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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 19 Nov 2002

Vol. 557 No. 4

Book of Estimates, 2003: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann commends the 2003 Estimates for Public Services (Abridged) published by the Minister for Finance on 14th November, 2002.

I am happy to have the opportunity to talk about the 2003 Abridged Estimates Volume. The media debate about the Estimates in recent days has been littered with misconceptions and inaccuracies. I want to take the opportunity today to correct some of those.

Some newspapers have referred to a planned increase in spending next year of 2% compared to a 20% increase this year. Neither of these figures is correct. It is true that last week's Abridged Estimates Volume provides for a 2% increase in spending. However, I made it clear last week that the AEV does not include any provision for social welfare rate increases, benchmarking or any other pay increases. I will deal with these issues on budget day. It is true that the end October Exchequer returns showed spending at that point was nearly 20% above spending in the corresponding period last year. However, the forecast outturn figures for 2002 which were included in last week's AEV show that, at this stage, the forecast outturn for net voted expenditure is only slightly above the Revised Estimates Volume provision. These are provisional figures and the end of year Exchequer returns will be available as usual in early January. However, my aim and expectation remains that spending this year will come in on, or close to, target.

I have an excellent track record overall in terms of ensuring that public spending each year is managed within the approved allocation for the year. Between 1997 and 2001, the average variation between the level of spending planned in the Revised Estimates Volume and the end-year outturn was less than 1%.

Another common misconception is that Ireland's share of spending relative to national income is much lower than that of other European Union countries and that our level of public service provision is correspondingly lower. This suggestion is based on cross-country comparisons which indicate, for example, that total general Government spending in Ireland is budgeted at about 35.5% of GDP for 2002, compared with an EU average of 47%. However, this comparison is misleading. Ireland's taxable capacity, which delivers the resources for public service provision, is essentially related to gross national product, not gross domestic product. Our GDP is about 20% higher than our GNP whereas there is no real difference between GDP and GNP in other EU member states.

In addition, a lot of expenditure is age related – pensions in particular. Other EU member states currently have a far less favourable demographic position than us. On average, 16% of other member states' populations are aged 65 or over whereas only 11% of our population is in this age group. This means, for example, that other EU member states have to spend much more to provide the same level of pensions and health services as us.

If one takes account of these factors, our spending ratio is much closer to the EU average and because I have managed our budgetary affairs prudently over the years, we now spend far less on debt service than others, about €1,000 less per household per annum.

Amid much talk of cutbacks, I want once again to remind this House of the scale of investment in our public services in recent years. I am proud that our growth rates since 1997 have allowed us to spend more on public services than has ever been possible in the past. In fact, we have had the highest rate of increase in public spending of all EU member states over that period. Spending on day to day public services here rose three times as fast as in the average EU member state between 1997 and 2002.

The Abridged Estimates provide for total gross expenditure next year of €36.7 billion, nearly double the amount spent in 1997. Current spending will be over €31 billion compared to €17 billion in 1997. Since I became Minister for Finance, funding for the health service has increased by €5.3 billion, education spending has increased by €2.4 billion and social welfare spending has increased by €4 billion. Capital investment next year will be over €5 billion compared with only €2 billion in 1997.

Taking account of the Estimates figures just published, and before any budget day additions, public expenditure will have increased at an average of about 13% per annum over the period 2001 to 2003. We are now operating from a very high spending base. This will allow us to continue to deliver high levels of public services.

This Government has consistently shared with the people the fruits of our economic success. We have used those resources to reform our tax system, invest in our public services, reduce our debt and establish the national pensions reserve fund to safeguard the pensions of this and future generations. Clearly, as economic and revenue growth moderates, we must bring our spending increases into line with tax revenue. The only other alternative would be higher taxation or higher borrowing. We built our economic success in recent years by putting sound taxation policies in place and this Government will not abandon those policies. The Government is also well aware that higher borrowing is not the answer – history has surely taught us that much.

