, housing issues, design of estates, issues of parental control among others. For this reason, the Government has ensured other approaches are taken, such as the introduction of preventive measures or the provision of increased custody alternatives for offenders in appropriate circumstances.

For example, the probation and welfare service plays a vital role in the criminal justice system. At any one time, there are approximately 5,000 offenders serving community based sanctions under the supervision of the service which is involved in the management of offenders and the development of programmes for offenders in the community, often an alternative to custody. I have substantially increased the financial allo cation for the service. In 1997 it was just over IR£12 million. This year it is over €38 million, an increase of 116% since 1997. I have also secured an increase in the sanctioned staff by 46 to 268. The service supports a wide range of voluntary organisations working alongside it.

Since I became Minister, I have provided funding for 25 new or expanded community projects. There are now in the region of 65 such projects in the community. The range of services provided includes addiction treatment, counselling, education and work training and IT skills as well as providing offenders with general life skills. This expansion in community-based projects will continue under the €38 million allocated to the service under the national development plan. Thanks to the National Development Plan 2000-2006, I have also overseen a huge increase in the number of Garda youth diversion projects from 12 in 1997 to 64 at present. There has been a corresponding increase in the total financial allocation of more than 1,000%. Obviously, such projects play a key preventative role in helping young people at risk from becoming involved, or becoming further involved in criminal activity.

Having said that, a multi-agency and multi-disciplinary approach are absolutely vital. There is, however, no question whatsoever that specific measures in the area of law and order are important. I have no doubt that, despite the very significant investment in law and order options over the past five years and despite the extensive reforms of criminal law which I have brought on to the Statute Book, more remains to be done. I have already announced plans to further increase the strength of our Garda force by an additional 2,000 members, bringing it up to 14,000. I have already referred to my plans for further criminal law reform.

As to the question of young offenders – I am referring generally to those under 16 years of age – there is clearly a perception, heightened by the tragic events of recent days, that they are completely above or outside the law. A particular source of concern is the fact that, all too often, people of 14 to 16 years of age, sometimes even younger, are involved in the lethal form of offending which is euphemistically called joy riding. Dealing with young offenders has always been seen as something which requires special skills and special approaches. I do not believe that anybody would seriously dispute the need for overall crime policy to take account of the special needs of people under the age of 16. Having said that, there comes a time when the rights and concerns of the law abiding majority have to be weighed against the rights of young offenders to be treated differently to others. In the past, we have had to take special measures when the problem of young offending became the source of acute public concern and I believe that, regrettably, the time has come to do the same again. Among the difficulties experienced at present, when the Children's Court wishes to remand a 14 or 15 year old – and I emphasise that I am talk ing about accommodation for remands and not those convicted – they get in touch with Oberstown or Trinity House where they are sometimes advised that there is no accommodation.

Mr. Shatter

This is not a new problem. It has been a problem about which the Minister has done nothing for the past two years.

Mr. O'Donoghue

In that situation the youngster is either released or, exceptionally, committed to St. Patrick's Institution. In some cases, the young offender is sent to an adult prison. There are also certain other difficulties, all of which will be addressed when accommodation now being advanced by the Department of Education and Science is in place.

In the meantime, it appears to be the case that judges and, indeed, gardaí are of the view that there is a shortage of remand accommodation, that this may influence the way in which young offenders are handled and almost certainly has a bearing on the way in which young offenders themselves view the risk of losing their liberty. It seems that many of them believe they can do what they like because nothing can be done about it. While it is not an ideal solution and one that I am adopting with reluctance, I have today obtained Government approval in principle for the re-designation of an existing prison or part of a prison so that the courts can be guaranteed that a small number of serious young offenders, whose presence in the community constitutes a serious threat to the rights and safety of law abiding citizens can, if necessary, be accommodated.

Mr. Coveney

Hear, hear.

Mr. O'Donoghue

Officials in my Department, the Prison Service and the Department of Education and Science will settle the details in the immediate future. The most likely option is that a section of St. Patrick's Institution in Dublin will be used for this purpose but I want to allow a period, and I am talking about days, for the details to be finalised.

