Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 5 Dec 2002

Vol. 558 No. 6

Financial Resolutions, 2002. - Financial Resolution No. 11: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
THAT it is expedient to amend the law relating to inland revenue (including value-added tax and excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
–(Minister for Defence).

This is the budget the country needs at the present time. While not without some pain, it is a fair and progressive budget that looks after those who are least well off. It seeks some contribution from everyone else, especially those sectors that have prospered most in recent years. The Government is determined to maintain a strong economy for the benefit of all our people. This budget will send out a message of confidence at home and abroad that we are determined to remain on top of the situation, despite the further deterioration in the world economy.

The positive features of the budget in this regard are: a modest general Government borrowing requirement of 0.7% of GDP in 2003 after achieving near balance in 2002 and a continued drop in the GGB to GNP debt ratio to 34%, the second lowest in the European Union after Luxembourg; the lower personal tax rates achieved by the last Government are maintained and the move to the unified corporate tax rate of 12.5% has been completed on schedule; and there is no deviation from the target amount set aside for future pension liabilities or modification of the special savings investment account scheme, despite the siren voices. The lack of provision for future pensions is a serious problem, particularly in some European Union economies. We are maintaining one of the highest public investment ratios in the European Union with an extra 20% being provided for roads, compared with the Abridged Book of Estimates.

I regard it as a great achievement in these times that we can still look forward to a net increase in employment of 18,000 this year and, following the budget, 11,000 next year. Until recently, we were never anywhere near the top of any international comparative employment table. On the contrary, until 15 years ago we were bumping along the top of the unemployment league in the company of Spain. One only needs to look around Europe, both now and in the past, or at the former Asian tigers to see how quickly economic reputations built up painstakingly over a long period can be undone if the right action is not taken in good time.

The point may be made by some that we could use more room for manoeuvre under the Stability and Growth Pact to borrow more. I have no desire to see this country under the sort of pressure we faced in the past or some of our partners are under today in struggling to achieve acceptable deficits, nowadays defined as below 3% of GDP. There are many uncertainties in the world economy, not least the uncertainty over Iraq, and our aim must be to get through this period with minimum disruption and in a strong position to resume higher growth as soon as external conditions improve.

In real terms, there is no reduction in Government expenditure. In fact, there is likely to be a modest real increase and gross current expenditure is set to grow by 8.7%. All talk of savage cutbacks is simply ignoring the figures. Besides, nearly every sector has benefited from huge increases over the past five years, in many cases of 80% to 100% or more. The tighter current situation in which spending is levelling off on a high plateau will be an incentive to ensure concentration on the essentials and the more important priorities, rather than to behave as if money were no object.

The budget has to be understood in the context of two key facts, the difficult economic circumstances we face domestically and internationally in the short-term and the need to manage our way through the coming period of uncertainty. We should be poised to take best advantage of the upturn as soon as it comes in order that we can, at all times, fully protect the position of the weaker members of society. The budget meets these two imperatives. It strikes the right balance between social protection for today's people and needs and investment to underpin and secure our economic prospects into the future.

We are one of the most open economies in the world. We must protect our competitiveness and astutely plan to regain better competitive advantage if we are to secure future economic growth, job creation and social justice. It is the very open nature of our economy, combined with stability orientated domestic policies, that has driven the exceptional economic growth of recent years, most notably over the period 1997 to 2000. With the global economic downturn and the slowdown in our economic growth last year and into this year, the Government has had to take stock. We have had to take unpalatable measures to bring the public finances into line with the economic reality and protect our future prospects.

In formulating the budget for next year, the Government has been guided by the need to ensure levels of public spending are appropriate to actual and projected economic growth which, in turn, affects revenue levels. In other words, spending increases for next year have to be brought into line with changes in tax revenue. This is precisely what is being done through the Estimates and now in the budget. It is especially important to make the point that corrective action to account for the uncertainties we face next year will help us achieve the vital goal of consolidating the important and unprecedented economic and social gains of recent years. Without such action, we would risk rapidly eroding all that has been achieved.

In formulating the Estimates, the recommendations of an independent review committee informed the decision making process. I am grateful to those who gave of their time. It is the job of the Government, however, to evaluate choices and make final decisions, taking all factors into consideration. Everyone can see which suggestions have been adopted. The proposals which have not been taken on board do not have the status of an agenda for Government, but are available for anyone to consult or debate. The very large spending increases of recent years led to a big expansion in services and capital investment in many priority areas. While the rate of increase could not be sustained indefinitely, it was a justifiable part of our economy in a rapid catch-up phase. The sheer level of these increases are an important fact against which any outcry about the moderation of spending in the Estimates and the budget must be judged. On average, Departments and agencies are spending at least 40% more on services to the public than they did two years ago. That is not, necessarily, the same as saying that we have seen a 40% increase in the quality or quantity of services. It is reasonable, therefore, to look critically at where taxpayers' money is going and at whether our structures and delivery mechanisms are giving us the best possible value for money.

Taking into account that the base expenditure figure on public services is some 40% higher than it was two years ago, the Government has had to make decisions about where resources are to be prioritised in the current very different circumstances. In line with our overall objective to improve the general quality of life and raise national competitiveness, priority is being given to health, education, social welfare and transport infrastructure.

There is a very substantial social inclusion package in this budget, costing €500 million. We are maintaining our commitment to the older section of our population with a €10 increase, with a similar increase of €11 for widows and widowers on the contributory pension. This is broadly the same level of increase as was given last year, and is comfortably in excess of inflation.

In considering what has been done for our older people, we have given another substantial increase in the age exemption limit from €26,000 to €30,000 for a married couple, as well as some further improvements in the carer's allowance, the respite care grant, and the extension of the free telephone allowance to residents of nursing homes who have their own telephone account.

We have also provided a further increase of between €8 and €10 a month in child benefit this year, even if not on the scale of the spectacular increase last year. Of all the improvements made in recent years, those in pensions and child benefit have been particularly appreciated by the public.

With regard to health, the gross allocation for next year will be €8.9 billion, an increase of €520 million on 2002. That rise needs to be set within the context of a massive 147% cumulative increase over the period 1997 to 2003. Of itself, that represents a clear demonstration of the Government's consistent commitment and determination to bring about a marked and substantial improvement in health care provision. However, the health delivery agencies have a vital role to play too, especially in the effective management of resources on behalf of patients and those on waiting lists, as well as on behalf of taxpayers generally. We will make further progress in extending the medical card as soon as possible, but I remind the House our pledge is to be implemented over a whole term of government, and not necessarily in the first year.

In the area of education, the gross allocation for 2003 of €5.6 billion represents a €190 million increase on 2002 and brings the cumulative rise over the period 1997 to 2003 to 77%. This includes a threefold increase in capital spending. While teachers are the most important educational resource, continued investment in school buildings, to bring them up to the best modern standards, is a high priority for the Government. I look forward to public private partnership projects making a significant contribution in this regard. I welcome the proposals of the Minister for Education for improved transparency from the beginning of next year as to where each school building project is at.

On social welfare, the gross allocation for the Department of Social and Family Affairs has now risen to nearly €10.2 billion. This is an increase of €800 million or a bit over 8% on last year. Overall spending on social welfare has increased by €4.5 billion since 1997, despite the halving in unemployment from 10% to less than 5%.

This allocation of scarce resources demonstrates the Government's commitment to accord special priority to those sections in our society who are most marginalised or most vulnerable; those in need of health care, those depending on social welfare payments for their incomes, as well as those who will drive economic and social performance in the years ahead – people giving and receiving education. In principle, we have close to full employment, and, generally speaking, taking up employment opportunities which are available or accessible from most parts of the country, is the best cure for low incomes, as far as anyone in the labour force is concerned.

Having regard to the limiting effects on economic activity of accumulated under investment, €5.5 billion will now be invested next year in capital projects. By any objective reckoning, and in particular by previous standards, that is major expenditure. It is almost twice the equivalent rate for the EU generally.

Next year, €1.7 billion will be spent on capital investment in transport, €1 billion on housing, a further €1 billion on health and education capital projects and more than €470 million on environmental services. The extra €209 million for the national roads programme announced in the budget represents a large increase on the outturn for this year, and will allow a number of new projects to be started. Of particular importance is that a significant easing in construction price inflation presents a good opportunity now to achieve better value for money deals. In the round, the allocation for capital expenditure sets a correct balance for this economy and this society, by continuing to invest at a high rate to improve the competitiveness of the economy, while, at the same time, sustaining the gains achieved in promoting greater inclusion and equality in our society. If we attempt to pour too much into the capital side, we will run into capacity constraints, drive up prices, and end up no further forward at more cost. That was our position in part of 1999 and in 2000 as well. We poured extra money into the these areas and got less in return. If logic follows, then we should get a far better return for our input next year.

We have not fallen into either of the traps to which some commentators referred. We have not concentrated all our resources on day to day spending and abandoned the necessary investments in long-term infrastructure. Neither have we pursued physical capital investment programmes, regardless of the changed fiscal situation to the detriment of those people who need support today and a helping hand up to avail of the opportunities that still exist.

As one would expect, the allocations to the higher priority areas have implications for other areas. This is not to say we have abandoned other objectives and important areas. It means, however, that we have to accept that progress in those other areas will be made at a more gradual pace and over a longer time scale than we might initially have hoped.

With regard to the post-PPF talks that are under way, it is still early days yet in the talks process. Good progress has been made in clarifying the key issues involved for each of the pillars of social partnership and identifying the priority issues and areas for attention as the talks progress. Government and the social partners have had a good working relationship in the past, and I look forward to their continuation. Even though Government has to make decisions at the end of the day, and this year that has meant some tough and unpalatable ones, we have always listened to and taken account of the points made by the social partners and have sought to implement the agreements and commitments entered into, in good faith. That has stood us in good stead, and I look forward to being able to continue the good working relationship that has served our people so well.

The Government side remains committed to achieving, if possible, a new partnership agreement. I look forward to continued engagement by all the social partners to achieve that objective in the coming weeks. Social partnership has yielded huge benefits and advantages to all sectors of society over the past 15 years, which are recognised inside and outside the country. The challenge for us all is how we manage our way through the current uncertainty to position ourselves to respond quickly and with agility when we turn the corner, while protecting the social gains made in recent years. Social consensus and cohesion is a big plus factor that will help us to do that.

Our commitment to social partnership is also demonstrated by the fact that the budget includes a provision of €565 million to cover implementation of the first phase of benchmarking under any new agreement.

Public sector numbers have increased very rapidly in recent years as part of a planned improvement in services; by 20,000 excluding health, or 33,000 including health, since September 1998, and more if one goes back further. These include 18,000 extra teachers, 24,000 extra health workers, 1,200 extra gardaí and prison officers, and nearly 5,000 administrative civil servants. The numbers employed in semi-State companies, a few of which have moved into the private sector, have declined by 6,000. In the light of these increases, the capping and reduction over three years of the total public sector by 5,000 or by 1.5% is attainable through redeployment and greater efficiency. I recognise that past experience must guide us towards a more refined system. In consultation with the public service unions we need to put systems in place which allow us to switch people to where they are most needed. At a practical level, I do not envisage any decline in the numbers of front-line staff providing priority public services.

In the last Government we went to great lengths to reduce what for a long time has been perceived as an excessive burden of taxation, falling particularly heavily on employees on PAYE. Rates have been reduced to internationally competitive levels, and bands broadened, so that after the budget only 30% of those potentially subject to tax will be on the higher rate, which has been reduced to 42%. A continued increase in relief for the low paid has been given via the employee tax credit, formerly known as the PAYE allowance, and more substantial mortgage interest relief given to first-time buyers, which will go some way towards compensating for the abolition of the first-time house buyer's grant.

We have over-indexed tax credits and bands consistently in the past few years, so the pause in this year's budget, given the difficult circumstances, will, I believe, be understood by most taxpayers. We still have a tax system that is the most benign in Europe towards the low paid and one that is competitive at almost all levels with other OECD countries.

With lower personal tax rates and income growth in recent years, it should not be necessary to offer as many tax-based incentive schemes as a means of persuading our wealthier and more successful citizens to contribute their fair share to society in the most direct and efficient manner. Property investment is an even more attractive option at present and can have the effect of crowding out first-time buyers and others requiring more spacious accommodation for a growing family.

As Minister for Finance, I greatly broadened the tax base between 1992 and 1994 but it is a job that has to be done every few years, as new schemes rise up to take the place of those that have been cut down. In any case, many development incentives only work if the Government is serious about them being time limited.

It would have been very unwise from a confidence point of view to delay or defer completion of the process of achieving a unified rate of corporation tax of 12.5%. To have delayed at a time of renewed European debate might have been seen as a wavering in our commitment to this, which was announced by Deputy Quinn as Minister for Finance, but implemented by the Fianna Fáil-PD Government over the past four years with the agreement of the European Commission.

I remind our EU partners that we have raised, not reduced, the rate of corporation tax in the international traded sector from zero up to 1981, then to 10% and now to 12.5%. Harmonising corporation tax at a high level is not the answer to the economic problems of any European country. In the United States, which has a fully federal constitution, a key part of competition between different states is their freedom to set different rates of business taxes.

If we want the European economy, as a whole, to be more dynamic, like the United States, we will not stifle legitimate competition or systematically remove all the freedom which enables poorer countries to catch up, particularly when the richer countries have no intention of providing extra resources to the EU for serious wealth redistribution. Legitimate competition on a transparent basis is healthy, not unfair, and large countries that in their day have experienced industrial revolutions and economic miracles should be the last to complain about fair, if unwelcome, competition from smaller and historically much poorer countries.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Twenty years ago, it was a constant complaint, especially on the left and among the trade unions, that we were collecting derisory levels of capital and corporation tax. It was always one of the key issues to be trumpeted out during budget debates down through the years. In the last year of the Fine Gael-Labour coalition in 1986, £257 million was collected in corporation tax and approximately £34 million in capital taxes. This increased significantly over the next ten years during the period of national recovery but, even in the years since 1996, the yield from corporation tax has increased from €1.8 billion to more than €5 billion this year. Capital gains tax yield increased eightfold from €106 million to €859 million between 1996 and 2001, falling a little this year due to more depressed conditions.

I accept it is difficult for people with socialist affiliations to accept that the best way to increase the yield is to drop the rate but the fact is that those people, whom some Members never cease to castigate as members of the most right-wing Government ever, have had infinitely more success in increasing the capital and corporate tax take from business and wealthy individuals than those who insisted on levying those taxes at a punitive rate.

That only applies to some.

The yield from these taxes have made a huge financial contribution to improved services and infrastructure. However, one sometimes feels that some Members would prefer to go back to a 40% capital gains tax rate, as if the object of the exercise was to satisfy moralistic instincts and win political headlines, rather than actually finding a better way of collecting tax from the wealthier sections of society.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Last night figures were being thrown out about tax yields over the years and overnight I obtained a schedule of taxes in percentage terms to address that argument. In 1996, the year before the previous Government took office, corporation and capital gains taxes contributed 12.06% to the Exchequer in comparison to 20.24% currently. That answers the argument about us being a right-wing Government.

That is the end of that.

In general, we, as a Government, have avoided making damaging and even loss making tax changes, that we know would not in practice yield any additional revenue, solely for the purpose of earning brief public applause, which would stop when the detrimental effects became visible.

I began by emphasising the soundness of the budget and its real contribution to continuing confidence in the economy and I finish by emphasising its progressive and socially caring nature. The increased spending is largely made up of a social welfare package that builds further on the progress of recent years and will go some way to reducing both consistent and relative poverty. As the tax tables show, the benefits of the limited changes we are making go almost entirely to employees on lower incomes. I thought the House would have applauded last night.

The clawbacks and the widening of the tax base will mainly affect those on high incomes. The State is providing on a basis of fairness for its own employees but we must halt the rapid growth in numbers. Current and investment expenditure remain at a high level. Any left-wing government in Europe would have no problem introducing or standing over this redistributive budget taking from the wealthy and giving to those who are less well off, which is demonstrated by every chart and table. Such a government would be proud of and aspire to the poverty proofing result shown in the budget tables but, equally, there is nothing that a centre-right government could reasonably object to. If we can hold our confidence, Ireland remains in an enviable economic position and over the next number of budgets we will continue to implement those policies.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

That was a little like the applause I heard yesterday. In the nature of politics, there is much that is ritual and much that is reflex. I would not want anyone to believe that what I will say is just a reflex, the predictable negative noises from an Opposition leader. I do not often claim high seriousness but I do so today because the budget presented yesterday must not be seen just as another link in a chain going nowhere, as it is of much more negative significance than that.