The EU Stability and Growth Pact requires us to keep the general Government finances close to balance or in surplus and to take corrective action when there is an actual or expected divergence from this objective. We made it clear in An Agreed Programme for Government that we would respect this sovereign commitment. We must face reality. The pace of international economic activity continues to be sluggish amid uncertainty about the timing and the pace of any pick-up. Our economy is in good shape and in a good position to deal with the current slow down. We are determined to secure the maximum value for expenditure to further improve the quality of service provided to the public.

Government has to prioritise its spending and difficult choices are required. It is not possible to afford the same priority to each sector. It seems that everyone is prepared to ream off along list of high priority programmes but no one is willing to propose a reduction in even one specific spending programme. The Government has decided to continue to provide substantial funding in 2003 for health, social welfare, education and transport infrastructure. This has inevitably required a tighter approach in other areas. The Government did not make these difficult choices lightly. It is all too easy to ignore the realities. Government is about making choices. Constructive opposition might be expected to signal what areas of expenditure are of a lower priority.

Whatever problems exist in relation to the quality and quantity of our public services, money alone is clearly not the answer. If it were, we would have solved all our problems by now. Greater attention needs to be devoted to securing value for money through more effective control and management of public expenditure. It is a matter for each Minister ultimately to manage within his or her total allocation next year and to secure the best possible value for money from that allocation.

The success of any expenditure management system is crucially dependent upon a shared recognition by each Minister and his or her Secretary General of the need to ensure that appropriate financial control systems are in place and are functioning effectively. Ministers and their management advisory committees need to consider emerging expenditure trends on a regular basis and ensure, through this process, that budgets are being properly controlled and managed. Starting next year, I intend to publish the yearly spending profiles which are submitted to my Department at the start of the year. This will allow members of this House and commentators to make a more informed assessment of the pattern of spending as shown by the Exchequer returns which are issued by my Department shortly after the end of each month. I will continue to submit monthly expenditure management reports to Government on emerging spending and revenue trends.

Each Department's financial control system should include appropriate risk assessment measures and contingency provisions. I will ask that a review of spending patterns over the past five years be undertaken as part of the process of assessing the risk of future expenditure overruns on particular programmes. Depending on the outcome of the risk assessment measures, I expect each Minister to agree with his or her accounting officer a contingency amount within the 2003 allocation to be held back from specific allocation to cater for unforeseen pressures emerging as the year progresses.

As with any other spending programme, schemes where it is particularly difficult to forecast demand must be managed effectively. I am asking Ministers to ensure that Departments examine these schemes, assess the factors which influence the behaviour of both the clients of the scheme and those delivering the service, and prepare contingency options for changes in the rules governing such schemes or in the delivery mechanisms. Where evidence of higher than anticipated spending begins to emerge, Ministers must respond quickly by putting in place measures to bring spending into line with the approved allocation.

I am also introducing revised arrangements for managing capital spending. These will require each Department to provide details of all capital projects which it proposes to initiate during 2003 and which are planned for the following four years. Departments will also be required to provide an end of year report showing the actual expenditure outturn and outputs delivered.

The expenditure management arrangements should also provide incentives for Departments to improve efficiency and cost-effectiveness. As a general rule, where Departments secure savings as a result of efficiency measures or steps they have taken to curtail a programme, these savings should be available for other high priority programmes within the same Department. Similarly, proceeds arising from the disposal of surplus property should be available to finance high priority capital projects within the relevant Department.

Extra income arising from specific policy changes, particularly where these involve user-charging mechanisms which would improve the management and delivery of particular schemes or programmes, should be available to the relevant Department. I will develop these ideas further in consultation with my Cabinet colleagues.

While these control measures are very important in their own right they are also designed to encourage public service managers to seek out and exploit greater efficiencies. A number of initiatives are already in place which will help put the spotlight on value for money issues, including the management information framework, the expenditure review process and the forthcoming mid-term evaluation of the national development plan. I am aware that more needs to be done.