I cannot over-emphasise that I do not see the measure I have just announced as a long-term solution to the problem of serious offending by persons under the age of 16. I see it as a short-term measure of last resort, pending the delivery of the new accommodation being advanced by the Department of Education and Science. Having said that, I do not believe that any right thinking person would expect the Government to allow a situation to continue where serious young offenders, and I am talking about a small number of very serious offenders, continue their criminal activities in the belief that there is nothing the courts or anybody else can do about them. If public safety requires that they be taken into secure custody, then that is what must happen. While in custody they will have all of the educational and other supports appropriate to people of their age. They will not be obliged to associate with older offenders, but neither will they be allowed to continue visiting their criminal behaviour on law abiding citizens in the belief that they cannot be stopped. This is yet another practical measure we are taking in the fight against crime and I hope that the Members opposite who have belatedly and unconvincingly started to talk tough on crime will for once offer their support for an anti-crime measure.

The sentence to be imposed on any criminal in respect of any crime is exclusively a matter for the Judiciary. That is the scheme ordained by our Constitution and that is the way matters must remain. However, it is legitimate for the Oireachtas to consider whether our legislative provisions adequately meet the needs of society. Section 2 of the Criminal Justice Act, 1993 empowers the Director of Public Prosecutions to apply to the Court of Criminal Appeal to review a sentence which he regards as unduly lenient. This power applies only to sentences imposed on conviction on indictment. No such power currently exists in relation to sentences imposed on summary conviction. The power given by the 1993 Act has been used sparingly, but appropriately, by the Director of Public Prosecutions. This was the intention of the then Minister for Justice in 1993, Deputy Máire Geoghegan-Quinn. When introducing the Bill, she said that a trial judge would have to have made a serious error, a serious breach of sentencing principles before he could review any sentence.

There is no corresponding power of appeal in respect of sentences imposed on summary conviction. Indeed, given the limits on sentences which can be imposed in the District Court, it would be understandably more difficult for an appellant to establish the substantial departure from what would be regarded as the appropriate sentence necessary to justify an alteration of the sentence on appeal. Nevertheless, I consider that this is an area which merits examination and I intend to consider any submission which may be made in relation to whether the power given to the Director of Public Prosecutions under the 1993 Act should be extended in specific and limited circumstances to sentences imposed on summary convictions. I wish to make it clear that I do not envisage a general right of appeal being conferred, only the possibility that in cases where the sentence imposed was manifestly inadequate should an appellate court be entitled to intervene.

While this is not an occasion for political gamesmanship, I believe I must, because of the approach adopted in the motion and in the interests of truth, comment briefly on the record of the Opposition in relation to measures I have introduced in recent years.

Mr. Howlin

The Minister should spare us the hype and get on with it. This speech oozes hypocrisy.

Mr. O'Donoghue

With regret, I have to say that year after year, Opposition parties have pointedly pursued a criminal justice policy of ambivalent appeasement. That is a matter of fact, not one of political point scoring.

Mr. Shatter

This speech was written for the Minister by public relations experts. Let us have the truth. This is pathetic.

Mr. O'Donoghue

Year after year, the Opposition has followed the footsteps of defeatism into the lobby, opposing measures introduced by the Government to strengthen the hand of the Garda in their fight against crime, to provide suitably firm punishments for those convicted of serious criminal offences and to provide places of detention for those sentenced by the courts. Year after year, the Opposition parties have adopted a "go soft" and "go easy" approach on criminal justice proposals put before this House.

Mr. Coveney

This is an insult to victims of crime.

Mr. O'Donoghue

Sadly, it was only when it came to curbing the powers of the Garda or trumpeting alleged shortcomings within the Garda that Deputies Shatter and Howlin abandoned this approach and set about their task with volume and enthusiasm. After years of critical bleating about the alleged inappropriate toughness of Fianna Fáil's approach to crime, Deputies Shatter and Howlin now seek to present themselves to the electorate as sheep in wolves' clothing.

Mr. Shatter

That is absolutely pathetic.

Mr. O'Donoghue

It must be conceded that the Opposition is entitled to be recognised for the consistency of its approach to the issue of crime and criminals over the past eight years. During the 30 month reign of the rainbow coalition, Ministers were repeatedly sent forward to proclaim their criminal justice mantra. Crime was at an "acceptable level", "no action was necessary" and "public concern about crime was the creation of Fianna Fáil and the media".