No budget is simply a bundle of taxes and borrowings instead of sums and statistics. The making of a budget creates a profoundly important hiatus in the hurried routine of politics. In any given year the budget should be read as a statement of national values and priorities. It is an opportunity to say through action, "This is what matters, this is what we value", because in microcosm that is what each couple, family and person does every year. We take our everyday needs and take account of implications of age, illness or accident, examine the hopes we have for our children, dream and take practical steps. The way two people plan their tight finances speaks volumes about their standards and the direction they want their lives to take.

There is no family in this country that cannot point with pride at some risk taken, some immediate gratification foregone. There is no individual who does not remember the first or last repayment on his or her mortgage, the relief when an insurance policy is paid off and the sense that an education has been assured. How we interpret and allocate the financial ebbs and flows of our lives speaks volumes about us. It speaks to our pride, our purpose and our very self-confidence. Just as in ancient times it was possible to make a profound judgment about a man based on what he did with moneys entrusted to him, so today is it possible to judge the confidence and self-possession of large numbers of our young people who take themselves and their new degrees out of Ireland to spend a year working and winging it around Australia. These young people are filled with a confidence earlier generations lacked and a sense of competence and ability that will see them right no matter where they go. They do not have much money. In some cases they have negative equity but they do not lack vision. They know there is a time for exploration, risk taking, experimenting and short-term thinking. This is that time for them.

We do not define ourselves by our financial plans but we are defined by them nonetheless. They announce to the world at any time what we believe to be fundamental, what we see as important and what we want to aim at. The annual budget, therefore, is a litmus test of a Government and a way to judge the real values of an Administration. It is the one time in the year when the Government proves what it stands for, whether it means to or not. It is a challenge and an opportunity.

This budget is more notable for what it has not said than for what it contains. It is a vivid and livid example of how soulless, gutless and bankrupt of decency and morality the Government is. Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats used and abused the public purse – the people's money – to bankroll their political survival and last night the Minister for Finance revealed how the people, particularly those with no power, have been chosen to pay again. Not for this Government the open and honest route. Yet again the pain has been hidden. The Minister did not announce how much extra the ordinary taxpayer is going to pay as a result of this budget. He will not, but we can.

Failure to index tax credits and tax bands will cost ordinary taxpayers €502 million next year, or €400 for every household. That is one impact of this budget. This indexation was always done, even in the bad old days of the 1980s which followed the bad old days of the 1970s. We must add another €50 million for the cost of using a cheque book or credit card. Does this morally bankrupt Government expect us to believe that the financial institutions will not be able to pass on the €100 million levy to their customers, who are the ordinary citizens? It was easy for the Minister to announce that he was increasing the 12.5% VAT rate to 13.5%. It would have been harder for him to explain its impact, so he did not. This impact will be felt in every home in the country, irrespective of means. Every time the house is repaired or the washing machine or cooker needs work the householder will pay more. Every new house will cost more. Every visit to the cinema, take-away meal and ESB and telephone bill will rise. This increase, sold as 1%, is a real increase of 8% because 1% of 12.5 is 8% of 100.

This budget was a silent killer. This blueprint puts education, the best and final escape hatch of the disadvantaged, tantalisingly and shamefully out of reach, re-invents health care as a luxury commodity and puts our infrastructure, on which the future of Ireland incorporated critically depends, in jeopardy. It is clear this is a blueprint born out of dishonesty and desperation for power at all costs. It turns social exclusion into deliberate social eviction. It guarantees, if not outright economic extinction for the weakest, at least endangered status. It leaves people on the minimum wage in the tax net.

The Minister's ego has perpetrated a farce whereby the Exchequer must borrow and pay interest on money to hand out to wealthy savers while he will not borrow to save the poor, the disabled or the needy. The budget does not merely fragment society, it shatters it. With this budget the Government has not enabled our future, it has crippled it. Therefore, I denounce it to the House and to the nation.

The country is not in economic crisis but we have a crisis in the management of our public finances. That crisis was born of sloppy management by the Government and decisions taken in the interests of personal ego rather than the national interest. We are not in recession. We have economic growth rates nearly double those of the EU yet it has suited the Government's collective mind to bad mouth and publicy run down the state of our economy for the past two months. It suits members of the Government to say it is the global economy rather than their own apalling and inept mismanagement that is the cause of this. It suits them because if they repeat the line often enough some people will eventually believe them.

Expenditure grew by 50% in two years while revenue grew by 4%. There has been no corresponding increase in public service over the same period. Health spending has increased almost threefold since 1997. Does anyone believe there has been a threefold improvement in the service? Does anyone believe the health service has improved at all? Certainly those who are ill and must, from Tuesday, pay the first €70 of the cost of necessary medicines do not.

How do the following equate with good governance? The National Development Plan is 62% over budget and two years behind schedule after three years, the cost of extending medical cards to the over 70s was underestimated by €70 million and health service employment grew by 30,000 but only 6,150 were medical professionals. After the Celtic tiger years fewer people on low means are entitled to a medical card than in 1997, children are still being taught in condemned buildings and the school building programme is, effectively, frozen. Mullingar hospital, topped out in 1997, will not be open until 2004 while Monaghan hospital is being slowly strangled. Despite numerous reviews only one in five new houses is purchased by first-time buyers. Ireland has crashed down to the bottom of the competitiveness league.

What is worse than that sloppy mismanagement is the cost ordinary citizens are paying because the Government and the Minister have put personal ego before the national interest. It was political ego that drove the Minister to introduce two election budgets in 2001 and 2002, just to cover his political options. These two massive spending budgets drove public spending out of control and the nation into debt. How many primary schools would this have built? How many BreastCheck clinics could have been built with the €400 million wasted on the aborted national stadium? That €400 million equates to more than 1% on the standard rate of income tax.

It was the same need to fund this political ego in 2001 that led to the Minister taxing jobs and frightening away foreign investment by abolishing the employer's PRSI ceiling when the social insurance fund was in surplus. The Ministers ego was dented when public spending went out of control and to salve his ego he reduced spending by the back door. He abolished the first-time buyer's grant, taking away €38 million and giving back €8 million. He increased, twice, the amount the sick have to pay each month for medicines, increased the so-called registration fee for third level students by 70% and increased hospital charges and by extension VHI costs. Because he did not have the money left to invest in public transport fares went up by 15% for most passengers.

Above all it was ego that led him to proudly announce last year that he was not going to borrow and to make his now discredited raid on the Central Bank and the social insurance fund. The raid not only fooled the people but in their arrogance the members of Government believed it themselves. They believed it and built a fraudulent political programme on that economic house of cards last June. That series of promises is in tatters after yesterday.

What is the real impact of this gutless and soulless budgetary process? This budget and these Estimates condemn our people to a thousand little cuts in every aspect of their lives, which the Government will neither acknowledge nor admit. Local authority rents are up 18% and rates on businesses are up between 6% and 10% in most areas. Health insurance, service charges, transport costs, effective tax rates and parking charges have all risen. The list is endless. These are directly attributable to the Governments abuse of the public purse but it did not have the honesty or the morals to take the pain. Instead it palmed off the blame on local authorities, health boards, semi-State companies and anyone else available.

All over the country, credibility stands suspended. Yes, we were rich. The Tánaiste told us the country was awash with money. Now, after the literal and metaphorical deluge, it is simply awash and adrift. The Government, in its own words, spent the money while we had it and now it is gone. It is a bit like the lotto millionaire now picking through the bins. He too spent it while he had it, although he was misspending his own money.

Let us be clear that this budget is not about people, responsibility or society. It is purely and simply about figures, specifically the kinds of figures that can balance the books when one has been ripping off the company. In their efforts to make up for quantum accounting, Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats have wiped quality of life from the landscape. To them we are no longer citizens living in a society, but statistics living in and existing for an economy. That is the essence of what is wrong. We are no longer people with histories, aspirations, needs and ideals. To a Government which has abdicated its moral duty and demonstrated repeatedly that its sole commitment is to itself, we are simply a series of numbers. How else could it have betrayed and sold out the people it was elected to serve?

The Government squandered our money first, then moved on to opportunity. This budget confirms those opportunities as dead. I would like to look at ignored opportunities in three critical areas which decide the kind of – dare I say – society in which we live. The areas are health, education and infrastructure.

Regarding health, the budget provided an extra €2.8 million to pay for less than adequate increases in allowances, such as the mobility allowance and the domiciliary care allowance. In the meantime, after three mini-budgets in health in the past six months, the Government has decided that patients must pay for the misdeeds and mismanagement of Ministers. What have they to offer to the 29,000 people waiting as I speak for a bed in a hospital, the majority of them in Dublin? What will they do for St. Vincent's Hospital, where waiting lists are up by 107% on 1997? What will they do for the Mater Hospital in the Taoiseach's own constituency, where there are 5,000 people waiting to get in?

A couple of weeks ago, the Dublin teaching hospitals took to the airwaves to declare a state of emergency. They are stating that they are bursting at the seams, locking their doors and advising people to stay at home. How will this tough medicine go down with them? While the hospitals at home are falling apart at the seams, the Government is flying people out of the country for treatment. At the same time, it is pricing people out of primary care through scandalously low income limits for medical card eligibility coupled with the enormous increases in the cost of medicines through the drugs payment scheme. What kind of perverse logic is stopping people from accessing medical care when problems first arise and forcing them back into the overcrowded and understaffed hospitals, which are already reaching crisis point? What is the price on the quality and fairness promised in the now defunct health strategy?

While the Minister had the wealth he did not have either the will or the necessary capacity to reform the health services. His solution is to pile the pressure on the sick, those who are dependent on regular medication, those who are already struggling for medical insurance and those who cannot afford to see a doctor at any cost. Will this policy take old women off trolleys or modify the 50% of accident and emergency users who find the units unsuitable? This morning one could have seen the staff in the accident and emergency unit in St. Vincent's Hospital climbing over bodies on trolleys waiting to get into units.

Will the policy do anything to address the 173,000 bed days lost to hospitals over the past two years, 42% of them due to nursing shortages? Will it do anything for the 25,000 children who are waiting for up to eight years for public orthodontic care? We have yet to clarify how the cap on public service recruitment will affect an already understaffed health service. Will this cap mean less junior doctors, nurses, radiographers, speech therapists, occupational therapists and physiotherapists? If it does, we may all book our flights out of the country to seek health care abroad because our own health service is barely holding together.

What about education? Education is about enablement. It enables our children to face the challenges and seize the opportunities the world provides. It is a way of protecting the weak and it challenges us to elevate the disadvantaged. No sooner was the Government back in power than it initiated a new social contract with the disadvantaged. It axed €11 million from schemes to keep them in the system. At a stroke, it committed them, perhaps forever, to a life best described by the subjunctive, "if only".

The budget did nothing for the 800 children who never make it past primary level. It did nothing for the 19% who never make it to the leaving certificate. What will it do for the 100 primary schools whose daily timetable could well include, in some cases, an up-close and personal study of the habits of the rat? It will do nothing because there was no extra money allocated for education.

I fail to understand how the Minister for Education and Science can preside over the fact that over 400 schools are now at a standstill. There are two things that make any nation tick, health and education. Any Minister or Government that reneges on them should be absolutely ashamed. Remember that the Government has already taken the hatchet to capital projects for primary schools. What will this round of spending do for parents who dread sending their children off to learn in schools the likes of which one would not find even in the far reaches of Albania? All over the country people are sending school books to Africa under the Trócaire Christmas giving scheme. If this trend continues that kind of charity might just have to begin at home.

After this budget, Trinity College will not exactly be bracing itself for an onslaught of students from Kilbarrack and Killinarden. Even before yesterday, student registration fees were already up 70% and access programmes, designed to get students from these backgrounds into third level, had been cut. The Government has added yesterday's insult to the serious injury of 24% cuts in capital funding for our universities and 33% cuts in capital projects for our institutes of technology. It calls this investing in the future, protecting the weak and alleviating disadvantage. If the Minister for Education and Science does not understand that the future of job creation is through innovation, patenting and research and development, then the co-operation and support necessary for our third level colleges and institutes of technology will be of no avail. The Government's response in this budget is disgraceful.

The future is very uncertain because of the dire and worsening state of our infrastructure. I am not sure what the Minister for Finance was thinking of. Infrastructure is the framework on which our economy and society is built. A lack of infrastructure leads to no inward investment, no trade, no business and no money. The infrastructural allocation in the Estimates was 11% down on last year. Dublin commuters face daily hell. This city has become a monster, sucking the national development plan funds dry. Luas is hopelessly overdue and the excavations prove it, the metro link to Dublin airport is way behind schedule and significantly over budget, and Dublin Bus is still a monopoly. It is no wonder that traffic congestion is costing the country €650 million per year or that the average traffic speed in the capital will fall to eight kilometres per hour by 2006. A road journey between here and Cork can take seven hours, a road journey between here and Waterford can take four hours and a road journey between here and Navan can take two and a half hours. What tourist or business person would want to put up with that?

What is to happen to the 22 road schemes still awaiting finance, with no provision for them in the Book of Estimates? How does this gel with the spatial strategy? This budget has no provision to address the imbalance whereby 19 Internet data centres were due to be completed by the middle of this year in Dublin, while there were only two planned for the rest of the entire country. Is it any wonder that we have fallen to 25th place out of 30 countries in the OECD surveyed in terms of broadband access for small firms and home users? I hardly call this strategically positioning the Irish economy to make the most of the information society boom.

Are we now to face a future where every town and village is likely to be dug up in the next 20 years to facilitate the roll-out of broadband cable without having investigated the capacity of what wireless can deliver in a much shorter time and in a more expeditious manner with the same level of facility? There needs to be a re-examination of this area because while broadband is as necessary as electricity, there may be more expeditious ways of getting the service it provides. I am not saying it should not happen but if we are to face a 20 year programme of roll-out, that will be too little, too late.

The national development plan has all but collapsed as a planning document. Despite the promises made in the last two elections, what was delivered in relation to infrastructure was nothing of any significance. The roads which were built or which are under construction were those identified a decade ago. The Government has also failed to fund any new road schemes which were not in the pipeline prior to the production of the NDP. Even in the county of Kildare, the famous snail affected Kildare bypass has been delayed for years. One of the worst bottlenecks in the country at Monasterevin cannot proceed because of lack of funding. Is it not a disgrace that the National Roads Authority has identified 28 roads projects that are ready to go, with full planning permission secured, but all are held up because the Government will not approve funding?

Where now stands the deal made by the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, the farmers' former friend, on the abolition of roll-over relief for land purchased for road projects? The Dublin Port tunnel was first mentioned in a development plan for the city in 1972, no less than 30 years ago, and it is still not ready. When it is ready, at a staggering cost of over €650 million, it will bring great relief to some of the city's commuters but it will move the traffic jam to the East Wall Road because the Macken Street bridge across the Liffey, which was to accommodate traffic from the tunnel, is postponed due to Government funding cutbacks. Another NDP star project, Luas, is again behind schedule. I have lost track of the number of statements issued about its timing and the cost of delivery.

No waste management projects have begun since the NDP was approved. Environmental service projects in relation to water and waste water are all behind schedule because nobody, including the Government, has any real faith in the deliverability of the NDP. The national spatial strategy, which is essential for infrastructure development, inevitably will be tarred with the same brush. What has the potential to become one of the most important planning documents since the Buchanan report will meet the same fate as the NDP. It was launched with significant publicity outside this House, but it will die a death as this Government does not have either a durable plan or a clear commitment for building the country's infrastructure. Instead of having a committee examine alternative ways of raising finance, the Government should set out the priorities that can be delivered within the lifetime of the NDP and get on with that.

Economic policy is not just about public finances. The way we raise revenue and the priorities given in deciding how to spend those revenues define the type of nation we are, the type of society we want to become and the type of people we are. Economic management is only a means to an end. The ultimate goal is about people, their prosperity, well-being and quality of life.

This Government has forgotten that fundamental point. It treats people as tax units, participants in the workforce, numbers on waiting lists and social welfare recipients. Real people are not statistics; they are parents, children and the elderly. Some are sick, others are homeless. Some are wealthy, some are poor.