For a number of years now, a three year planning horizon has been in place for public expenditure. I want to develop this further to give greater certainty to Departments in relation to planned allocations over the medium term. I have already introduced a five year financial envelope in the public transport sector to facilitate greater planning and more effective management of expenditure.

My Department is currently considering whether a similar approach can be applied in other large capital spending areas. Ministers and Secretaries General are responsible for managing spending within their areas and I want to give them the maximum flexibility to do so effectively. Greater delegation must be coupled with greater accountability. The public has a right to see whether it is getting value for money. The Estimates provide an enormous amount of detail on the allocations across Votes and programme areas and are an essential tool in the Government's accountability to the Oireachtas. However, they tell us nothing about the outputs which are linked to those resources. Only when we can assess the outputs delivered, can we be in a position to assess whether we are getting real value for money from all of our public services.

This House can be confident this Government will protect and consolidate the economic progress achieved to date under our stewardship. We will pursue a sustainable budgetary policy, one that meets the needs of the current situation and that is capable of quickly restoring our capacity to provide for improved public services. We will take whatever steps are necessary to secure a sustainable financial position and evidence of this is clear in the 2003 Abridged Estimates. I commend this motion to the House.

With the permission of the House I propose to share my time with Deputies Timmins and O'Dowd. I move the following amendment:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"rejects the Book of Estimates for 2003 which have failed to initiate any serious reform of public services to deliver value for money but have simply targeted the easy options for cutting spending without heed to their impact on the economy or the community."

I suppose it would be churlish not to welcome some tighter control as announced by the Minister for Finance in the latter part of his statement. To be brutally honest, it is far too late to talk about control when in the past two years alone the Minister has allowed spending to increase by 40% at a time when he raised only 5% extra in revenue. That was the time for the Minister to heed the warning signs of an economy going wrong. The Minister's announcement also shows the extent to which proper controls had rusted over during the course of this Government's tenure.

The Minister announces as news that Departments should show the outputs they deliver or that savings made should be available for other programmes or that changes in the rules of schemes should be under consideration when there are cost over-runs. To say that this is something new or original just shows the extent to which the Minister failed to respect his responsibilities to deal with the public money, the money raised from taxpayers, and to use it properly to give value for money. That will be the epitaph of this Government.

It is the job of the Minister for Finance to heed those warnings. It was the current Minister for Finance who built his reputation on dissent from the sort of swashbuckling over-spending Mr. Haughey engaged in when he was Taoiseach. Yet when the test came and it was his turn to control spending, he was found wanting. The reason vulnerable people will suffer in the next 12 months is that the Minister's courage failed him. When the test came he was not there to ensure that money was spent wisely.

Now we are seeing a knee-jerk reaction as he seeks to reinstate his political reputation at the expense of some of the weakest sections of our community. It is not the demands of first-time buyers, the thousands of people on the waiting lists or the people living in fear of crime without the services of a Garda who have created the sort of financial problems we have today. The responsibility lies four square with the Minister, the Taoiseach and his colleagues in Government, who refused to act when action was needed and who deliberately concealed the need for action from the electorate when an election was pending.

The Government revved up this vehicle of State spending to an incredible speed, at more than 20% per annum. Now that we are on the slippery surface, the Minister will do the very thing one does not do when speeding on slippery surfaces – slam on the brakes. We know what will happen, we will go into a skid and the people who will be hurt are those who are not well belted in. It will not be the Minister and his colleagues, who are well belted into the plush seats in their Mercedes, it will be the small people who depend on Government to deliver services. It will be the first time buyers struggling to get on the first rung of the ladder of home ownership. It will be the people waiting to get into hospitals who find beds closed. It will be those old people who are sitting in fear in their homes, worried about crime, who find that the Garda are not there, that they are confined to barracks because there are no payments to be made to them.

It will be the children who are trying to learn while sitting in sub-standard schools with sub-standard toilets. It will be the people on community employment who will go on to the dole. It will be the patients on long-term medication who will have to pay more. These are the people who will carry the can for the way in which public finances were managed in the past two years. Let us be very blunt about it, the Minister for Finance was ashamed to mention any of these people in his speech. His speech was confined to accountancy-speak about slide rule approaches to the way public funding must be managed. This is not good enough. The people who are suffering and who will suffer are flesh and blood people who depend on public services to be cared for in their old age or when they are vulnerable or exposed.

