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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 19 Jun 2002

Vol. 553 No. 3

Other Questions. - EU Rapid Reaction Force.

Dan Boyle

Ceist:

9 Mr. Boyle asked the Minister for Defence if he will report on Ireland's preparations for participation in the EU's rapid reaction force; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [13745/02]

I welcome the opportunity to bring Members up to date on the important work that is ongoing both at EU level and in Ireland in relation to the development of a capability to carry out humanitarian, peacekeeping and crisis management tasks known as the Petersberg Tasks.

The Helsinki Headline Goal, which is the more accurate description of what is commonly referred to as the rapid reaction force, was developed in the light of the provisions of the Treaty of Amsterdam which was approved in Ireland by referendum in May 1998 and derives from the decisions taken by European Heads of State and Government at the subsequent EU Councils.

In this regard, in December 1999 the Helsinki European Council set the headline goal in terms of military capabilities. For the EU, this means being able by the year 2003 to deploy within 60 days and sustain for at least one year up to 60,000 persons capable of carrying out the full range of Petersberg Tasks. It must be emphasised that the achievement of this goal does not involve the establishment of a European army. The commitment and deployment of national troops will be based on sovereign decisions taken by member states.

The ability to carry out Petersberg Tasks will effectively complement existing EU diplomatic, social and economic capabilities. An example of the way in which the EU might successfully employ these capabilities is illustrated by the great progress which has been made in restoring regional stability in the former Yugoslavia since the deployment of the UN authorised NATO-led multinational stabilisation and security forces SFOR and KFOR and which has been underscored by the EU's Stability Pact for SouthEastern Europe.

The Spanish Presidency of the EU has been carrying forward work in this area and it will report on progress at the Seville Council which is due to take place next weekend. While I do not wish to pre-empt the Presidency report, I expect that it will further reflect the ongoing development of co-operation between EU members to voluntarily undertake humanitarian, peacekeeping and crisis management tasks. Ireland's commitment to the headline goal consists of an offer of up to 850 members of the Defence Forces from within our existing commitment of 850 personnel to the United Nations Standby Arrangements System, or UNSAS. This represents some 10% of our army – not an inconsiderable undertaking by any standard.

Additional information:Ireland's contribution of professional expertise and experience gained from many years of participation on United Nations missions represents a pragmatic and worthy progression of our international peacekeeping tradition.

The Defence Forces preparation for participation in the EU Helsinki Headline Goal involves the establishment, by the end of 2003, of a military capability that could be made available for Petersberg Task operations consisting of an infantry battalion, 750, a platoon of special forces, 40, a national support element, 30, augmentees, 14, military observers, ten, and a press-media group of six. The necessary Defence Force training plan is in place and progressing satisfactorily.

I emphasise that national sovereignty is a fundamental underlying principle to participation in the European security and defence policy and Ireland will approach each proposed mission on a case by case basis. We will only participate in operations authorised by the United Nations as comprehended by the appropriate legislation – the Defence Act, 1954, the Defence (Amendment) No. 2 Act, 1960, and the Defence (Amendment) Act, 1993. This means that each mission will require the approval of the Government and the House.

In relation to the ongoing debate within the EU on how the rapid reaction force is likely to be funded, I understand an agreement of sorts has been reached in the last week and that Ireland has committed itself to sharing costs on the non-military aspects of military operations. Such costs would include the headquarters for EU-led operations, transport, administration and the hiring of local personnel. Does the Minister know or has his Department worked out how such costs will impact on our defence budget on an annual basis? Am I right in saying that Ireland must bear those costs in relation to any military operation conducted from such a European headquarters even if we decide not to participate in such an operation?

There has been ongoing debate in the EU as to where costs should finally lie. The Irish position has been consistent, that each country meets its own costs.

Regarding the possibility that some costs relating to certain aspects of this development might be shared, I am not aware of a final decision being taken on that as yet. As I said, our stance is very strong on the basis of every country sharing its own costs. I have no estimate because it would be impossible to anticipate what the future holds in this regard. In the first instance we would not become involved unless there was a UN mandate and we would have to come back to the Dáil. Each case would have to be examined on its own merits and there are strict limitations to what we could afford in any case. As I explained earlier to Deputy McGinley, we have had an ongoing acquisition of equipment for the Defence Forces and we are unlikely to be making provision for substantial change in that area.

I raise the issue of the command structure of the rapid reaction force. Annex 7 of the Presidency report on the Treaty of Nice refers to relationships between the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union, opening the possibility of an EU operation being put in the hands of NATO. The British Prime Minister spoke to his Parliament about such a possibility.

The Deputy should put a question to the Minister.

The question relates to the statement that such a practice underlines the EU aim to develop a strategic partnership with NATO.

It is not in order to quote. A question, Deputy.

Is the Minister happy that such NATO co-operation, co-ordination and control is compatible with the concept of Irish neutrality as defined by the Government?

Before the Minister responds I will take a final question from Deputy McGinley.

While I welcome our participation in the Rapid Reaction Force, will it involve the training of Irish troops abroad on foreign soil and, if so, will a constitutional amendment or new legislation be required?

In reply to Deputy McGinley, the White Paper prescribes and defines the type of training envisaged for the Defence Forces which primarily takes place here in Ireland. There are some instances where co-operative efforts are made so that when faced with service abroad the capacity of the Defence Forces to deal in consort with others is enhanced. We have had very little opportunity for exercises of that kind.

With regard to Deputy Boyle's question, it is important to realise that the decision making process lies at political level in the EU. Regarding NATO, the best I could do is to invite the Deputy to join me sometime to view the work in Bosnia-Herzegovinia and Kosovo, where there is a NATO led operation under a UN mandate with Irish participation under that mandate, and see how peace has been restored. The question of whether we get involved here is decided by the politicians. Whether there would be involvement with NATO in terms of its transport and other facilities to facilitate development taking place in Bosnia-Herzegovinia and Kosovo is a matter for decision by the EU at senior political level.

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