In times of great prosperity, and we have just had the most prosperous period in the nation's history, we should be able to say that the weakest and the most needy benefited most yet to our shame, and to this Government's palpable shame, we cannot say that. This budget did nothing to address the damning fact that there are more homeless people, who are homeless seven nights a week, in Dublin than in London, which has ten times the population. That is an appalling problem not addressed in yesterday's budget.

Neither this budget nor the Estimates before it cared for the sick or cherished all of our children. For the elderly, those who grafted through the awful years to build this nation, there is the trumpeted €10 per week and the daily worries to come about their cost of living, the repairs to their homes, the level of service charges and the price increases on a whole range of goods.

If this budget was about people it would have concentrated not on what people have but on what people need. In a just and caring society, progress for people with disabilities would not be linked to the current economic climate. This budget proves that we do not live in a just or caring society under this Government.

The modest improvements in income supports sought by disability groups were not just ignored, they were disregarded with disdain. What they got was a €1.92 per week increase in the respite care grant and a derisory reduction in the means test criteria for the carer's allowance, in addition to a minimum increase in disability allowance. There is no sign in this budget of a cost of disability allowance. Scandalously, the Minister is content to allow the additional cost of disability to be borne by people with disabilities. All the while, the Minister was happy to borrow to fund the €700 million cost of maintaining his ego-sustaining SSIAs.

This budget was not about communities or sustaining them. Across the country there are small businesses, sometimes the only employer in an area, actually fighting for survival. This budget will not help them. It has hurt them by raising VAT and forcing local authorities to raise rates and service charges. It will push many of them over the edge and sound the death knell for the many communities they support.

This budget was cynical and soulless, driven by public relations and not principles, and by politics rather than people. Two years of incompetence and mismanagement had to be corrected. It could have been corrected in ways that genuinely delivered equitable and real public service improvements. It could have started the process of reform that is so vital, but then the need for reform is only recognised when we think of our citizens as people, not statistics.

The Minister's so-called edifice of economic probity falls apart when one examines how the Government proposes to spend the people's money. Pay costs are up 11%, social welfare is up 8% and the rest of spending is up just 1% – against inflation of almost 5%. That might be sound economics to the Minister but in the real world, to real people, it means pain, worry and anguish. We can pay a nurse or a doctor but without the money for medicines, maintaining beds and wards, and heating and cleaning hospitals, we cannot treat patients. We can pay teachers but if schools do not have the money for basic educational supplies, children will suffer. The problem with the Minister's sound economics is that the last element of spending, the part that is only growing by 1%, is the part that allows public servants to deliver a service. For real people in the real world in 2003, that will only amount to crumbs.

This is not a plan for the finances of a great nation. This is the juggling of small change between jars that we might expect of someone operating a run-down boarding house. Nobody needs to criticise it, although one major organisation after another, representing everybody from children to farmers and asylum seekers to people with disabilities, have criticised it heavily.

Just to read this budget is to be saddened and short changed and it forces me to misuse a great poet's lines because Eliot's comment comes irresistibly to mind – this is the way this budget ends, not with a bang, but with a whimper.

Let me be specific about the whimper. We know that Ireland is suffering a living nightmare of alcohol abuse and storing up a generation of misery through our failure to tackle the rate of drinking among young people. The Minister had the opportunity to take a series of broad measures that would have serious and beneficial end results. Instead, he went for the whimper. He put 35 cent on alcopops and did not touch beer or a range of other products. I would not wish the slimy cynicism of that action on my worst enemy, least of all a decent man like the Minister. He will acquire the historic reputation as the man who put 35 cent on alcopops. The best measure of the importance of that action was to be found on a newspaper website last night which read: "Minister puts 35 cent on alcopops. Move welcomed by brewers." That is the height and depth of the budget. A brewery has given the Minister the thumbs up because he imposed an extra few cent on a bottle of alcopops. Shame on the Government and the Minister.

The budget will shortly be seen for what it is, death by a thousand cuts. Misery, confusion, anger and anguish will be inflicted on the electorate next April and May when the truth of the stealth taxes emerges.

This may be called an alcopops budget. The Minister's intention was to ensure that its initial impact would be relatively congenial. However, after the budgetary provisions make their way through the economy there is a grave danger we will all wake up with a serious hangover.

The Minister has taken grave risks with inflation. He projects an inflation rate of 4.8% next year, yet it is likely to be higher following the impact of the hidden charges and the stealth and indirect taxes. That assumes the downturn, about which we hear so much, is not further aggravated.

It is galling to listen to the Taoiseach, the Minister and the Tánaiste and Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment seeking to give the impression that we are in this mess because of what they call the international downturn. Nothing could be further from the truth. We are in a mess of the Government's own making arising from the mismanagement of the public finances. The fundamentals of the economy are still sound. The necessity for this bitter budget does not arise from the economic downturn but from the Government's mismanagement that preceded it as it attempted to blatantly buy a general election victory at all costs. It now gambles with the future of our people with the result that, because of unpredictable world events, we do not know what is likely to happen.

It used to be the boast of the Government that while it may have squandered the boom and may have little to show for the money it flittered away, it could point to the expansion in employment. Most of the jobs were created by the boom in the private sector. Furthermore, in 1997, when Deputy Quinn left Government as Minister for Finance, approximately 1,000 jobs a week were being created, or 55,000 jobs a year. The economy is now losing jobs at the rate of 500 a week.

Despite this fragile and serious situation the Minister is obsessively opposed to borrowing for any purpose other than making the necessary payment to his pet projects such as the SSIA accounts and investments in the stock markets in Tokyo, New York and elsewhere. The Labour Party predicted that the Minister would ask ordinary people to pay for the Government's profligacy, especially in the two years leading up to the general election. The full pain is now becoming apparent as ordinary income earners and social welfare recipients are punished for the Government's recklessness.

Not only has there been a series of mini-budgets since this Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats Government was returned to office, as my colleague, Deputy Burton, pointed out yesterday, but there has also been the brutal Book of Estimates. Apart from accelerating the reversals in public expenditure, the only purpose of the budget is, in presentation terms, to conceal the full extent of the savage adverse impact on living standards. The Minister has sought to do this by stealth and indirect taxes.

As in his previous budgets when he opted for highly visible reductions in tax rates rather than the less immediately apparent but more progressive tax reform, the Minister has apparently avoided increasing headline tax rates but has achieved the same effect by refusing to index tax bands, taxing more people at the higher rate, piling on extra charges and increasing the scope of stamp duty and indirect taxes. The effect is more severe than appears at first glance as people pay more for a range of services and basic living essentials.

Meanwhile, all the huff and puff about broadening the tax base and tackling the shelters and loopholes that facilitate wealthy people in minimising their tax liability has been shown to be no more than that. The Taoiseach said he would address some of them. In response to direct questions from me on a number of occasions, he said the tax exempt bloodstock industry would be brought into the tax net.

No fear of that.

However, the Minister put his foot down and there is now no prospect of that happening. All there is to show for the Government's action is a projected take of €10 million from closing off loopholes and shelters. The Taoiseach loves to hold himself out as the egalitarian, the social democrat in this right-wing Cabinet. He was going to broaden the tax base and close these loopholes, yet the projected yield will be only €10 million.

In typical Bertie speak the Taoiseach planted two paragraphs in the middle of his Department of Finance script. If somebody can tell me what they mean they are more perceptive than I am. He stated: "With lower personal tax rates and income growth in recent years, it should not be necessary to offer as many tax based incentive schemes as a means of persuading our wealthier and more successful citizens to contribute their fair share to society in the most direct and efficient manner." I could not have written better, but it is at variance with what the Taoiseach did.

The Taoiseach went on to state: "Property investment is an even more attractive option at present and can have the effect of crowding out first-time buyers and others requiring more spacious accommodation for a growing family."

Everybody on these benches made that argument to him last night. In the motions on stamp duty the Taoiseach said the opposite was the case. Unfortunately we had to take the two conflicting motions on stamp duty together because they were put together for procedural purposes. The argument was made that the stamp duty increase on commercial property is likely to cause a switch from commercial to residential property at a time when there is spare commercial property around the city and country. Leaving that aside I am concerned that it further tightens the options available to young people to purchase houses. As it is, they only get one out of five of the new houses and now the market will be tightened further and provide them with additional competition from investors.

I did not have the opportunity last night to make my main point because of the exigencies of time considerations and the exceptional boisterousness of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and the Minister for Defence, both of whom were tasting the last alcopops before the excise duty was applied. The Taoiseach is recovering €52 million in stamp duty on cheque books, ATM and Laser cards. The entire personal tax package is €186 million and €52 million is being clawed back. That is the reality of the broadening of the tax base. The Taoiseach says that given the Government was as generous as it has been to business and wealthy sectors of society over the last five years, there should be no need for these tax-based incentive schemes and loopholes, as if he had done something about it. He has done nothing about it. He is quite correct about property investment. People are returning to bricks and mortar because it is the safe option in terms of minding their money. He said in his contribution today that, "As Minister for Finance, I greatly broadened the tax base between 1992 and 1994, but it is a job that has to be done every few years, as new schemes rise up [these are his words] to take the place of those that have been cut down." It sounds like he is talking about—

—nettles or the forests in Brazil; that one forest is cut down and before one's eyes the saplings grow up and new schemes are created. New schemes are created by the Taoiseach and his Cabinet colleague, Deputy McCreevy. They do not grow up in the abstract. He also said, "In any case, many development incentives only work if the Government is serious about their being time-limited."

The Taoiseach says that all during his years as Minister for Finance he greatly broadened the tax base but I say he broadened the number of days that tax exiles can stay in this economy. He broadened the number of days when the wealthy and the powerful who left for tax havens in Monaco and Portugal and various places, can return to this economy.

Ken Rohan.

Absolutely. The Taoiseach paid such attention to detail in the Finance Act and in the finance legislation that he could make changes even for a single taxpayer. Having facilitated the tax exiles he facilitates the continuation of their tax-exempt industry here.

Deputy Burton and I met the representatives of the stallion industry. It was a very interesting meeting. We asked them if they had met the Minister for Finance and they said there was no need to meet him, it was us they were afraid of because we were the only ones raising this issue. They said that all they needed was a year to put forward the kind of tax structure that is sensitive to the needs of their industry. They were worried about the dominant position which has occurred in that industry and I share that concern. They were worried about the notion of the sole trader being unfairly damaged by a simple extension of, for instance, the corporate profits tax regime to that industry. They said they needed time. They actually offered to make a contribution because they acknowledged it was inequitable that they were excluded. This will not happen while Deputy McCreevy is the Minister for Finance. That would go against everything that he stands for and it would certainly go against the people with whom he goes racing.

Mary Harney has the cheek to go on "Morning Ireland" and talk about this being a fair budget and that it was about concern for the weak and the vulnerable in our society. Yet that is the track record. The Taoiseach stood up in this House and in so far as one can plainly decipher what he says, he said that he accepted the inequity of the present situation. The only impression that one could reasonably take from what he said was that it was going to be addressed in the budget. Worse than that, his spin-doctors put it about in the media over two weekends that the bloodstock industry was going to be asked to make a contribution. I am quite sure that the Department of Finance must have agreed with that. What was desirable for a fledgling industry 30 years ago is no longer the situation, yet absolutely nothing has happened.

The Minister may have avoided the high profile hits of previous budgets such as his notorious raid last year on the social insurance fund. The pain is more acute and more widespread this time. The unexpected shock of a 1% increase in the lower rate of VAT hits the essentials of living such as ESB, fuel needs and so hits everyone, irrespective of income and whether one is employed or unemployed. Inflation in the services sector is already running at about 10% before the impact of the VAT increase. The first-time buyers were thrown to the wolves and the Fianna Fáil backbenchers sold a pup.

The pretence yesterday was that we have resolved the deprivation of €3,850 to first-time buyers by bringing in an improvement in mortgage interest relief that allows them €350 for a couple and €165 for a single person. How is it somehow restorative to give €350 to a young couple in mortgage interest relief when up to now they did their sums on the basis of being able to assemble a deposit that included a cheque, up front for €3,850? What kind of a deal is that? One would not expect Fianna Fáil backbenchers, as Deputy Joe Higgins has a habit of saying, of falling for that at the Dingle horse fair, but apparently they did. They are not falling for it today and they will not be falling for it over the weekend when people start calling to their clinics. That is before the VAT increase of 1% is taken into account. The VAT increase of 1% on the building materials of an average house is roughly €1,000. Where does that leave first-time buyers? This Government is only interested in first-time builders, not first-time buyers. The first-time buyers have been cheated and the gullible Fianna Fáil backbenchers have been hoodwinked and that is the reality. It is a shameful deception in terms of what was promised and of what was put abroad that the revolt in the backbenches resulted in a concession that would be visible on budget day.

Each year for the past five years the Government has been happy to tell us how many people it is taking out of the tax net and how many people would no longer pay tax at the higher rate. They were taking the same people out of the net every year because if tax credits and bands are not indexed people pay more tax. There was no such trumpeting from the Government this year. The number of people paying tax at the top rate has shot back up. In last year's budget we were told that 90% of the minimum wage would be exempt from tax; this year again 90% is exempt from tax. There is nothing in the budget for the lower paid. There is nothing much in it either for one income families. The policy of individualisation lingers on, always close to the Minister's heart. By increasing the PAYE allowance and not the personal credit, he is adding that little extra insult to injury inflicted on one income families by individualisation.

The social welfare package in this budget is a disgrace. After inflation, people on the lowest rate of social welfare will be left with 30 cent out of €6. The target for social welfare increases in the national anti-poverty strategy has been ignored and the strategy itself is already a dead duck. After taking inflation into account at 4.8%, social welfare recipients on the headline rate will be left with 30 cent. Do not forget, the rental supplement has been cut by €4.32. Many of these things were not factored into the hostile media comment the Government got today. Most journalists, with all due respect to them, would not know too much about the rental supplement. They, like those of us in this House, do not have resort to it. A €4.32 cut in the rental supplement is a mean cut for people on the lowest incomes.

Child benefit has been increased by €8 per month, one quarter of what this Government committed to. There is nothing else in the budget about child care – this is the only reference. All the eggs are in the basket of child benefit. The entitlement to child benefit amounts to €2 per week which Barnardos said last night would not buy a loaf of bread and a pint of milk. Some 5,000 people will be cut from the public service, the same number which has been cut from the CE schemes.

The most infuriating aspect of this dramatic reversal of engines is that the Minister for Finance has the gall to continue using language about "fair budget" and "protecting weaker sections of society", a mantra repeated on radio this morning by the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Deputy Harney. What is fair about a social welfare provision which barely keeps pace with inflation before ESB, bus fare and fuel increases? What is fair about breaking the Government's contract with the recipients of child benefit but keeping its contract to take 3.5 percentage points off the corporation profit tax regime? The Minister made choices and he chose to keep the contract with business but to abrogate it with parents eligible for child benefit.

The last page of the Taoiseach's speech was devoted to lefty bashing which is unusual for him because he usually presents himself as one of us. It implies that somehow we are hostile to some of the tax structure for business. Nothing could be further from the truth. Deputy Quinn was the main author of the corporation profit tax rate which I enthusiastically supported after much examination. I was persuaded, having argued through the system for a 15% regime, that one could not increase the profit tax regime from 10% to 15% because that would be a 50% increase for those who located here in terms of foreign direct investment under the 10% enclave arrangement. I do not know how that implies hostility on our part to the corporation profit tax rate which, undoubtedly, gives us competitive advantage and is a valuable instrument of industrial policy attracting jobs and investment.

All we recommended was that given the mess the Government created, the last step of it might be postponed for one year – the further reduction of 3.5 points. What harm would that have done? It cost €305 million at a time when times are tight. It would not have affected those on the 10% rate because they are on that anyway. All it would have done would have been to maintain the rest of the corporate sector paying at 16%.

Down from 40%.

Down from 40%. Where is the great sense of grievance there? That could have been borne for one year and given some latitude. The Minister for Finance had to impose a levy on the banks and financial institutions. If anybody in this House or outside thinks the financial institutions will pay the €100 million, they should have second thoughts. It will be passed on to the consumer just as the stamp duty is directly levied on the consumer.