That is the betrayal that has happened in these Estimates. There is no sign of serious reform in the way spending is undertaken. There is no bureaucracy being reformed, no programmes being dropped because they have past their date of usefulness. When one dissects the Estimates, one does not see any serious reform going on, any non-performing programmes being closed down to make way for worthwhile programmes. What one sees is the sort of crude cutting of transfers that go to the public, like essential repairs grants or first-time buyers' grants or home help. Either that, or one sees the traditional measures – repairs and maintenance – cut back, petrol allowances cut back, postage or IT improvements cut back. All the things that lubricate a decent public service are being curtailed as a sort of stop-gap to try to deal with this runaway spending.

On stripping down the Minister's Estimates one sees that when one takes away social welfare, he has made provision of 6% in relation to pay, but in terms of the remainder, the crumbs that come across the table to those who depend on public services, the increase is just over 1%. This is a savage real cut in the actual services that come down from the big bureaucracies and reach the homes of people.

We are seeing classic accountancy cut backs in these Estimates. Over the next year we will see expensive hospital beds lying idle with no patients. We will see social workers confined to their offices because they have no petrol allowances. We will see outreach services for vulnerable people only open at office hours when they are of little value. We will see housing bureaucracies administering schemes but with no money or houses to allocate. We will see prisoners confined to their cells without rehabilitation. We will see foresters without saplings to plant. We will see costs shunted on to hapless consumers, causing congestion as the capital projects are stalled.

That is the sort of result that will come from this slide rule accountancy that is being engaged in tonight. It is the people at the end of the line, the people who do not have the loudest voices, who will take the hit. These are the wrong Estimates being introduced by this Minister at this time. We have already seen the approach taken by a Minister who told people to get out and party. Now he is saying people must accept a wage freeze. The Minister has no credibility in asking people to accept a wage freeze.

Here is a Government that assured consumers there would not be a rip off during the euro changeover, but the rip off happened and Ministers sat on their hands. Far worse, not only did they sit on their hands but they enthusiastically got in on the act. We see more of this in the Estimates. In summer, patients waiting for long-term medication saw a 21% increase, now patient care is to go up again. Casualty department costs went up 26% in summer, hospital beds costs went up by 10%. Now costs are to go up again. The cost of VHI went up by 18% in summer, now it is to go up again. Local authority rent went up by 18% in summer, now it is to go up again. The cost of electricity is to go up by 13%, public transport by 9%, and charges to send children to college by 69%.

This is the sort of stealth tax that is hidden in these Estimates. That is the approach of a Government that is bankrupt of ideas on how to manage public services, to deliver proper quality services to the people for whom they are responsible. It is sad to see these Estimates. They are the wrong Estimates from the wrong Minister. The country deserves better.

During the summer I read a book called "After the Celtic Tiger". It explained how the boom happened, dealing with domestic and external factors. In terms of domestic factors, it listed a favourable environment for foreign direct investment, an elastic supply of good quality labour based on our educational system, the industrial peace we had and strong public finances. In the book, Professor Brendan Walsh prophetically states that a year is a long time in economics. The Minister for Finance will remember the book well because he launched it around March or April of last year—

It is a very pleasant read.

On page 39 when the professor refers to a slowdown in tax revenue and a rapid rise in current spending, he states that the public finances are in good shape. What has happened since then? We had a €4.8 billion surplus, now we are down to €1 billion-plus.

Relate this to the factors that the professor pointed out were necessary for the boom. Does the favourable environment for foreign direct investment exist anymore? I do not know. Do we have an elastic supply of good quality labour? We have cut backs coming in education and talk of the reintroduction of third level fees. Given the increases Deputy Bruton outlined, how much longer are we to have industrial peace?