Mr. Shatter

The Minister has presided over the worst levels of public disorder and crime since the foundation of the State. He is a disgrace and so is his speech.

Mr. O'Donoghue

Even when serious offences crossed the 100,000 per annum marker, the rainbow parties remained constant in their pronouncement that "all was well" and that "no additional action was necessary". They voted against the referendum on bail when it was first proposed by Fianna Fáil.

Mr. Shatter

The last Government brought forward that legislation.

Mr. O'Donoghue

The Opposition voted against legislation which would permit persons charged with, or convicted of, serious criminal offences to be subject to curfew. They cancelled the prison building programme at a time when close to 20% of sentenced prisoners were on near-permanent temporary release by reason of the shortage of prison places.

Mr. Coveney

We did not cancel the prison building programme.

Mr. O'Donoghue

The Opposition parties repeatedly voted against legislation which proposed ten year minimum sentences for substantial drug dealers. They permitted Garda numbers to dwindle and starved the Garda Síochána of much needed resources. However, they were consistent. To them, no legislation was necessary, crime was at an acceptable level and no additional measures were required. To the Opposition, the policy of ambivalent appeasement was acceptable. With such a record, how do they expect anybody to believe they are serious about tackling crime? In June 1997, Fianna Fáil went to the electorate with an alternative policy and said "we will take resolute action against crime and criminals" and, over the past five years, Fianna Fáil has kept faith with the electorate. The Government has enacted 34 statutes relating to criminal justice issues. As I said, it has provided 1,200 new prison places. It has ended temporary release as a method of prison space management and multiplied the resources made available to the Garda. By legislative reform and the provision of increased resources, it has brought about a situation whereby the incidence of serious crime has fallen in each successive year of its term of office.

The level of serious crime has fallen by 27% in the past five years.

Mr. Howlin

Nobody believes the Minister.

Mr. O'Donoghue

Most of the policies which brought about this reduction in crime were opposed by the Opposition parties. I invite the electorate to compare the utterances and actions of Deputies Shatter and Howlin on the issue of crime and criminals over the past eight years with those of members of the Government on the same issue over the same period.

Mr. Shatter

Look what is happening on the streets.

Mr. O'Donoghue

I invite the electorate to submit the new found toughness of Deputies Shatter and Howlin to the simple test of whether their actions over the past eight years have matched their words over the past four days. For all the Opposition's shortcomings – they are many – I did not think I would witness the depths of unprincipled political opportunism to which Deputy Shatter sank this week.

Mr. Shatter

The Minister is a disgrace. On a point of order—

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

If Deputy Shatter intervenes once more, I will ask him to leave the House. He was afforded the courtesy of making his statement without interruption. The Minister is entitled to do the same.

Mr. O'Donoghue

I do not propose to dwell on this matter because, as I said, I do not believe that today is the day for debate of this kind. Suffice to say I am convinced that many will have seen the Deputy's conduct to have been contemptible. If the electorate of Dublin South choose to banish him from the House, no injustice will have been done.

Deputies Shatter and Howlin do not deserve the entire credit for the Opposition's consistency in soft options on crime policy. It is Deputy Ruairi Quinn who deserves the credit for cancelling the prison building programme, thus facilitating the continued presence on our streets of hundreds of sentenced prisoners. Deputies Howlin and Shatter did not object, not a bleat was heard from either of them. Deputy Quinn's act of short-sighted sabotage facilitated the already surging crime wave. Over the past eight years he has criticised every prison building measure introduced by the Government. If the House had implemented his criminal justice policy, how many sentenced prisoners would now walk the streets of our cities? After years of advocating the soft option on every criminal justice issue which came before the House he now hopes the electorate will forget his parliamentary history. He hopes it will forget everything he has said about crime over the past eight years, everything he has voted against over the last eight years, every cutback he made in the area of criminal justice during his tenure as Minister for Finance and buy into the pretence that he is going to be tough on crime. Anyone who needs to know the priority which he gives to the issue of crime and criminals need only look at the silly little card he carries around in his breast pocket. There, its size matching its substance, he sets out his top six priorities for the next Dáil. Search as one wishes, with the use of a magnifying glass or otherwise, one will find no mention on the card of the issue of crime or criminals.