Language has no meaning for the Ministers for Finance and Enterprise, Trade and Employment. As families are hit at every turn and they prattle on about being fair, the Taoiseach joins them in the other mantra about all this pain being due to world conditions. It is due to no such thing. It is due to the mismanagement of the public finances deliberately engaged in by the Taoiseach, the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment and the Minister for Finance in order to win the election. They go on about maintaining sound public finances as if the Opposition or someone else was responsible for the reckless mismanagement we have lived through and which, to some extent, was camouflaged by the inordinate growth rates of recent years. There were several patches in the Taoiseach's speech this morning and in the Minister for Finance's last night which talked about the need to get back to sound finances as if we were responsible for the mismanagement. One would think this was a new Government coming in taking over from some Government which had made a bags of it and that it had to get back on the straight and narrow. This Government has to get back on the straight and narrow because it created its own mess.

And lied about it.

They talk about consolidating gains but what they really mean is cutting the tripe out of public services. The truth is straightforward. For blatant, partisan and political advantage, Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats – the Progressive Democrats no less than Fianna Fáil – embarked on a spending spree to win the election. Now they have embarked on a reversal of engines not because of any fundamental weakness in the underlying economy but because of their earlier recklessness. They talk about it as if it is a new Government which had identified mismanagement by parties opposite. They made the mess and now ordinary people are being asked to pay for it. Having spent their way through the last election, they want to build up a war chest for the next one so they can do it over again.

Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats were scarcely back in Government Buildings when we had the first mini-budget which led to an array of charges set out by my colleague, Deputy Burton, yesterday. Education registration fees are up 69%, VHI has increased by 17%, ESB charges will go up by 13.5%, the disregard in respect of drugs charges is up from €53 to €70, €5 of which was added the night before last, charges for casualty visits are up 25% and effective bus and rail fares are up by 14%.

The mini-budget was then followed by a savage Book of Estimates which unashamedly tore up these parties' election manifestos and programme for Government. They insulted the intelligence of the public with pedantic games about adjustments and reductionism in the rate of increase. Major commitments were casually shredded, including 2,000 gardaí who were not provided for in the Book of Estimates. We now have an embargo. There will be no more gardaí and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform laughs his way through the Order of Business. The only real acid test of a Minister is whether he or she can get money at the Cabinet table. If 2,000 additional gardaí were considered necessary last May, they are more necessary now but there will not be one extra garda.

Some 200,000 low income earners had the prospect of medical cards held out to them but that prospect is gone and there is no hope of delivering on it. Parents were bombarded with cynical letters from Fianna Fáil and PD candidates in the election saying that their rundown dilapidated school would be refurbished, that work was approved and in the pipeline and had they not talked to the Minister directly. That promise is gone at the stroke of a pen. Nothing will happen in respect of 398 of the 400 primary schools.

The health strategy is in tatters. It was announced yesterday that €2.8 million will be provided for health. That is what "Steve Silvermint" got for his Department. Some €7.7 billion is to be provided for the health strategy, but the "Dauphin" came in with €2.8 million yesterday. Some €1,100 million has been promised in additional health capital funding for 2003, but only €3.8 million will be delivered. The Taoiseach wanted to get in on the act of eliminating hospital queues. He told us that hospital queues would be eliminated in two years.

The lie of lies.

These were major promises affecting many ordinary citizens as the Government parties continued to waltz through the boom scattering taxpayers' money at every problem with no plan to get value for money or reform the services. There is a great line in the Taoiseach's script. The loyalty of civil servants is marvellous and their facility with the English language knows no bounds. The Taoiseach said in his speech that nearly every sector had benefited from huge increases over the past five years and the tighter situation that exists now with spending levelling off on a high plateau would be an incentive to ensure concentration on the essentials and the more important priorities rather than to behave as if money were no object. What is he implying? Is it that Deputy Kenny or one of his predecessor's behaved as if money were no object? He is the one who behaved as if money were no object. It was the Taoiseach, the Minister for Finance and the Minister, Deputy Harney, whose Department is awash with money, who behaved as if money were no object.

The bad news is that these three phases, the mini-budget by stealth, the Book of Estimates and the budget, is not all there is. There is more to come as forecast in the report by the three wise but orthodox men. The motto of the Government has moved from "a lot done, more to do" to "a lot done and more to come". The real story of this budget is in "An Bord Snip Mark 2", that this may be only an interim budget and another may be on the way.

The report, published on the website yesterday while we were in the Chamber, states that if in the light of a deteriorating budget situation further substantial savings are needed, the following options may have to be considered: reduce numbers in the Defence Forces – that will get the Minister for Defence off his alcopops; review pupil-teacher ratios; reduce compensatory allowances for farmers; further increase third level fees; review universality of child benefit; transport – phasing of capital programmes over a longer period; introduction of water charges in 2003; reduction in allocation for child care initiatives; reduction in allocation for housing; and further increase the drugs refund threshold. We have already seen the implementation of that recommendation on Monday, although maybe there is more to come. When will we see the implementation of the rest of the "An Bord Snip" menu? Is there a second budget to come? Is there another budget in the offing? Yesterday the Minister promised that he will initiate such a review as is recommended starting in January 2003. That is next month. The signal is clear. If there is an international downturn, the Minister for Finance will be back for more. There is one simple response to the budget, its partner, the Book of Estimates, and the second budget that may be in the offing, it is to ask the question, where has all the money gone?

Our Constitution includes a provision that the State shall provide for free primary education. Our Government has decided regardless of that, it intends to slash the primary school building programme by 4% next year and in this respect we have now learned that 400 school building projects are effectively frozen.

In addition to the big slash and burn and stealth features, the Government is engaged in pettiness. The allocation for the library grant for primary schools for next year is a mere €1.5 million, the same as for this year. There is also a budget full of stealth cuts and increases in living costs and public service charges. In the small print in the accompanying documentation there is a reference to third level tuition fees. It is stated that the most significant proposal put forward by the committee – the three wise orthodox men – is to introduce a student contribution to third level tuition fees in addition to the student registration charge. It is also stated that this would bring the composite fee from €670 to €1,000 in 2003. It is further stated that having regard to the overall cost of providing places at third level, the committee feels this is a reasonable proposal. Does the Government consider this is a reasonable proposal? That is the question the Minister must answer. From the point of view of justice and equity, is an annual combined fee of €1,000 a year reasonable? Where is the recently stated qualifier of the Minister for Education and Science in respect of those who can afford it? It is not there. There is no sign of it in the same way as there was no sign of the 70% increase in the registration fee in the Government parties' election literature and just as there is not any sign of the 200,000 medical cards. As for the delivery of public services generally, "An Bord Snip" says there is a need to review the number of Defence Forces barracks, Garda stations, schools and health service facilities. What does this mean if not barracks, schools, Garda station and health centre closures accompanying the job cuts that have been announced?

With regard to water charges, it is stated that drinking water quality and sewage treatment requirements are becoming more stringent and water sanitary services are becoming more expensive to provide and operate. It is also stated that the absence of a charging regime on domestic consumers will continue to put pressure on the Exchequer. It is further stated that a charging regime could contribute to more efficient use of what is becoming an increasingly expensive resource. It is stated that Ireland is unique among OECD and EU member states in not charging domestic consumers. It looks like billing is on the way and no doubt metering will follow close behind.

The Minister for Education and Science, Deputy Dempsey, put forward a proposal to reintroduce tuition fees – it appears he is serious about it – on the basis of equity. The Education Welfare Board was set up in 2001 by the then Minister, Deputy Woods. The idea was to provide a system of education welfare officers who would invigilate school attendance in disadvantaged areas where high absenteeism is the norm. I recall that a survey of 2,000 pupils in Killinarden in my constituency showed that on average on any given day 20% of pupils were absent. There is no school attendance inspection arrangement in the county of Dublin or in several other areas. The Education Welfare Board was established to put in place this system of education welfare officers. I do not know about what my colleague, Deputy Stagg, said this morning concerning the resignation of the chairperson of the board, but I would not be surprised. Neither the Minister, Deputy Dempsey, nor the Minister for Finance has told the House that the provision of €13.6 million to enable education welfare officers do their work has been cut to €3.2 million, and this is from the man who has a commitment to equity in education. This money was set aside to put in place a system to provide for children in disadvantaged areas who because of dysfunctional or other factors in the home do not attend primary school.

Six months ago the Taoiseach was walking on water, today he is up to his knees in it. Some 18 months ago this Government cynically set out to buy the election. Ministers promised the sun, moon and the stars. They outrageously wasted and misspent our money in a splurge for power. Now the kitty is near empty and we are being told that we have to pay for their scandalous waste. That is what lies behind the cuts. That is what is behind the meanness of vision underpinning this budget and the Estimates. The Government is imposing the cost of its abuse of power on ordinary people.

The Minister for Finance professes a deep commitment to sound money and an abiding opposition to borrowing. Where was this alleged commitment for the past two or three years? Where was it when the Government set about buying the election? Where was the opposition to a return to borrowing as the Minister watched the enormous budgetary surpluses that accrued from the economic boom evaporate before his eyes? Where was this opposition and the commitment to sound money when fellow Ministers squandered the people's money in their blind ambition to buy a general election? Where was it when, in the midst of this abuse of power, the prospect of a return to borrowing loomed larger every day? The present Minister for Finance is the most irresponsible holder of the office in the history of the State. Where was the Minister's sense of responsibility and duty to his office when he wrote the famous letter to the then leader of the Fine Gael Party promising that no cutbacks whatsoever were being planned, secretly or otherwise?

The Minister's self professed obsession with resisting borrowing is a sham. It also does not make common sense, whether it is in terms of an economy or a household. Everybody borrows – nations, people and households borrow. They borrow for the future and against future income. Borrowing is an essential part of life and living. The real test is whether the borrowing is sensible and prudent. That ought to be the test. What does this budget do? It shows a deficit for this year of €193 million, a deficit for next year of €1.8 billion, a deficit for 2004 of €3.4 billion and a deficit in 2005 of €3.7 billion.

The borrowing that is now a reality is not the result of prudent decision making but of a disgraceful, sustained and massive exercise in vote buying, the most serious abuse of power by a Government in the history of the State. At the end of it all, social welfare recipients get 30 cent, which would not buy a box of matches. This is a matchbox budget.

Dúirt an Taoiseach go raibh an buiséad seo de dhíth ar an tír agus go mbeidh pian éigin i gceist. Nuair a dúirt sé sin, bhí sé ag cur leis na bréaganna atá ráite ag an Rialtas faoin bhuiséad agus faoi na polasaithe atá aige. Dúirt an Taoiseach gur buiséad cothrom agus forásach seo a thugann aire do no daoine is boichte sa tsochaí. Seo bréag agus cruthaíodh sin inniu agus inné nuair a léadh an buiséad. An dream is laige atá thíos sa bhuiséad seo, mar atá siad thíos le gach buiséad ón Rialtas seo le cúig bliana anuas.

The Minister, Deputy McCreevy, began his speech yesterday by stating that he had three clear objectives in the budget. The first one, protecting the weaker sections of society, was laudable. It was good to see that for once the poor came first in the Minister's budget but that is where it ended. What we saw afterwards was nothing less than a continuation of the sustained and vigorous assault that this Government has mounted over the past five years on the less well off in society.

Since 1997, McCreevy economics have seen the richest 10% of the population receive over a quarter of the benefits of budgets. At the same time, the poorest 20% of society have received a mere 5%. The Minister is clearly a firm believer in the redistribution of wealth. However, he is obviously no socialist and neither is the Taoiseach. In his speech this morning, the Taoiseach attacked left-wing and socialist Members. The Taoiseach and the Minister want to add to the wealth of the wealthiest in society. The gap between the rich and the poor in Irish society has been systematically and deliberately widened to a point where it is now one of the most unequal societies in the developed world.

The price increases have hit hardest the households which are dependent on social welfare payments. In recent times they have seen numerous other increases, such as the increase in fares on public transport, increases in the cost of private rented accommodation, the 22% increase in the monthly drug payments scheme, the 26% increase in the cost of casualty department fees and, incredibly, the 21% increase in the cost of electricity since 2001. To add to that, the Minister has announced a VAT increase which will affect everyone in society, especially those who have little disposable income. With the highest inflation in the eurozone, the cost of living has risen throughout the past six years of champagne Charlie's economics.

Families struggling to get by have been pushed harder and harder. Those who manage to set aside a euro or two find their meagre savings disappearing fast as costs increase across the board. The undeclared ideological war that this Government has been waging against the poor and less well off in society continued in yesterday's budget. Children in this State are twice as likely as adults to experience poverty and a quarter of them are living in relative poverty. Children are going to dilapidated schools—

In relative poverty.

Yes. Anybody who is living in poverty will show, if the Minister is willing to spend a couple of weeks with them, how hard it is to get by on the meagre bits the Government throws at them with one hand and takes away from them with the other.

The Government has betrayed those children to such an extent that many still go to school hungry. It has betrayed them by targeting the most vulnerable members of society. Nowhere is this more obvious than in child benefit. If the Government had done the unthinkable and lived up to one of the pledges it gave during the election campaign this year, there would have been increases of between €30 and €40 in the two levels of child benefit. Instead the increase was €8. The Government committed itself in the past to a three stage implementation of increases in child benefit costing €1.2 billion. It has reneged on that commitment.

Compare that with its commitment to reduce corporation tax to 12.5%. It fulfilled that commitment. The choice was simple, support the corporations and big business or support the poor. Charlie McCreevy made his choice and I hope he finds it easy—

When referring to the Minister for Finance the Deputy should refer to him as the Minister for Finance.

Ceart go leor. Bíodh an tAire agus Rialtas ar rabhadh and I hope he and his colleagues in Government find it easy to sleep at night while they prolong the suffering of tens of thousands of children so that their friends in business can continue to fumble in the greasy till.

Child benefit is the most scandalous element in the Minister's budget. The Programme for Prosperity and Fairness called for a minimum welfare payment of €127 by 2003. Even the Fianna Fáil progress report in 2001 said that would not be enough and that it should be increased. The increase the Minister granted yesterday and his paltry increase to pensioners will be wiped out by inflation. His gesture and his utter contempt are like giving the two fingers to the less well-off in society, the unemployed and the disabled. Does the Minister truly expect us to believe that the target of €150 a week as the basic welfare payment by 2007 will ever be achieved? We should bear in mind that €150 is inadequate and far from enough.

These people have been denied full participation in society and the gap between rich and poor has widened daily. This should be the greatest single issue facing the Government. It is a pity its members do not have the eyes to see it. The inequality the Minister for Finance has fostered over five years is set to continue and will be the lasting monument of the Government.

The child dependant allowance has effectively been frozen since 1997. These payments are vital and target the most needy children for assistance. The allowance rates available are inadequate and, despite a recommendation from the commission on social welfare eight years ago, there are still three distinct rates.

The back to school allowance for primary school children remains untouched. Is the Minister so out of touch that he believes €80 will go far in paying for a uniform, footwear, books and equipment for children returning to primary school? Is he clapping himself on the back because he gave an additional €30 for secondary school students? Does he believe he has accomplished something by doing this? This is nowhere near enough for those families struggling every September to try to ensure their children have at least the basic uniform, footwear and schoolbooks to take part in the education programme, despite all the disadvantages thrown at them.

For the fifth year in a row there will be no increase in the payments made under the infamous direct provision system for asylum seekers. Inflation has decreased the value of this allowance which makes it a hidden cut. This makes a nonsense of the Minister's claim that the budget would protect the weakest in society. It is hard to know who in society could be more vulnerable than refugee women and their children yet they will continue to suffer in 2003. I challenge the Minister or any members of the Government to attempt to live in dignity on €19.10 a week and to care properly for their children with only an extra €9.55 per child.

If we were to double the current direct provision pittance it would cost us a little more than €4.5 million. The grant to the horse and greyhound racing fund costs the Exchequer €64 million. Surely the Minister does not intend to send out the message that Ireland cares more for horses and hounds than for those fleeing persecution. We know the Government is cynical. Perhaps it is because asylum seekers cannot vote that the figure for direct provision has not been raised in five years.

No increase in funding is being made available to tackle the education infrastructural deficit. There is also the fact that the Minister announced 5,000 job cuts in the public service and a further 5,000 in community employment schemes. This will probably be added to next year when "An Bord Snip" gets its way and announces another 4,000 job cuts. If the Minister or anyone else saw 10,000 jobs going overnight there would be an outcry, but the Minister is getting away with it.