The book goes on to outline the measures that should be taken during a downturn. The main one is to maximise the efficiency with which we spend public money. It would appear the Minister has set out in his submission today to try to put measures in place to do that. It is something we have articulated on this side of the House for a long time. Can the Government be believed, however? We have come in here for several budgets and when a national development plan was launched with great fanfare and great confidence, yet none of it has ever come to fruition.

There is one thing on which I have to commend the Minister. He has given a speech of almost 2,000 words without once mentioning the first time buyers' grant. I have a little bone to pick with him on this because the Government has done a brilliant job on it. I am not here to defend the Government but no Minister has defended it. The Minister for the Environment and Local Government, Deputy Cullen, could not be found for two days to come on local or national radio. He was at a launch for a council in Waterford. I then turned on the television and saw him on screen, but he would not answer the questions put to him. The Minister for Finance can defend the abolition of that grant. When first introduced it represented 5% or 6% of the purchase price of a house in 1977. It was increased only once or twice since its introduction. If it had been index linked, it would be approximately €15,000. It can only be availed of by first time buyers of a new house. In the region of half to two thirds of first time buyers buy second hand houses.

Many inequities in the grant can be pointed out, but why did the Minister not mention the abolition of the grant? The Government decided beforehand to have a loss leader. It decided to pick a small item, the abolition of the first time buyers grant, on which the public would focus. Every Fianna Fáil backbencher is speaking about it. The media often say not to shoot the messenger, but in this case I must shoot the messenger. For the past five years the media has been sold a dummy. Every week in the national newspapers and out on the plinth the same faces can be seen and the media run with the same story. What will the backbenchers do? They will do nothing. This is all orchestrated. Those who spoke out in the previous Government were rewarded. My constituency colleague, Deputy Roche, was appointed Minister of State, and a former Minister of State, Deputy Ó Cúiv, who voted against the Nice treaty, was appointed to Cabinet.

I am certain the Minister for Finance will bring in a tax credit for first time buyers of new houses or second hand houses on budget day, for which he will get a round of applause. Deputies Fleming McGuinness, O'Flynn and Lenihan – the party's answer to Buzz Lightyear – will then be on the plinth saying the same thing. They will all be seen as wonderful men. All the cutbacks in the areas of roads, health, environment and education will be forgotten, as we all go home happy for Christmas. The Minister for Finance knows that is true. I must hand it to his spin doctors, but time has caught up with them. I hope the messengers will get it right for once.

The value of the agricultural industry to the economy increased from 2.3% to 2.4% in the 1980s, which over a ten year period gave rise to an increase in wealth of 23% to 24%. The value of the agricultural industry to the economy increased by only 0.5% or 0.6% in the 1990s, a decade when the economy doubled in size. It increased only to that level because it did not advance structurally. It is regrettable that the cutbacks in agriculture in the Estimates are in those areas where the structure could be improved. The Minister's friend, Professor Walsh, states that where countries cut back on research and innovation in a downturn, they never catch up. Research in the agricultural budget will be cut back by 24% at a cost of €7 million. The Minister for Agriculture and Food should have looked elsewhere for such resources or maybe he should have secured more for research, as this industry is going through difficult times, and I regret the cutback.

The allocation to An Bord Bia, which is meant to be marketing our overseas produce, will be cut by 13%. The allocation for REPS, which is important for environmental protection, will be decreased by €44 million. The national development plan, which is meant to address the structural difficulties in agriculture, in respect of which I regret I do not have more time to elaborate, has been reduced by 44%. I congratulate the Minister for Finance on that stunt. Fair play to whoever thought of it, but how it was manufactured will come out in time.

The finances in local authorities have been in a crisis for some time. I particularly draw to the Minister's attention the fact that the shared ownership scheme in the urban borough council in Drogheda is closed and has been for some time. Shared ownership is a good concept. It gives people, who otherwise would not have the capacity to buy a house and who perhaps earn less than the national average income, the opportunity to buy a house. The council in Drogheda has not been accepting applications for the past month, nor will it tell us when it will be in a position to reverse this. It appears it will not open the door again to such applicants, even in January after the budget has gone through. There is a crisis in respect of home ownership. I ask the Minister to investigate this position.

The Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs portfolio has been devastated by cuts in excess of €50 million in the Estimates. These can be examined under three headings. There is an overall cut in expenditure of 26% under the heading of rural affairs. That will have a significant impact particularly in respect of jobs in the west, part of the BMW region, where the IDA and other statutory organisations are working to create jobs. In particular the Western Investment Fund, which had a budget last year of €6.3 million, will be reduced next year to €2 million. What impact will this savage cut have? If the Minister telephoned that body, it would tell him the facts. It expected to support approximately 400 jobs through community and private partnerships across the west – an area which surely needs more investment, not less – in the next 12 months. It is shameful that its budget has been cut by this significant amount.

If one focuses on the west, one realises the infrastructure and commitment needed to keep communities and families together in their environment rather than having to move to large towns. People want to sustain jobs in their environment, but with these savage cuts the Minister is not allowing them to do so. The allocation for CLÁR, a programme specifically related to keeping people in rural communities which are disadvantaged, will be savagely cut by up to 25%, at a cost of more than €3 million, which is unacceptable.

There is an overall cut under the heading of community affairs of more than 7% in the Estimates. This comes back to the question of the sustainability of life in rural communities, particularly in the west. The allocation for community and voluntary services will be cut from €34 mill ion to €29 million, or 16%. The forthcoming budget is exacerbating the problems of western development by destroying whatever nurturing and initiative there is among members of the communities and by destroying the community and voluntary organisations, which will be decimated by these cuts.

Tá ísliú 10% ar an mbuiséad iomlán don nGaeltacht. Tá laghdú 20% ar scéimeanna feabhais sa Ghaeltacht, ó €12 mhilliún go €10.5 milliún. Ní rud maith é sin ach go háirithe. Teastaíonn na rudaí céanna ó mhuintir na Gaeltachta agus a theastaíonn ó dhaoine atá ina gcónaí ins na bailte móra, ar nós bóithre, mar shampla, ach ní bheidh siad le fáil an bhliain seo chugainn. Níl mé sásta leis na giorraithe seo.

The most important cut in the Gaeltacht budget is to Údarás na Gaeltachta. It was to spend €32 million this year, but under this harsh, hard-hitting, hard-cutting unacceptable regime, its budget will be cut back to €25 million, a reduction of 22%. One of the core issues in the report of Coimisiún na Gaeltachta, which was set up by the Minister, Deputy Ó Cúiv, to examine the future of the Gaeltacht, on how new jobs could be sustained and how the Gaeltacht could be developed, was the expansion and improvement of facilities and services provided by Údarás na Gaeltachta. These Estimates show clearly how bad the Minister, Deputy Ó Cúiv, has been in making his argument at Cabinet in respect of Coimisiún na Gaeltachta, which is to explore the future for Gaeltacht communities, given that Údarás na Gaeltachta will be savaged by these cuts.

When we rang Údarás na Gaeltachta to find out cad a bhí le déanamh aige, dúradar that it believes it will have to sell sites and properties, which is the complete antithesis of rural development and Gaeltacht development.

The date, 14 November, will be remembered by many people who had a dream of buying an affordable house as the day the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, lit a bonfire under their dreams. I have a typical letter from a constituent, a young man with a wife, who is working as a research assistant and his only option of getting a house was Fingal County Council's affordable housing scheme. He states that the prospect of he and his wife getting a house and being able to start a family has been ripped away at the last minute because while he was approved in principle he has not as yet been allocated a house. He states that the Minister said that people do not need the money and that the abolition of the grant will have no real effect. Those were the Minister's words – that people would not notice the loss of €3,500. This measure has possibly lost that man and his wife the only chance they had of buying a house and starting a family. Contrast the treatment of such a young couple with the Minister's favourite children, the investors, who are cosseted with tax breaks which he has set up and elaborated each year in office.

Debate adjourned.
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