Deputy Quinn is at least consistent. When last in government he did nothing about crime and, if returned to government, his pledge is to do nothing about crime. Tonight he dispatches Deputy Howlin to the House to bleat that crime and criminal justice policy have been the major failings of the Government. So great an importance does the Labour Party attach to this issue that it does not even merit mention on its pledge card. The electorate will have a clear choice between the political parties which cancelled the prison building programme and those which built 1,200 additional prison places.

Mr. Shatter

Has the Minister nothing positive to say other than to issue insults?

Mr. Howlin

He is a blackguard, pure and simple.

Mr. O'Donoghue

It will have a clear choice between the political parties which permitted serious crime to soar above the 100,000 per annum level and those which reduced it by over 27%. It will have a clear choice between political parties which starved the Garda of personnel and resources and those which brought the membership of the force and its funding to an historic high. It will have a clear choice between parties which stated there is nothing to be done and did nothing and those which stated there is much to be done and did much. It will have a clear choice between parties which stand for policies of ambivalent appeasement and those which stand for and have a proven record in resolute action leading to crime reduction.

Mr. Coveney

Why, therefore, are more people being attacked?

Mr. O'Donoghue

In recent days I have listened to Opposition Deputies—

Mr. Howlin

The Minister is a disgrace. His time is up.

Mr. O'Donoghue

I have listened to Opposition Deputies address the issue of crime. They have, in particular, taken me to task for my performance as Opposition spokesperson on justice. On the Opposition benches, I called for more gardaí. In government I provided them. In opposition I called for more prison spaces. In government I provided them. In opposition I called for a greater level of criminal justice legislation, which I deemed to be vital. In government I provided it. In opposition I called for greater resources for the Garda Síochána. In government I provided them.

I am not so foolish as to assume it would be possible for me to eliminate crime in our society, but it is true – nobody can deny it – that back in 1996 and 1997 there was a very serious problem in relation to organised crime.

Mr. Howlin

There is now.

Mr. O'Donoghue

There were people who believed they were completely untouchable. There were people walking the streets who believed they would never serve one day of imprisonment, and the reason they believed this was because the Garda did not have the resources or the manpower and the prison service the prison spaces to put them where they belong. They are where they belong tonight. Nobody can deny that we have closed the revolving prison door.

I fully accept there is a difficulty in relation to a small number of serious young offenders who did not come within the aegis of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, but I did not run away from the issue. I came into the House tonight and said I was prepared to put in place the difficult measures to deal with the young people concerned, that I was not going to run away from the problem. I have not run away from a single problem during my term as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

People can criticise me for my performance in opposition if they like, but I was only doing my job. However, in criticising me for my performance in opposition at least credit the public with some intelligence. It knows for a fact that in government I delivered on as many of my promises as could have been reasonably expected. Much has been achieved in the fight against crime, but more remains to be done. I invite any fair minded person to contrast the rhetoric of the Opposition with the reality of what has been done. I suggest, humbly, that the conclusions are inescapable.

Mr. Howlin

I wish to share my time with Deputy Broughan.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Howlin

The Minister's contribution to this debate was typical. It underscores the reason people are so cynical about politics and politicians. Given what he said, is it any wonder that people have scant regard for anybody in the business of politics? The Minister stated:

If today, of all days, we allow truth and honest debate to fall victim to political gamesmanship, it will do absolutely nothing in terms of addressing the problem of crime but simply convince the public, which looks to us for reasoned debate and solutions to issues of public concern, that honesty, a sense of reality and any real sense of concern about matters of public importance end at the door of the House.

However, in the most shameful display of hypocrisy I have witnessed, the Minister embarked on a litany of political gamesmanship. It was an insult to those we have a responsibility to protect and are suffering this evening. It was a shameful contribution. In my time in the House I cannot recall a more debased speech. It began positively but quickly sank into political abuse.

The events of the past week, especially the cycle of violence at the weekend, which saw two members of the Garda Síochána killed by a driver in a stolen car in Stillorgan, another man murdered in Blanchardstown and dozens hospitalised as a result of street violence and disorder, put into stark relief the failure of the Government to deliver on its promise to the people – its only promise in this area – to ensure safer streets and safer communities. The Government has sunk to a new low and the Minister to a particularly embarrassing one when, in response to rightful criticism of his failures by Members on this side of the House, who have a lawful duty to hold him to account, he engaged in name calling members of the Opposition. That is what he is reduced to after five years.