The Minister had a choice yesterday. He could have made the well-off in society pay their share but he chose not to honour his commitment to children or the less well-off. Buiséad an slíbhín é seo. Bhí deis ag an Aire inné agus níor thapaidh sé é. Tá sé ag iarraidh an dallamullóg a chur ar an bpobail, ach ní éireoidh leis mar níl an pobail chomh dall sin.

Bhí a fhios ag an Comhaontas Glas roimh an olltoghchán nach raibh aon flathúlacht ann don Rialtas. We predicted a 3% growth rate whereas other parties playfully predicted 5%. We knew it would not be a generous budget. We also knew, following his legacy as Minister for Social Welfare, that the Minister for Finance knows how to do one thing, namely, not to flinch when it comes to marginalising the marginalised. Gandhi was famous for wise quotations such as the greatness of a nation is to be judged by the way it treats its most vulnerable. If greatness is what Gandhi had in mind in this regard, the Government is not great by a long shot.

Deputy Rabbitte said earlier that the three wise men, "An Bord Snip" as they are known colloquially, will be the bearers of the real cuts after this budget. We have read about the prospects in the future of no grants to youth organisations, fewer services to schools, less funding for health services, increased bed charges, cuts in community jobs from 24,000 to 15,000 and cuts in environmental funds. Many other areas are mentioned in reports today and we look forward to the Government refuting these and saying they are nothing more than idle speculation.

The Minister is set on a course of keeping borrowing low at 0.7% of gross domestic product, but this is a fig leaf for the real borrowing in the form of public private partnerships. These will involve many areas such as schools, hospitals, road building projects, Luas and what are known as environmental services. PPPs are entertained by companies because they are lucrative, not because they are charitable. A PPP for a sewage treatment plant is not as lucrative as one for an incinerator. People are not charged every time they flush the toilet but they are every time they put out their bins. One is able to make a huge profit from building an incinerator. When I see environmental services, I read "incinerators" and "super dumps" because they are the most profitable areas in that sector.

The knock-on effects for people in this case are not just the costs and charges which are in the long grass and will be excused by the Government as not being public but private charges, someone else's business, not the Government's, and I hope people make the connection that the budget is laying the foundation for that type of Pontius Pilate act, but the foundation is also being laid for other knock-on effects involving considerable problems in terms of the impact on farming and health when and if incinerators are built, which I hope they will not be.

Farmers are already reeling from the effects of the ongoing difficulties in farming which have many causes. The national development plan with its road building programme gets another shot in the arm from the Minister and even in the form of capital gains, which rightly should be increased for those who are wealthy. However, taking it from farmers who are presented with a CPO and cannot afford to buy land to replace the land they have lost in my constituency and others around the country, then we are kicking those who are already in a vulnerable position. The Government does not seem to have a problem doing that, but the Green Party certainly has a problem with that level of inequity and unfairness. It is kicking those who form and will continue to form the backbone in providing food in this country. The Government needs to reflect seriously on its mistakes in that regard and should introduce a scheme to allow for land to be swapped. If there is a CPO on land, we should not simply give it a valuation and take money in tax, we should determine the acreage that was compulsorily purchased and let people continue with their livelihoods.

The National Roads Authority programme is in direct conflict with the spatial strategy we heard about last week. We have two governments. We have the spatial strategy government that told us last week it was important not to have a magnet in Dublin with everything drawn to it. This week we have the budget, which recommends full speed ahead with the roads programme at the expense of many other things, including health, and we are told this is the implementation of the spatial strategy. This budget is in direct conflict with the spatial strategy.

The fundamental problems will not be addressed by the spatial strategy. In the housing area the mortgage interest relief represents little more than a press release in terms of its value to many people who will not get anything worth talking about in their pockets once VAT and the other clawbacks from the budget kick in. It takes the heat off the question for the Government and the heat needs to be put back on the Government in relation to house prices. The 1973 Kenny report needs to be brought out, dusted down and its recommendations need to be examined. If a constitutional amendment is required to have it implemented, then let us do that. We are facing a crisis in terms of homelessness, difficulty in finding housing, rack-rents and the widening gap between rich and poor.

Students in particular are caught up in that. We hear the Government wants to eliminate the student accommodation tax break. I did not believe that tax break was a great idea, but if we are to abolish it, let us replace it with some form of campus or student accommodation capital investment. We are at the bottom of the EU league when it comes to student accommodation. Students are already suffering in terms of maintenance grants and difficulties in getting by in their educational as well as their day-to-day needs.

There is a lack of long-term thinking in this budget. That is unfortunate, because if the Minister was not going to be able to give away a significant amount of money, at least he should start to strategically plan for the long-term. For many people education represents their hope for the long-term, but yet there are still 5,000 early school leavers, another 1,000 leaving after primary school and 8% consistent child poverty according to Focus Ireland. So the long-term under this Government does not look good. It has not introduced quality of life indicators in terms of energy use, waste, water and food miles, which is a concept the Government needs to embrace in terms of energy and sustainability. It has not narrowed the gap between rich and poor, which is still widening and biodiversity is suffering.

The Government needs to have a think tank to determine a long-term vision. It needs sustainability and to embrace the whole climate change issue, which it has again sidelined in this budget. Scientists are now being forced to reject the view of climate change as a problem that gradually builds up until we clean up our act. It is still the Government's view that we can get around to it sooner or later. Things will not simply return to normal when that happens. In the new model, once we exceed a critical threshold in terms of CO2 emissions, the planet's ecosystems begin to amplify rather than buffer climate change, leading to havoc on a global scale. We can be fairly certain it will not be the end of life on earth. It might not even be the end of humanity, but our western free market economy with its emphasis on globalised distribution systems, into which we have put all our eggs, will be the first casualty.

In light of recent evidence and the flooding, our current emissions target of 13% increase on 1990 levels by 2010, which is generous internationally, is looking sadly past its sell by date. I wonder whether the Taoiseach took stock of anything that was said when he attended the Johannesburg earth summit. It needed to recognise that a 60% to 80% reduction in emissions is now urgently required. This might allow developing nations to get through the carbon intensive stage of building the schools, railways and hospitals they urgently need to stabilise their populations without global net emissions passing their critical runaway point. Scientists have put this analysis to us and we ignore it at our peril. I hope the Government will have time, but that time is running out and putting off a carbon tax into the never-never is staring into the abyss. This Government is irresponsible and criminally negligent in doing that.

The Government seems to be frozen in a business as usual mode. Having crashed the economy, it now appears to be in a daze. The flooding has not helped because when one is wet and cold it is very difficult to think where one's best future interests lie. We need to put in place a transition to a low-energy, high-efficiency society, which will create a safety net in the event of global marketplace collapse.

When the Taoiseach spoke earlier the only international crisis he mentioned was Iraq. Undoubtedly Iraq will have a major economic as well as humanitarian impact on this country if war goes ahead there. However, the real war, which has not been confronted or even recognised, is the war in terms of climate change. Nature is fighting us in terms of the floods and the havoc that is being wreaked. It is easy to overstate this matter because the scenarios are so devastating when one considers hurricane Mitch and other such catastrophic so-called natural disasters. This country is wide open to this by embracing globalised distribution systems, in which the Deputy Harney takes great pride. If that is her agenda, it is being well done, but it leaves us exposed to a significant extent and we do not have the self-reliance that will provide the safety net if, for example, fossil fuel is no longer available and if our markets are hit either through war in Iraq or the climate change devastation, which is war by another name. I ask the Government to take stock of our inability and unpreparedness for those eventualities.

Yesterday when I listened to the Minister, Deputy McCreevy, deliver his budget I thought of the phrase, "A week is a long time in politics". Five and a half months is a lifetime. As the great Sligo poet, W.B. Yeats, said: "All is changed, changed utterly". I can still hear the echoes to the pre-election statements which promised: no significant overruns; no cutbacks, planned secretly or otherwise; an extra 200,000 to be given medical cards; hospital waiting lists to be eliminated within two years; an extra 2,000 gardaí on the streets; a significant increase in child benefit; and the list goes on. However we must remember what P. J. Mara told us: "That was showtime".

What is the reality of yesterday's budget? As ordinary citizens go about their daily lives this morning, what has the Minister delivered? First-time buyers were dealt a bitter blow. There were considerable expectations among this group that the Minister would reconsider his position and ease the financial pressure. What did he do? With one hand he gave a miserly increase in mortgage interest relief while with the other he took more away from them.

An increase in VAT of 1% will push up the cost of the average house by approximately €2,000. Coupled with the loss of the first-time buyer's grant this means that new house buyers will have woken up this morning with an even bigger headache than yesterday as they realise their financial position worsened overnight. Investors, on the other hand, with money to invest in residential property will have woken up with a smile on their faces. All is well with this group which remains the big winners as first-time buyers are further squeezed out of the market.

I was struck during the Budget Statement by some of its inherent contradictions. The Minister informed us that one of the key objectives was to protect the weaker sections of society. What is the reality for these people this morning? Those on the minimum wage are still being taxed. In my constituency and all over the country primary school children and their teachers will continue to sit in substandard classrooms. Many schools, including Riverstown school in County Sligo and Mohill school in Country Leitrim which were highlighted by RTE on Tuesday evening and Brockley national school in Coolaney, will wait. On arriving in my office this morning a voice mail message awaited me which expressed the anger and dismay felt by so many parents over continuing delays in upgrading our primary schools.

The carer's allowance is still means tested. Those who look after the weakest and most vulnerable in society are still subjected to a means test or as it is correctly described by many carers, the mean test on carer's allowance. Farmers are being asked to protect the environment yet are denied the means of doing so. Rural renewal schemes designed to maintain and, hopefully, increase the population in deprived rural areas are being discontinued. Thousands of workers on community employment schemes, the lifeblood of many urban and rural communities, today face a bleak future. Youth work services, services for the elderly and disabled and community services will evaporate in the coming months. The weaker sections of society the Minister promised to protect will know the difference and most will suffer in silence.

Those who require medicines on an ongoing basis will know the difference now that the threshold for the drugs refund scheme has been raised for a second time this year. Those who are on hospital waiting lists will have woken up this morning to the reality that promises made last May have been broken. As of today, there are 629 people on the in-patient waiting list in Sligo General Hospital, an increase of 83 since the end of June. This is the reality of the budget for these people. The Minister has not protected the weaker sections of society, he has betrayed them in the most cruel way because he and the Government raised their expectations and then utterly failed to deliver.

Today and yesterday we heard a great deal about the areas of the economy in which the Government is investing. As somebody who is new to politics I sometimes feel certain politicians lose the run of themselves when speaking about the money they have given to health, social welfare or education. Politicians do not give money, they manage our money. This is how we judge them, not by the millions or billions they spend. Taxpayers and workers, in other words ordinary individuals, are the people who generate this money and they judge politicians by results.

While spending on health has increased substantially, waiting lists, certainly in Sligo, are growing. Investment in education is also increasing. The Taoiseach cited a figure of €5.6 billion. However, many school children and their teachers are still enduring Third World conditions.

If we are to judge the Minister on delivery, how will we judge him with regard to the treatment of the regions? There another contradiction emerges between the Estimates, the budget and the national spatial strategy. The spatial strategy unveiled last Thursday named Sligo and Letterkenny as new gateways and Ballina and Castlebar as hubs. The Minister for the Environment and Local Government, Deputy Cullen, informed us that this is a 20 year strategy. Which elements of the Estimates and the budget will kick-start the spatial strategy and show good faith and intent? Will the Taoiseach explain how he was able to envisage a strong developmental role for the western investment fund during his meeting with the Western Development Commission when the true intention of the Government towards the west is revealed in a massive cutback in the fund of 68% and a 25% cut in the much over-hyped CLÁR programme?

Will the Minister explain how he was able to commit funds to the mid-block route so vital to freeing up Sligo's traffic and starting the process of developing the town into a gateway city on the eve of the general election only to withdraw the funding in the Estimates two weeks ago? Will he guarantee that the extra allocation to roads yesterday will be targeted at building the mid-block route or the Carrick-on-Shannon bypass in order that we can begin to get adequate access to the new gateway of Sligo?

Will he also explain another broken promise, namely, the severe cuts in the money allocated to the roll-out of broadband to the regions? Before the election the Government announced a programme of €300 million which was to be its contribution to kick-starting private sector investment in broadband in the regions. Phase one has been cut by almost 30%. The Minister had an opportunity to show good faith and reverse the cut contained in the Estimates. He could have kept to his pre-election promises, but he did not and, instead, let us down again.

I return to the question of how the Minister manages our money. This morning the Taoiseach stated resources must be prioritised and specifically mentioned transport and infrastructure. I ask the Minister to re-prioritise within the infrastructure budget. The national development plan contains a commitment to spend vast sums of money on five motorways which will run from Dublin to Cork, Galway, Waterford, Limerick and Belfast respectively. According to Mr. Michael Tobin, Chief Executive of the National Roads Authority, the decision to build these motorways was a political one. Political decisions can be changed in light of changed circumstances. Instead of spending a disproportionate amount of already scarce resources on motorways I ask the Minister to spend it more equitably across all regions, including the west and north-west. High quality roads, dual carriageways, bypasses and passing lanes, where appropriate, are required. Such a strategy would underpin the promise of balanced regional development contained in the national development plan and national spatial strategy. Otherwise balanced regional development will become another empty promise, of which we have had too many in the past.

Another issue connected with money management is the Minister's increasing reliance on public private partnerships which have just delivered a new, state-of-the-art school in Tubbercurry in my constituency. Nevertheless, I advise caution. It is clear public private partnerships provide a short-term fix to the challenge of accelerating large, public capital projects. This has enormous short-term political appeal. The estimated cost of the five group schools is €80 million, yet payments by the Government, hence the taxpayer, will amount to approximately €244 million over 25 years. This is borrowing by another name. Surely the State can borrow at a more preferential rate than the private sector? If we are to build roads using public private partnerships, why can the State not benefit instead of the private sector? We are in a position to borrow yet we are allowing the private sector to reap the rewards which should rightly accrue to the State.

I question the Minister's allocation to the pension fund. At first glance it seems reasonable and prudent to put money away for pensions. However, when we dig a little deeper and examine some of the figures we find the pension fund allocation is almost ten times the sum allocated for the national schools building fund. We would be much better off spending this money on the national schools building fund than putting it away for pensions. We do not have the demographic time bomb that exists in the UK and the rest of Europe. The birth rate here has increased enormously, with 60,000 births for every 30,000 deaths. Inward migration this year is of the order of 25,000. Instead of an ageing population, for now and the foreseeable future, we will have a young, active population that is working and creating wealth.

In the UK, a third of the population is over 50 years of age while a quarter is under 20 years. That is the reverse to Ireland where a quarter of the population is over 50 while a third is under 20. For every nine people over 50 we have 12 people under 20. Instead of investing this money in a pension fund, we should invest it in capital infrastructure projects, rather than in some of the public private partnerships. If we do this, we will get a double return on our investment. We should use our own money for investment in the future.

In the final analysis, budgets are about managing taxpayers' money wisely. The Minister for Finance has failed this test.

The present coalition Government of the Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fail has now delivered six budgets. Through all those budgets we have pursued a very clear strategy. We have reduced corporation tax in order to encourage enterprise; we have reduced capital gains tax to encourage investment, and we have reduced personal income tax to encourage employment.

We did so, while still providing substantial additional resources for the improvement of public services. We managed to achieve all that, while running a substantial surplus on the Government's current account in every single year. The Government's tax strategy has worked and the figures are there to prove it.

There are many measures for assessing social and economic progress but I wish to focus on three, in particular, which highlight the Government's record since it took office in mid-1997. The number of people at work has risen by more than 400,000, to 1.8 million. The rate of unemployment has fallen from 10.3% to 4.6%. The number of people in long-term unemployment has dropped from 90,000 to less than 22,000. The rate of long-term unemployment now stands at just 1.2%. Given that long-term joblessness is one of the most important contributors to persistent poverty, reducing the rate to such a low level represents a remarkable achievement in terms of social progress.

Some of the more cynical commentators question whether the boom years of the Celtic tiger have left any monuments. The achievement of full employment and the effective elimination of long-term unemployment are the real monuments to our recent economic success. However, those achievements are not necessarily permanent. We live in a very competitive and challenging world and unless we pursue the right policies, we can easily slip back into the economic mire from which we have only recently emerged. There can be no room for complacency. Not now, or ever.

It took the Government just two years to bring the unemployment rate down from 10% to 5%, to shift Ireland from mass unemployment to near full employment. However, if the right policies can drive us forwards very quickly, the wrong ones can drive us backwards with equal rapidity. That is why it is vital for the economy that we persevere with the pro-enterprise, pro-employment policies that have served us so well over the past five years. Budget 2003 consolidates and copperfastens the progress that has been made in the five previous budgets.

We have reached our target of getting the standard rate of corporation tax down to 12.5%. We have maintained the incentive to invest and take risks by holding the standard rate of capital gains tax at 20%. The rates of personal income tax have been held at 20% and 42%. The increase in tax credits in this year's budget ensures that 90% of the increased minimum wage is kept out of the tax net, a very significant achievement at a time when resources are limited. It should also be recognised that there have been dramatic increases in the level of tax credits and tax bands over the past five budgets.

When the present coalition took office, a single person started paying tax at an income of less than €98 per week. Today, a single person can earn €223 per week without paying income tax. When we took office there was no national minimum wage. Since it was first introduced, we increased the rate substantially. In the past, a single person reached the top rate of tax, which was then 48%, at an income of just €17,270 per year. Today, a single person does not reach the top rate, which is just 42%, until his or her income exceeds €28,000.

Prudent management of the public finances has been central to our economic success of recent years. Tough decisions were required to reduce the rate of growth in public spending in 2003 and bring it down to a more sustainable level. Despite this, the Government has still provided the resources necessary to protect the living standards of social welfare recipients. I am particularly pleased that we have been able, once again, to deliver very significant increases for old age pensioners. Before this coalition took office, pensioners were at the end of the queue when it came to sharing the fruits of economic growth. All that changed in 1997. The Progressive Democrats set a new target rate of £100 per week for the old age pension. We not only reached that target, we exceeded it.

Taking the budget increase into account the value of the weekly old age contributory pension has risen by almost €60 since the Government took office. That is an increase of nearly 60% in six budgets and it provides real evidence of the Government's commitment to pensioners. The Government parties committed themselves at last summer's general election to a €200 a week target for the old age pension by 2007. With yesterday's increase, that target is now within affordable reach during the lifetime of the present Administration.

Tough decisions were also required to ensure that the national finances were kept in sound balance. This has necessitated certain increases in taxation, but we have avoided increases in direct taxation, which might threaten the great progress which was made in generating employment. Increases in indirect taxes were necessary and they have been designed to have the least possible impact on the consumer price index. The Government does not have any apology to make for imposing a significant increase in tobacco taxation. The evidence shows that demand for tobacco products is not elastic and that increasing taxation can play a role in decreasing consumption.

Some people would have us believe we are in the midst of a fiscal and economic crisis. Nothing could be further from the truth. Let us look at the public finances. Our debt to GDP ratio, which stands at 34% after this budget, is the second lowest in Europe. Our current budget is in surplus again, as it has been every year since the Government took office. Our performance, in terms of general Government deficit, is one of the best of any EMU country and is fully in line with the requirements of the Stability and Growth Pact.

Challenges still remain, such as controlling public spending and finding the resources to fund a massive infrastructural development programme. However, talk of a crisis is simply not supported by the evidence. With regard to the economy, international factors have ensured that our growth rate has moderated significantly compared with the past five years or so. We are a trading nation, reliant on others to buy our exports. This is an open economy with a high reliance on foreign direct investment, particularly from the United States. Like all free market economies, we depend on that precious commodity, confidence, both domestic and international, to sustain economic activity. Given all that has happened in the US economy in the past two years or so, it is not surprising that Ireland should be adversely affected. Yet, we are still growing. We will grow at 3.5% next year in real terms. That is still a good performance by international standards. Some people here seem to be almost oblivious to international standards. They use every opportunity to talk down our economic success, social progress, and achievements as a nation.

If the power of negative thinking could achieve things, the country would be even more successful than it is. The true context for the Irish economic performance is as a small, open economy in Europe. We stand at near full employment and we are looking at economic growth of more than 3% next year. This compares favourably with the serious challenges facing other countries in the European Union. For example, in Belgium unemployment stands at almost 12% and growth next year will be approximately 1.8%; in Italy unemployment stands at 9% and growth next year will be approximately 1.8%; in France unemployment stands at 9% and growth next year will be approximately 1.8%; and in Germany unemployment is almost 10% and growth next year could be little more than 1%.

Germany has been supportive of Ireland in the past, funding much of the EU transfers that were so important to our development in recent years. Today it is more important to us as a market for our exports. It is also by far the biggest economy in the EU and, operating to its full potential, it should be the powerhouse of Europe. A vibrant and successful Germany, returning to strong and sustained growth, is essential for a vibrant and successful Europe.

We all have a powerful vested interest in the success of the German economy and those of the larger EU member states and a strong interest in the achievement of the goal set at the Lisbon EU summit to make the EU "the most competitive and dynamic knowledge based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion." I am deeply convinced that this goal will be best served by low burdens of tax on job creation and enterprise and not by tax harmonisation in Europe. Given the choice between tax harmonisation and tax competition, I believe, as an economic liberal, that the interests, not just of Ireland, but of Europe will be best served by tax competition.

Tax competition will act as a force to keep tax rates down, and low tax rates encourage job creation and enterprise. The spectacular increase in employment in Ireland in the past number of years demonstrates how successful a low tax policy can be. Tax harmonisation would act as a force to increase tax rates and, therefore, a burden on job creation and economic growth. It is fundamentally important that individual member states should retain control over their own taxation policies and the Government will continue to argue its case in this regard at the European convention and at the subsequent intergovernmental conference.

I ask the business sector and all those concerned with sustaining employment and growth to bear in mind this fundamental building block of the Government's economic strategy in their assessment of this year's budget and the achievement of a 12.5% corporation tax rate. It is important that there should be an appropriate balance between income tax and tax on capital in total tax revenue and that there should be public understanding of that balance. The result of our tax reforms of recent years is that income tax as a percentage of total tax has fallen steadily and consistently from 36% to 31% in 2002. While we cut corporation tax and capital gains tax, their share of total tax revenue has substantially increased. Corporation tax provided 11% of the tax yield in 1996 whereas this year it will provide almost 18%. Capital gains tax provided two thirds of 1% of total tax in 1996 whereas now it provides 2.5%. These are the facts. Our reforms to cut taxes on income, enterprise and investment have stimulated jobs and growth. At the same time these reforms have increased the share of overall tax provided from capital, and decreased that provided by workers. This is a fair and sustainable fiscal and enterprise strategy.

There is no room for complacency in Irish economic policy. We have to be vigilant if we are to preserve and improve our competitive position in international markets. Fiscal policy has a key role to play in that process and yesterday's budget, like the five previous budgets, will help to secure the gains of recent years. The issue of competitiveness goes beyond fiscal policy, however, and a coherent approach to economic management is essential if we are to protect our prosperity and sustain our success.

We are slipping down the economic league table.

On some measurements but we are also the most globalised economy in Europe.

We will soon fall out of the premiership if the Government is not careful.

The Deputy knows as well as I do that we are the best performing economy in Europe.

We are asking the taxpayer to fund a generous and significant increase in public service pay in 2003. The public service pay bill will increase by the order of €1 billion next year. The Government has a duty to taxpayers to ensure that full value is secured for that money and the report of the public service benchmarking body made it clear that implementation of its pay awards, apart from the first quarter, should be made conditional on agreement on modernisation and change issues in the public service. We need a public service that is efficient, flexible and responsive to the needs of a fast-changing and rapidly developing modern economy. The Government will, therefore, vigorously pursue a reform agenda with the public service unions in the context of the benchmarking negotiations.

It has become almost a cliché at this stage to say that investment in infrastructure is critical to the long-term success of the economy. Yesterday's budget included a major package of funding for infrastructure. Combined with the substantial allocation in the Book of Estimates this will push total financing for the national roads programme to record levels over the next three years. This represents a major boost to the national programme and it means that a significant portion of the new national network will be completed within the next three years.

Investment is not just about infrastructure, roads and railways. We must also invest in people and ideas, promote research and development, encourage better links between the academic world and the business world and ensure business and industry moves up the value chain, producing high-tech job opportunities for a highly qualified workforce.

Why did the Minister slash investment in broadband technology? County Waterford has been cut off.

The Deputy should examine the facts.

Broadband is expected but it is not coming to Waterford.

Is the Deputy aware the budget of the science foundation has doubled?

The benefits of market liberalisation are apparent in the economy. Whether catching a flight, making a telephone call or taking a taxi, consumers and businesses are enjoying the benefits of greater choice and better service. The process of liberalisation still has a long way to go in this country. There is still considerable room for market opening in many sectors of the economy. The greater the progress we make on the liberalisation agenda, the more we will boost our international competitiveness and reduce inflationary pressures in the domestic economy.

This is a fair and reasonable budget. It consolidates the progress of the last five years, copperfastens Ireland's position as the enterprise economy of Europe and puts the public finances on a sound and secure footing. That is what this economy and country needs and that is what the country got.

I am delighted to contribute to the debate and I wish to refer to the commentary on the Government's performance this year. During the early part of the year, because of expenditure patterns, we were informed there was no way the Government could remain within last year's Estimates. We said from the outset expenditure would be maintained on target throughout the year.

The Government did not do so because it cut back and slashed everything.

We did not. Halfway through the year—

The Minister's Department does not even have a budget.

No money was taken from my Department's Estimate this year.

The Minister is responsible for community affairs and he does not even know that. That is not good.

I will refer to 2003 shortly. This is 2002.

The Minister has been in office for six months of the year.

Halfway through the year, an adjustment had to be made to keep within the target for expenditure for the year. As September and October came and went none of the commentators would believe the Government could keep expenditure within what it had forecast in the budget last year. December has arrived and the reality has dawned on them that we were right all along. They now say we did not tell them it would turn out this way. We tried to tell them that from the beginning.

The Government misled us.

We lived up to our word and delivered on target. Similarly when we gave our tax forecast, and we can only rely on the forecast supplied by the Revenue—

They are always wrong

The Deputy should watch the figures. There is a tax shortfall this year but it is not at the catastrophic level the commentators forecast. When the Government said the situation would not be as bad as they were predicting the commentators said we were not telling the truth. When the money came in at the end of the year they told us we were holding something back on them.

The Government told lies in a letter to Michael Noonan.

Budgeting is a guess into the future.

It was a tissue of lies.

Nevertheless, we have kept very close to what we had forecast.

Deputy Broughan is right in one respect. The first step in framing this year's budget was the publication of the Estimates. The Government had two choices. We could dramatically raise taxes and therefore raise expenditure or we could control expenditure. There was no third choice, as is glibly and easily put forward by those on the other side, to get involved in an immense amount of borrowing. That choice did not exist for two reasons. First, it would be spending tomorrow's money today. Second, we are restricted by the rules of the EU growth and stability pact.

We did the prudent thing. We have increased public expenditure next year by 5.7%, which is ahead of the inflation rate, and we have managed to control it at that level. This is the most sensible thing to do when the economy is growing at a slow rate because world economies are totally stagnant. To do anything else would have been foolish.

We decided that health and infrastructure were major priorities and we have put money into health and infrastructure.

What about health workers? Will orthodontists be hired?

The Deputy knows the difficulties in relation to that matter. Many of those difficulties do not relate to money.

We decided health was a priority. It is clear from listening to the Opposition speakers that if they were in Government health would not be a priority because they are telling us they would spend money on everything else.

Number one. Uimhir a haon.

So, Deputy Broughan agrees with our policy. That is a step forward. He agrees that health is a priority. No doubt he would accept that one cannot borrow, and the only other way for the Opposition to proceed would be to increase taxes on the PAYE sector.

We would not have abolished the Western Development Commission.

It has not been abolished.

It is in an bord snip's report.

They can write whatever report they want. However, no decision has been made on that matter. I am carrying out a review of it.

The Tánaiste is going to implement it.

The Deputy is totally out of order because the Western Development Commission comes under my Department and it will be my role to bring whatever proposal I see fit to Government.

The Minister had better read the report.

I do not agree with the report. I will explain the situation to the Deputy because he obviously does not understand it. All decisions in relation to that report have been taken and that report is now finished completely.

What about 2003?

The report only relates to the Estimates process for 2003.

Minister, we cannot have a dialogue.

I am the one being interrupted.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Broughan, there is a formal mechanism.

It is a debating chamber.

Since we are talking about the Western Development Commission, I am reviewing the role of the Western Development Commission in a very radical way.

That is good.

No prejudgments have been made in relation to how we would go forward. However, as a western Deputy and as someone who has committed a lifetime to the creation of employment in the west I say to Deputy Broughan that if he or any of his party believe, as they obviously did when they were in Government, that £5 million per year is going to solve the problems of the west of Ireland they are wrong. The problems are much greater than that.

That was only the setting up cost.

It was not. When Deputy Carey set up the Western Development Commission he gave it £5 million a year.

It was statutorily set up by the Minister's Government.

That is right. Following on a decision made by the Rainbow Government we confirmed that decision. I am now reviewing it. I have always had grave reservations as to whether the commission was an effective implement and whether the setting up of more agencies simply pretends something is being done.

We are all going to join the Gaeltacht.

Sin ceist eile. Tá na Meastacháin thar cinn ó thaobh na Gaeltachta de. Nuair a bhí an Teachta Michael D. Higgins ina Aire chuir sé deireadh leis na scéimeanna infrastruchtúra a bhaineann leis an nGaeltacht. Dob é an toradh air sin nach bhféadfaí fiú bóithrín a chosnódh £500 a fháil deisithe faoi réim an Aire Uí Uiginn. When Deputy Michael D. Higgins was Minister for the Gaeltacht—

The Minister is misleading the House.

—he ended Scéim na mBóithre Áise, the small roads grant scheme, which was urgently needed in the Gaeltacht. The Coalition Government dramatically increased spending and infrastructure in the Gaeltacht. We have also introduced the CLÁR programme.

Will the Minister accept a question?

I will always accept a question from Deputy Broughan.

Acting Chairman

Go ahead, Deputy.

We got the census report the other day. In areas of iar-Chonnacht, Mayo and other areas of the west, the population rose very slowly compared to other parts of Ireland, if at all. Is that not because of total maladministration by his Government in the past six years?

Deputy Broughan is incorrect.

I am not. I was looking at the figures the other day.

I do not have time to give the Deputy a detailed analysis of the census records. I have been watching them in my own parish, which is on a stable census. During the late 1940s and early 1950s there were two Coalition Governments which stagnated the economy.

What about the 30 years before that?

As a consequence of that the west of Ireland was left with a disproportionately high number of bachelors. Therefore from the 1950s it was inevitable that the population of the west of Ireland would drop. We are now getting near to stability. I have done a detailed analysis of the population shift in the CLÁR areas over the last six years. Population in those areas has stabilised although, unfortunately, it is not growing as fast as in the rest of the country. I will be publishing those figures soon and the Deputy will see exactly what I mean about the stabilisation of the population.

There are areas of the west of Ireland that are growing rapidly, particularly, for example, south Mayo including Castlebar and Westport, and Galway city, which was in the west of Ireland the last time I saw it. I have no doubt Deputy Broughan will now tell me it has moved to the east coast.

I was talking about iar-Chonnacht.

The population of Galway city is growing very dramatically. In fact, the population of County Galway as a whole is higher now than it has been for decades—

Since the Minister's grandfather's time.

—and is continuing to rise census after census.

The problem of the west of Ireland is similar to that of Cavan, Monaghan and Kerry, as Deputy Deenihan will know. The population is shifting into the growing areas within the counties. The problem is one of population shifts within the region as much as from east to west.

That is the problem I was given to address. Unlike Deputy Broughan I did not think I would solve the problem in one year. However, I have got everybody focusing on population decline as a major criterion and that is an achievement. When I first argued to have that recognised as a major criterion of measure many people opposed me.

Not us, I hope.

Not Deputy Broughan. I grant him that. It has now been accepted that population decline is the greatest debilitating factor in rural areas. This will lead us to policies for those areas which can be built on.

Tá an-áthas orm gur cuireadh leis an liúntas atá ar fáil do dhaoine atá ina gcónaí ar na hoileáin de bharr na costais breise maireachtála a bhaineann le cónaí ar oileán. Arú anuraidh, don chéad uair, tugadh isteach liúntas oileánda. Is é a bhí i gceist leis an liúntas oileánda ná go n-íoctar €12 breise sa tseachtain le pinsinéirí os cionn 65 bhliain d'aois. Is é atá sa bhuiséad ná go bhfaigheadh daoine atá ag brath ar phinsin fad-téarmach agus atá faoi bhun 65 bhliain d'aois an €12 céanna. Taispeánann seo go bhfuil spéis ag an Rialtas ins na daoine ins na ceantair is iargúlta sa tír gus is mó atá buailte de bharr easpa seirbhísí.