The Minister cannot have been taken by surprise at the horrific events at the weekend. Joyriding has been an ongoing problem in many urban areas for some time. Several people have been killed by stolen cars. In many respects it is a miracle that even more have not died. Two years ago the Labour Party introduced a Private Members' Bill to deal with this issue but the Government voted it down. The Minister need not lecture us on all his ideas, nor complain that no proposals are made on this side of the House. My colleague, Deputy Broughan, will deal with this aspect in more detail.

The Minister cannot be surprised that there is an enormous rise in violent crime. All the figures at his disposal point to that inescapable fact. No matter what gloss he puts on it, the official figures for the year 2000, published in January, showed an increase of more than 130% in the number of violent assaults. In a debate with me on "Morning Ireland," the Minister admitted he had preliminary figures for 2001. I believe they will show an even more stark rise in the figures. I again challenge him to publish them this side of the electorate's decision on his competence. If he had made any effort to ascertain what was happening on the ground, he would not have been surprised to note that, as every Deputy will testify, the fear of crime was growing in every community.

I commend the Fine Gael Party for tabling the motion. Last Saturday in my office in Wexford I had to face two parents in tears. Their young daughter, an athlete of note, was viciously assaulted on the streets of Wexford last Friday night to the extent that she was bitten. She had to attend hospital for tetanus and hepatitis shots. These realities are not occasional but constant happenings, particularly in the major urban areas.

The Minister can talk through my contribution. I do not expect him to have regard for what I, Deputy Shatter or any other Member on this side of the House have to say, but I want him to understand the reality. It is not the fanciful world in which he lives. The comment piece in today's edition of The Mirror sets out the views of a journalist reflecting the feelings of members of the public. It states:

John O'Donoghue is living in cloud cuckoo land. The Minister for Justice must be the only person left who believes that Ireland's cities are safe places in which to live. He repeats the mantra, ad nauseum, that crime has fallen since he came to office. That is just not the case. The people do not believe you. The gardaí do not believe you. In fact, no-one believes your propaganda anymore.

The Minister can spin all he likes, read the statistics, massage the figures and present the money, but the same newspaper headlines 19 murders, 638 assaults, 23,600 thefts, 370 arsons in just one year in Dublin.

That is the vision of the real Ireland, reflected in a newspaper. It is not invented by the Opposition to be dismissed by the Minister. It is manifest in a variety of ways. For example, people have contacted me about home insurance, the cost of which has sky-rocketed. I telephoned Hibernian Insurance Company today to ascertain the reason and was told it was because of the huge increase in the number of burglary claims. These are the realities, not invented by the Opposition, that must be addressed. They would be addressed in a civilised way by a Minister who was not so consumed with his own self that he could engage with the Opposition to see how constructively a Parliament and a justice committee could work to bring forward good ideas we could embrace. It would mean that when Deputy Broughan proposes a joyriding Bill or when I propose a Garda authority or ombudsman, they would get serious consideration by a Minister who was serious about his job, rather than a dismissal that if they do not come from the man from Cahirciveen, they are not worthy of consideration.

The Minister has refused to heed the abundant signs that crime is now drifting out of control. The more he sits with his head in the sand the worse it will get. The only good thing is that he will not be in charge of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform for much longer. We are paying the price for that attitude of ignorance. Until there is a Minister for Justice who acknowledges the scale and seriousness of the problem and is prepared to take action, more people will be put at risk on the streets and more people will die, be wounded or live in fear.

The Government has fewer excuses than any previous Administration for the serious deterioration in the crime situation. It has had the luxury of being able to serve its full five year term. Most previous Ministers had a more truncated term of office in which to implement a policy platform. The Minister had every advantage of serving a full five year term.

Every Government over the past 30 years had to devote huge resources, time and effort to dealing with the security situation pertaining to Northern Ireland. Apart from the time it demanded of the Minister, huge amounts of finance, resources and Garda personnel had to be devoted to combating terrorism. Another luxury the Minister enjoyed was the great potential offered by time, resources and Garda manpower which were no longer devoted to combating terrorism.