Nuair a chuirtear sin agus an méid airgid atá á chaitheamh ar na hoileáin i gcomparáid leis an airgead beag a bhí á chaitheamh orthu nuair a bhí an dream atá anois sa bhFreasúra i gcumhacht, taispeántar an spéis atá sa bhFreasúra.

Acting Chairman

Níl ach nóiméad amháin fágtha.

The Chair should probably give me an extra five minutes because I have had only about ten minutes.

There was only one GP for the whole Beara peninsula.

I found Deputy Broughan's contributions riveting. Yesterday, another major decision was made. In 1997 a very small sum of money was being spent on the national road network. For those of us who live far from Dublin and the east coast the provision of an adequate infrastructure is the key to our success.

That is true.

I am very pleased that an extra €209 million on top of the €1 billion already being made available will be provided for road construction next year.

A sum of €100 million drawn in VAT alone.

This will give a major lift to the roads programme and, equally important, it will cover for the VAT. It is important to devise new methods to make sure public capital programmes achieve better value for money. If we were honest and left party politics aside we would note that the biggest challenge that faces us all in this House is to make sure the very large sums of money we are spending actually give us value for money in terms of improved delivery of services.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Deenihan.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

One of the most frightening comments yesterday was the Minister's admission that we have lost competitiveness in recent years. Our priority must be to halt the slide and maintain our position. Who was in Government in the past few years and who was in charge of finance but that same Minister, Deputy McCreevy? The Taoiseach says that the budget has to be understood in the context of two key facts. The first is that there are difficult economic circumstances. Only five months ago the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance made it clear that there were no problems and that there would be no cutbacks, either then or in the future. The Minister then said that, in a difficult time, we must fully protect the position of the weaker members of society, a point to which I will return.

Consider Deputy Ó Cuív's comments on the budget. We all know, on the basis of his own admission, that he told the public of the dire straits the economy was in and that all sections had to cut back. What sections suffered most? Let me give the example from my constituency of Cavan-Monaghan of an aged person in a private nursing home. The home was forced to do some repairs to satisfy the North-Eastern Health Board that its premises was up to the required standard and, as a result of that, had to increase its charges. An old age pensioner, an old lady at home in a country cottage, now has to pay €60 out of her pension to maintain her husband in the nursing home which, under normal circumstances, would be paid for by the health board. The health board told her it accepted that her case was beyond question but it was prevented from paying that €60 by the State and the Minister for Finance.

Another case relates to a poor lady who had a visit from a health board official to see if she was in continuing need of home help. She decided to show some pleasantness and courtesy towards the official so she made an all-out effort to make a cup of tea, thus proving that she was capable of doing so and therefore the decision made was that the ten hours of home help that she had been getting should no longer be made available to her. That gives some idea of how this Government brought the budget back into line. I wonder if that health board inspector's expenses or anything else were curtailed or if there were any cuts at a higher level in the health board.

I will make no apology for considering the position with regard to farming. I was born and reared on a farm and I declare my interest in farming. I was involved with farm organisations for 20 years and I am appalled when I see what is happening to farmers today. I do not blame the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture and Food, but I blame the Minister, Deputy Walsh, for either not being at the Cabinet or, if he was, for sitting back idly. The farming allocation has been cut by 9% overall. The 1% VAT increase hits farmers in the same way as everybody else. If there is an increase in VAT there should also be an increase in the VAT refund to unregistered farmers. When I asked the Minister about that yesterday he gave a clear "no", demonstrating total ignorance of the problems facing farmers today. The VAT increase will cost farmers and their families.

In the Book of Estimates there was a 44% cut in the allocation for farm development and a 19% cut in the allocation for the REPS. The story now being put about by Fianna Fáil backbenchers is that it is not really a cut, the moneys were not taken up last year so we will have the same as what was spent last year or maybe even more. That may be so, but the reason that money was not spent last year is the system is tied up with red tape making it completely unworkable. When a farmer got a form to apply for a grant in the past, he or his wife could fill it out in five minutes. Now he must employ somebody to fill it, which costs money. This prevents people applying. For others, the difficulty in getting through regulations prevents them from applying. That must be re-examined

Money must be made available for both farm development grants and REPS because if we are to deal with our commitments to Europe, as agreed in 1992, we will have to curtail pollution and deal with all the other issues pertaining to environmentally friendly farming. We should encourage those schemes, not take away from them.

One question that cannot be answered is why there is a 13% reduction in the allocation for Teagasc and Bord Bia. Teagasc, the advisory service, is facing this reduction at a time when farming is on its knees. I talked to one young farmer last Saturday week who has difficulties with red tape in terms of getting his installation aid. He is the only one of 13 in his group who has taken up farming at a time when five agricultural colleges have closed in three years. Does that show that we have ideas for the future?

In the Book of Estimates the levy for disease eradication has doubled. The cost of meat and bonemeal and BSE tests will be carried by the industry. On 9 December, next Monday, the Minister will call together the representatives of the meat industry but he should have done that at least three or four months ago when he might have put some money into farmers' pockets if he had been able to broker a deal between the two organisations rather than have pickets on factories. What he is doing is a cynical exercise when all the cattle are gone.

Over the past few days Ministers have asked us to suggest areas where savings can be made. As one who deals with the health section of farming, I believe there is one area which must be examined, and I requested this many months ago both through the committee structure and this House. BSE continues to be a major problem. Three hundred plus herds have been bought out this year. We no longer have markets in Egypt or many other countries. Therefore, where there is a breakdown of one animal in a herd, it cannot be justified that the State buys out the total herd. That herd may be replaced with animals from another country and we would have no knowledge of their health status. We know the health status of the other animals, at least the younger ones, and if those up to two years of age were left on the farm it would be easier for the farmer to get back into business. That whole area must be examined, and I do not say that for political reasons. I have seen the trauma experienced by those herd owners. It is worse than a death in a family to see one's whole herd going out the gate because one animal, which may not have even been reared on the farm, is infected. In the current economic downturn we should examine how we deal with problems instead of imposing increased disease levies on farms.

The rollover relief measure is another anxiety for farmers this morning. I am told there are whispers going around the House that land under compulsory order may not be included but I read the Minister's statement carefully and he said that rollover relief or loan notes would not be allowed for any purpose. In a radio interview with me this morning, my colleague in Cavan-Monaghan, Deputy Brendan Smith, said that would be sorted out. I hope it is, for everybody's sake, because it was none other than the then President of the IFA, Tom Parlon, who won national acclaim for the great deal he brokered for farmers between the IFA and the Government in the run up to the election. He then went forward as a candidate and is now in this House as a watchdog. The Progressive Democrats said Fianna Fáil was not to be trusted and that it needed the Progressive Democrats in Government with them. The Progressive Democrats are with Fianna Fáil and I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, if he is acting as a watchdog. Will he make sure that the promise he got from the then PD-Fianna Fáil Government is kept and that farmers will get their entitlement?

There are also major implications arising from the drop in indexation in capital gains tax and the increase in stamp duty. Stamp duty increased automatically over the past number of years because of the massive increase in the value of property. I would have thought that was enough but to see it increased to 9% for virtually all significant property is an added burden on the transfer or purchase of property.

I welcome the €209 million granted to the National Roads Authority yesterday but €100 million or more of that will go back to the Government through increased VAT. We are looking at somewhere in the region of half of that amount in real terms.

Areas were selected under the national spatial strategy last week. My own towns of Cavan and Monaghan were included in that and they have requested funding from the National Roads Authority. If the national spatial strategy and the peace dividend to the Border region are to mean anything, moneys must be spent out of that €209 million in the Border region of Cavan-Monaghan. Of the three proposals in County Monaghan, Monaghan town is the most urgent, and I have already indicated that to the National Roads Authority. Obviously Cavan needs more funding to finish the bypass but if the junction from the roundabout to the Granard Road were completed, it would be a major boost. I urge that be done.

It was interesting to hear the Tánaiste say that there was a commitment for a three year programme in the budget. I did not see that in the budget and I hope that matter will be clarified.

The 1% VAT increase will have other implications. It will have a major effect on house prices. A total of €3,800 was taken from first-time buyers last week and we now have €2,000 extra in VAT on the average first-time buyer's house. That means an increase of €5,800 in the cost of a house for first-time buyers. The small benefit in tax relief on interest will be welcome, but it is a long way from what is needed.

The 14 cent increase in diesel costs will have major implications for the haulage business and bus companies. These issues affect rural areas where there are no train services or other alternatives. This measure could put more hauliers out of business in addition to those who have already gone out of business because of increased insurance costs. The Minister concerned needs to seriously examine that position.

On the schools building projects, The Irish Times named 400 schools the other day which will not be dealt with in the foreseeable future. They are “on hold”, to use the Civil Service language. These schools received promises last May that they would be dealt with quickly. They had no anxieties about cutbacks then but there are other schools which are not even on a list, and I will name some of those. Drumacruttin national school, on the edge of a major regional road, is working from a Portakabin and a hallway. Rackwallace is another school which does not even have an inside toilet. These are two-teacher schools in rural areas, so they do not matter. Knockconan school, in Emyvale, received a guarantee that it would be funded the week after the election, but that funding is now on hold. Ballyconnell school has operated for 35 years in a wooden hut, there is still no hope of a proper school being built. Darley, in Cootehill, desperately needs new structures. There is also Cavan No. 1, Lisboduff, in Cootehill, County Cavan, and the list goes on.

Increases in various charges will be imposed at council level because of the cutbacks in funding to councils. What will happen as far as those in need are concerned? Five thousand civil servants will lose their jobs. Five thousand places on community employment schemes have already been cut. Will those who suffer most from those cuts be the disadvantaged? Will the cap on the recruitment of civil servants stop the appointments of all necessary personnel, including nurses, physiotherapists, etc.? What about the care of the disabled? Widows under the age of 66 are being badly treated. I could say much more about this harsh and uncaring budget. While the Minister has a commitment to the bloodstock industry and to others it does not extend to the poor.

It is clear from their speeches that the members of the Government are using 1997 as the barometer by which to measure their record. At the time I was a Minster of State and I recently came across the budget speech I made at the time. It is revealing in the context of the position today. At that time the growth in output was more than 7%, compared with an output of 2.5% in the OECD. This year the growth in output will be 1.8% and it is expected to be 3.5% for the next two years. These figures reflect the buoyancy of the economy in 1997 and the prudent policies pursued by the rainbow coalition Government, which provided the platform for the many tax reductions and reforms implemented since then. In 1997, Ireland's GDP per head was approximately 100% of the European Union average, up from 76% in 1991. The effectiveness of the rainbow Government is clear from these statistics.

The binge spending of the past two years has had a serious impact on the long-term competitiveness of the economy. People are paying with their jobs. The global employment figures, highlighting public sector recruitment, conceal the underlying picture of rapid employment losses in the private sector. In 1997, employment was growing at the rate of 1,000 jobs per week whereas today we are losing 500 jobs per week. Furthermore, because there is a credit squeeze, many companies will have to shed jobs in the coming year if they are to survive. I hope this will not happen but it is the feedback I am getting from various sources.

In a small open economy the Government's overriding duty is to protect competitiveness. This Government is in denial about its central role in allowing the erosion of competitiveness. Inflation here is double that in the eurozone. Approximately four or five years ago, when I was my party's junior spokesman on finance, the Minister was flippant in response to my concerns about rising inflation. He predicted that it would not rise. Yet, the increase in inflation has eroded our competitiveness, which, according to the OECD, has slipped by 11 places to 24th, or fifth from the bottom of the table. That is a serious situation, especially in terms of attracting international mobile investment. Much of the increase in inflation has been driven by increases in Government spending and the activities of the sheltered services sector.

There is widespread evidence of the Government's failure to deliver on its central priority of maintaining economic progress. Ireland is way behind in terms of broadband connectivity and congestion costs are rocketing. For example, parcel delivery times in Ireland are the worst in Europe and are only exceeded by parcel delivery times in Calcutta. In addition, in the European Union, Ireland is generating the highest volume of waste per head and the lowest level of recycling.

There is mismanagement in all areas, accompanied by growth in spending with no results to show for it. Our quality of life has deteriorated and the prudence in evidence under the rainbow coalition Government has been dissipated. Had that Government been re-elected to office we would not be in this position.

Even before the budget the Government had increased numerous stealth charges. College registration fees have been considerably increased, excise duties on ATM and credit cards have increased, as has VAT on heat, housing and entertainment. The failure to index link income tax bands will result in inflation taking €500 from taxpayers. For example, a married person's tax credit should have increased by €152 to keep pace with the Minister's anticipated rate of inflation of 4.8% for next year.

I am pleased the Minster for Social and Family Affairs is present. The Government has failed dramatically to address the substantial poverty and social exclusion persisting in the country. The budget has widened the gap between the rich and the poor, a gap which, according to Fr. Seán Healy of CORI, is now the worst in the European Union. Allowing for inflation, an unemployed couple with one child will be 25 cent better off in 2003 than in 2002. In 2002, they had an income of €241.43 per week and to compensate for the expected rate of inflation of 4.8% in 2003 they would have required a weekly increase in income of €11.59. Following the budget the income will increase by €11.84 per week. However, this does not take account of the stealth increases introduced by the Government.

The poverty gap between a single unemployed person and a person earning €50,000 per year will widen by more than €25 per week while the position of those living in relative income poverty will deteriorate. Unemployment assistance for single people will rise by €6 per week. The minimum rate of unemployment assistance in 2003 will rise to €124.80. It is not possible to live with any kind of dignity on this amount.

Children in receipt of child benefit will get a real increase of 54 cent per week. The child benefit increase of €8 brings that payment to €125.60 for the first and second child. However, the real value of the increase can be judged after taking account of the expected rate of inflation for 2003 of 4.8%, which erodes €5.64 from the overall increase. Consequently the post inflation increase in the monthly payment for children is €2.35 per month. This is equal to an increase of 54 cent a week or less than 8 cent a day. That will not buy much for those unfortunate children.

My area of responsibility is tourism. The increase in VAT by 1% will have major effects on the tourism industry. The VAT rate in France is 5.5%, in Portugal is 7% and is about 5% across the eurozone in general. Because our rate is now 13.5% we will be less competitive for accommodation and meals. Ireland will be a less attractive destination next year. Electricity costs went up 14% and there will be an 8% increase next year. Insurance costs have risen from 40% to 200%, six times higher than the eurozone. Rates will be increased because of the rates support grant. Water and refuse charges will be increased. The tourism industry will be hard hit.

I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Parlon, to take up the issue of capital allowances for hotels. That should be restored to a period of seven years so that owners can write off capital allowances over seven years. It is now extended to 25 years. It will be a total disincentive. I am involved in creating a package for a hotel in Ballybunion. One of the reasons we were pushing it was the capital allowance. This will stop it in its tracks.

The Minister of State was involved in negotiations for national primary roads in Kerry and he did a good job. The people who benefited through the sale of their land will not be allowed to roll it over. They will have to pay capital gains tax and I ask the Minister of State to examine this.

Today is a good day to reaffirm my belief and commitment to what is the republican ideal and our resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and all its parts and cherishing all the children of the nation equally.

The last Government led by Fianna Fáil oversaw monumental social and economic change in our country. We saw a huge appreciation in our economy and we spread those benefits among the people. We are caring for those less well able to look after themselves and cherishing the people who built our State by dramatically increasing pension payments. Health spending has doubled. Infrastructure spending resulted in new roads and the implementation of improved transport systems.

What sort of a republic do I dream of? I dream of a republic that we are working to create for today and for our children tomorrow, one which is economically prosperous and yet socially just; a humane republic which serves the individual and which therefore holds the hope that citizens will serve it in turn.

Those are the hopes I share with the playwright and first president of the Czech Republic, Mr. Havel, which he expressed in the springtime of nations as communism fell. He spoke of a republic of well-rounded people, "because without such it is impossible to solve any of our problems, human, economic, ecological, social or political." When Fianna Fáil was founded 75 years ago those aspirations were in the minds of our founders. Those aspirations shape our political thought and that in turn shapes the policies and actions we implement.