The Government has also been in office at a time of unprecedented economic growth, when the State's coffers were overflowing. Previous Ministers, who operated in less favourable economic climates, had to fight for every pound and every extra garda at Cabinet. The debate was whether we could recruit extra nurses, gardaí, teachers or manpower in the security area. This time there was great potential because the money was there to have all of them.

The Minister has no excuse. He had no problems arising from time, resources or scope, but despite such wonderful opportunities, he has been an utter failure. The potential that was available makes his failure all the more inexplicable. There was record economic growth and an increase in the number of people at work. There were fewer people, therefore, available to commit crime. Employment was available for more and more people and fewer people were without jobs. These factors combined to create the most auspicious set of circumstances enjoyed by any Minister for Justice. They were the best economic and social circumstances to eradicate crime. The Minister failed to take advantage of them and presided over a frightening increase in the level of street violence and disorder.

There will be many debates about this issue in the coming weeks. I hope they will not be conducted on the basis of vulgar abuse but engage in the issues. Members of the House are transient; we are only passing through and there should be some legacy of trying to cope with the problems that impact on people's lives.

By the Minister's own measure shall he be judged. He set his own standard when he spoke in the Dáil in November 1997. He said the final test of whether the strategy was or was not implemented would be whether the people, following the completion of the Government's term of office, felt safer. He set the test. The latest opinion poll shows that 71% of the people feel less safe now than when the Minister took office. By his own measure, his term of office has been a failure.

Mr. Broughan

I think it was General de Gaulle who said all political careers end in failure. Most would agree that this was never more true and fitting than in relation to the outgoing Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. It is even sadder when one considers the hopes raised in the 27th Dáil when the Opposition spokesman, Deputy O'Donoghue, brought forward approximately 13 Bills, a couple of which were generously accepted by the rainbow Government. That was a platform we thought to build on but five years later I must say, more in sorrow than in anger, that the Minister's administration in the last five years has been a dismal failure.

I have referred previously to the problem of crime statistics. It is a significant one. The Garda Síochána report for the year 2000 does not, unfortunately, describe the reality of that year. I urge the Minister, in these final days of his administration, to give the Central Statistics Office responsibility for collating and producing crime statistics. The Irish Independent showed about 18 months ago that less than half the crimes committed and of which people are victims are reported to the Garda Síochána or the Minister.

The appalling and tragic deaths last weekend of Garda Michael Padden and Garda Tony Tighe once again brought before the public the serious crime of car theft and joyriding. I sympathise with the families and relatives of Garda Padden and Garda Tighe and their home communities in Belmullet and south Dublin. The Labour Party endured similar pain during the years when a number of people who were dear to us and active in the community movement, like Ritchie Green and his daughter, were slaughtered by similar criminals.

The situation which was highlighted again last weekend has been seen many times in areas of north and west Dublin, Cork and Limerick. It is an ongoing phenomenon. The latest phase began six or eight weeks ago. Even though we could show that approximately ten stolen cars each night were being used to torment citizens on the north side of Dublin and turn their lives into a living hell, no serious action was taken by the Minister. I commend the attempts over the last two and a half years of the Priorswood anti-joyriding task force, the Darndale tenants and residents association, the Belcamp estate steering committee and the other bodies which have tried, with the Garda Síochána in the J and surrounding districts, to control this horrible crime.

I have carried out a rough count of the number of times I have brought the phenomenon of joyriding to the attention of the Dáil. I believe this is the 30th time I have done so in my five years' membership of the 28th Dáil. I have with me a detailed letter I wrote on Thursday, 3 February 2000, in which I strongly urged the Minister to bring forward legislation and implement a programme of measures to control this menace. However, he would not listen. In his unfortunate arrogant way he refused to take any action, citing the 1961 and other legislation. For that reason I introduced, this morning, the Road Traffic Bill, 2002, an anti-joyriding measure. It would create two new crimes. One is the crime of joyriding, which would be designated a serious crime carrying serious penalities. The other is the crime of assisting or enabling children to get possession of cars by gift, hire or sale – the so-called phenomenon of company cars. The Minister has little time left, perhaps a day or two. I ask him again if, in the same generous spirit which the rainbow Government showed to him, he would give us a little of the remaining Government time to introduce this Bill. He and his colleagues will suffer drastically at the hands of our voters in a number of weeks' time because of his lackadaisical and careless approach to this matter.

Debate adjourned.