There has been a lot done. In my Department this budget will copperfasten social welfare payments and deliver increases to every weekly social welfare recipient. It will help to build further achievements. I agree that more has to be done. When we refuse to acknowledge that fact our country will stagnate, our economy will fall into decline and our country will be cursed with blight and decay. The day that happens I will say to the Fine Gael, Labour, Sinn Féin and Green Party coalition Government of the day that they were again given a chance and they failed to deliver to the Irish people.

The spectacular economic performances of recent years have allowed us to make significant headway in many of the tasks that we set for ourselves and in promoting a caring society and the social inclusion of those who are weak and vulnerable. The progress which we have made is well worth protecting.

Social welfare spending rose by over €3.5 billion between 1997 and 2002, well in excess of the rate of inflation—

That is when the world began.

When the Opposition had its opportunity it did not deliver either. There were false words and false pretences. Payment rates for recipients and their families have improved very considerably in real terms. Between 1997 and 2002 we increased the main payment for a pensioner couple by 50%. We started an unprecedented strategy to increase the level of resources devoted to child benefit so as to target the ills of child poverty and to allow parents to make their own choices. Significant structural improvements have been made to the social welfare system in the areas of unemployment and carer's allowances among others.

Our social inclusion strategy has borne fruit. Unemployment fell rapidly as economic growth and employment soared. The real incomes of those who were not able to avail of the increased opportunities from the Celtic tiger because of retirement, unemployment, sickness or disability, increased very significantly.

Real improvements in social welfare in recent years have led to a halving of the consistent poverty measure. In 1994, the level of consistent poverty was 15.1% and this was reduced to 6% in 2000, the latest year for which figures are available. This Fianna Fáil Government is most anxious to protect the weak and vulnerable in our society and to safeguard the gains in building social inclusion. The Government is delivering an additional €833 million in social welfare spending next year, bringing the projected level of spending to over €10 billion.

Social welfare expenditure in 2003 will be €4.5 billion higher than it was in 1997, an increase of nearly 80%. The objectives of the social welfare package are to increase and maintain the value of all rates of payment in real terms; to give additional increases to those aged 66 and over, in particular those on widow's and old age pension; to continue to increase pensions in line with the programme for Government commitment to increase the State pension to €200 per week by 2007; to increase or maintain the real value of all qualified adult rates of payment and to ensure that they do not fall as a proportion of the associated personal rate; and to make significant progress in our programme of increases in the level of child benefit.

To this end, social welfare rates will take effect from the beginning of January 2003, providing an increase of €11 a week in the personal rate for widow and widower's contributory pension for people aged 66 and over; a €10 per week increase for all other pensioners aged 66 or over and 65 in the case of retirement and invalidity pension; and an increase of €7 for recipients of invalidity pension aged under 65, widow and widower's contributory pension, death benefit pension, carer's allowance for those under 66 years, carer's benefit and disablement benefit. There will be a €6 increase for all others aged under 66 and a proportionate increase for persons in receipt of reduced rates.

As I said, in our programme for Government we placed particular emphasis on payments to pensioners. There have been significant increases to date and we have made a commitment to reach €200 by 2007 for the lowest pension. This year the €10 increase makes a substantial first step towards meeting that commitment.

We have also sought to assist the vulnerable older group of widows by giving an increase of €11. This targets resources at a group of older women where the risk of poverty can be high. A further priority in this budget was to protect the position of the less well off and we have sought to do this by ensuring the lowest payments are protected in real terms.

Child benefit will increase by €8 per month for each of the first two children in a family and €10 per month for the third and subsequent children bringing the rates up to €125.60 and €157.30 per month. By the spring of next year, child benefit rates will have risen by €71.64 per month since 2000 for each of the first two children and by €86.20 per month for the third and subsequent children. Due to budgetary circumstances, the planned increase in child benefit will be completed in 2004 and 2005.

This Government also sought to target resources at young families with children on low incomes, a group where the risk of poverty is high. We are doing this by increasing the back to school clothing and footwear allowance by €30 for children aged 12 and over. We will also meet our PPF commitment to pay child dependent additions to persons in receipt of short-term payments for 26 weeks or more where children are in full-time education up to the age of 22. This is estimated to cost over €600,000 in a full year. We have also increased FIS income limits to ensure there remain incentives for people with families to take up employment. This will have a €5 million cost in a full year. Personal retirement savings accounts will be available early next year and this will provide a suitable opportunity to promote and encourage supplementary pension provision among workers.

This budget has allocated resources with a view to running a Government sponsored information and awareness campaign to support the overall pensions strategy targeted at those most in need of cover. The campaign, which will be undertaken by the Pensions Board on behalf of the Government, will start next summer.

Over the past five budgets tremendous strides have been made to develop supports for family carers. I and my colleagues in Government are determined to keep moving forward, to continue to recognise the valuable work being done by family carers and to continue to build on the foundations put in place over the past five years. The means test for the carer's allowance has been eased significantly in recent budgets with the introduction of and numerous increases in the income disregards. I intend to again increase the disregards so that a single person can have a disregard of €210 and a couple can have a joint income disregard of €420. This measure will benefit 4,500 carers. It will increase the allowance currently received by 2,800 carers and will ensure that an additional 1,700 carers will qualify for a payment. This measure will come into effect in April 2003 at a cost of €5 million annually.

In October 2000 we introduced an innovative new social insurance scheme for carers. The carer's benefit scheme is for those who leave the workforce temporarily to care for someone who is in need of full-time care and attention. This scheme is continually being reviewed, monitored and improved. It has already been relaxed this year by changing the definition of full-time employment from 19 hours per week to 17 hours per week. Another condition for receiving carer's benefit is that while the carer may work up to ten hours per week, he or she may not earn more than €95. I now intend to further improve the carer's benefit scheme by increasing the income ceiling from €95 to €150 per week. This measure will serve to provide additional income for carers and will keep the carer in touch with his or her workplace.

Introducing the annual respite care grant was an innovation greatly appreciated by many of those who benefit from it. The grant which currently stands at €635 or €1,270 for carer's caring for more than one person will increase by €100 to €735. Carers caring for more than one person will now receive €1,470. The grant will be paid in June 2003 to recipients of carer's allowance, carer's benefit and carers who are providing full-time care and attention for those who are in receipt of a constant attendance allowance or the prescribed relative's allowance.

Recognising that next year is the European Year of People with Disabilities, I want to make further progress in the area of payments of disability allowance to persons in residential care. One of the qualifying conditions applying to the former disabled person's maintenance allowance was that the payment could not be made to people in residential care or in hospital. People in these situations had their maintenance costs and, in some cases, an allowance met through funding from the Department of Health and Children and/or the appropriate health board.

In the case of all other social welfare benefits and allowances, including payments to people who are sick or disabled such as disability benefit and invalidity pension, entitlement to payment is not affected by the residential status of the claimant. Therefore, on the takeover of the disabled person's maintenance allowance scheme in 1996, claimants of disability allowance in residential care were treated differently from other categories of social welfare recipients in similar circumstances. Since the takeover of the DA scheme a number of measures have been introduced to progressively relax this disqualification, including an improvement introduced in 1999 whereby existing DA recipients living at home can retain their entitlement when they subsequently go into hospital or residential care. The net effect of these changes is that many of those previously disqualified for payment under the disabled person's maintenance allowance scheme because they were in residential care are now entitled to payment under the disability allowance scheme.

The complete abolition of this disqualification would be difficult to achieve in one single move and it also has implications for the health board funding arrangements for people in full-time residential care. However, as a way of making further progress in this area, it has been agreed in principle that the Department of Social and Family Affairs will now take over responsibility for the allowances currently being paid or funded by the health boards.

I propose to establish a working group representative of the various interests to examine the issues that would be involved in the takeover from the health boards of the allowances paid to persons with disabilities in residential care, including the possible standardisation of such allowances. The budget has provided for additional funding to facilitate this process. In view of the level of work necessary to identify the people involved, I envisage that I will not be in a position to announce a specific timetable in this area until the end of 2003.

When I was a student at UCD studying social policy, one of the required readings set for us was the Report of the Commission for Social Welfare.

How long ago was that?

It was not that long ago. The Deputy is not that much younger than me.

Having put in the time on this worthy, if somewhat heavy tome, it seems thoroughly appropriate that I should now be the Minister to tackle one of the last remaining outstanding recommendations of the report – the benefit and privilege rule. Currently, the assessment of means for unemployment assistance for claimants living in the parental home takes account of the value of benefit or privilege enjoyed by the claimant. In practice, the value of board and lodging is taken into account. The CSW recommended its abolition for persons aged 25 and over. I am taking a first step in this direction by the abolition of this assessment for persons aged 29 and over. It is estimated that the cost of this measure will be in the region of €750,000 and will benefit 1,300 persons.

Voluntary housing bodies play an important role in providing rental housing throughout the country for people who could not otherwise afford to provide suitable accommodation from their own resources. In many cases the tenants are pensioners, disabled or unemployed people. The Department of the Environment and Local Government, through the local authorities, operates a number of schemes to assist voluntary housing bodes. In determining the rents they charge, voluntary housing bodies are expected to have regard to the tenants' means and the cost of providing and maintaining the dwelling after allowing for the substantial funding provided by the State. Rents are, therefore, below market rents. SWA rent supplement may be payable in these cases subject to the standard means test and also subject to a maximum payment of €36.82 per week in the case of a single person and €39.36 a week in other cases. This in turn limited the level of rent that could be charged by voluntary housing bodies with a consequential negative impact over time on their financial viability in some cases. This measure will increase these limits to €40 and €45 per week. Up to 1,500 tenants, mainly pensioners and single unemployed people, will benefit in the first instance. However, the longer-term impact will be to improve the financial viability of voluntary housing schemes operated by voluntary organisations. This will encourage more provision, enabling these and other voluntary housing bodies to provide a service to a greater number of people.

An additional €1 million has been allocated in the budget to the Family Support Agency bringing the total budget to €17.25 million on a full year basis. This new agency, which I propose to establish shortly, will provide a comprehensive response for families in need of support services and for families generally.

The Government initiative in establishing the Family Support Agency and the passing of the legislation was widely welcomed and I am delighted that the expectations about the role of the new agency and its role in enhancing national and local provision for families are high.

This additional funding which I am providing will ensure that the agency is well positioned to develop the functions for which it has statutory responsibility and to inform the development of Government policy in family matters. I will announce at a later stage the specific details of the improvements that underlie the budget package.

While the circumstances in which I formulated my first package as Minister for Social and Family Affairs have been far from auspicious, we have sought to protect the less well off in our society while making progress towards our objectives. We have sought to increase or maintain the value of all personal rates of payment in real terms by increasing them by a minimum of €6 per week and in many cases by more.

By 30 cent per week.

We have sought to give additional increases to those aged 66 and over, in particular those on widows and old age pension by increasing them by €11 and €10, respectively. We have, therefore, made further progress in our commitment to increase pensions in line with the programme for Government commitment to increase the State pension to €200 by 2007. We have also sought to increase or maintain the real value of all QAA rates of payment and to ensure that they do not fall as a portion of the associated personal rate by increasing them in line with personal rates. We have further sought to make significant progress in our programme of increases in the level of child benefit by increasing the rates by €8 and €10, respectively.

That is a quarter of what the Government promised. It has reneged on its promise in regard to child benefit.

It is a requirement that significant policy proposals indicate clearly the impact of the proposals on groups in poverty or at risk of falling into poverty. In the interests of comprehensiveness and in accordance with the poverty proofing guidelines, an explicit poverty proof of the main elements of the package was undertaken.

One indication of the effect of the package on poverty can be gained through an analysis of the distribution of gains over the income distribution.

A gain of only 30 cent per week.

The effect on the income distribution of the package was examined using the SWITCH model. The model predicts that almost two-thirds of the impact from the proposals will go to those in the lowest 30% of the income distribution, while over four-fifths will go to the bottom half of the income distribution. According to the model, the budget measures result in falls in the numbers below each of the main relative income poverty lines. Similar results were also found by the Department of Finance in its analysis of the entire budget package.

I am confident that the measures that we have announced will make a positive contribution to our target of reducing consistent poverty to 2% and, if possible, eliminating consistent poverty. This Fianna Fáil led Government has provided a budget package which is twice as large as the best the rainbow coalition Government could do in its term of office.

Those were different times. That was six years ago.

The Government blew the economy.

Pension increases are more than two and a half times larger than the best the rainbow coalition Government could provide.

I commend this budget to the House. Social welfare payments have been safeguarded as older people have been given priority.

An increase of 30 cent per week is some priority.

The Government has copperfastened social welfare payments and budget increases will be delivered to all my Department's weekly customers. The Government is aiming to build on our successes of past years, to maintain a firm hand on the public purse—

God help us.

—to invest for the future and to ensure value for money. We aim to promote equality of opportunity, help the aged and those in need of our help and to promote a nation which serves its citizens.

The Government has treated stallions better than children.

I am delighted to have an opportunity to speak on this debate. It is sad to have to speak in the tones in which I am about to speak on this issue. In the times in which we live one would expect the budget to be expansive on the back of the Celtic tiger. One would expect us to be able to say, it is a fine edifice at this time after five years of the roaring tiger, but, sadly, that is not the case. I am sure the Minister feels sad and sorry that she had not something better to offer.

She must be embarrassed.

I sympathise with her because it is difficult to be in her position in bad times, but it is twice as difficult to be in it in good times and not to have some good news to give.

It can honestly be said of this budget that it culminates in a great betrayal. Not since the North American Indians were driven into the reservations has there been such a betrayal of a people's hopes, aspirations and wishes. Not since the same unfortunate American Indians were driven from the island of Manhattan has there been such a vastness in terms of what the Government has to offer after having promised so much. I think it was Winston Churchill who said, never had so much been owed by so many to so few, or words to that effect. When the time comes for the general public to respond to this betrayal, that pay back will be severe. I hope it will not affect the Minister, but it will be severe.

The much vaunted increase for old age pensioners amounts to only €1.45 per day.

When the Deputy's party was in Government it gave them an increase of only €1 per week. The Deputy must consider the base line from which we are working.

If an old age pensioner happens to like a tipple of spirits, which he or she would be quite entitled to do at this time in his or her life and which is good for the soul as well as the body, the increase in the price of a measure of spirits will cut into that pensioner's increase in benefit. The increase in the widow's and widower's contributory pension is only €1.55 per day. The increase in the maximum weekly personal rate for recipients under 66 is only €1 per day. All these increases contained in the glossy budget document sound great, but one must break them down in terms of what they will mean to the individual.

There is also the increase in VAT and how it will impact on a series of services. When account is taken of the 1% increase in VAT, the increase in the price of diesel and the series of increases across the board, people will end up not getting an increase but a reduction in their income. It is sad that should be the case at Christmas. Normally people get an increase in terms of the delivery of some promises but unfortunately on this occasion promises have not been delivered, they have been scuppered.

The increase in the qualified adult payments works out at about 55 cent or 56 cent per day. With regard to the increase in child benefit, I know the Government espouses the great importance of the family.

The Government keeps telling us how important it is to support the family.

That is why I have put €17 million into family support services.

At a time when the family is supposed to be supreme, the increase in the child benefit rate works out at only €3.5 per day. The Government did not intend to do that. I am sure that was an accident, but because of the way the Government spent money prior to this, its members have come to the conclusion that the best thing to do about the promise they made in regard to child benefit prior to the election is to say that they did not really mean it at the time. That is a critical element, they did not mean what they said at that time.

The Minister also wants to tax child benefit.

On a point of order, I wish to clarify that point which is incorrect. I do not know how many times I have to clarify it. We are not taxing child benefit.

Not yet.

(Interruptions).

Maybe it was not the Government's intention to tax child benefit. However, the miserable increase that has been given is nothing short of taxation because once the VAT increases, transport cost increases and so forth have been applied, it is a reduction through indirect taxation. These people will be considerably worse off—

They will not.

—than they were before the budget, as will all other social welfare recipients.

As a result of increases?

I can understand, Minister, how you feel. You feel disappointed.

The Deputy must speak through the Chair.

Can the Chair not understand that the Minister must feel disappointed? The Leas-Cheann Comhairle feels sorry for the Minister in these circumstances but there is nothing he can do to help. The Minister and her colleagues, however, can do something. If they had not promised so much to so many for so long with such miserable results, we would not be in this situation.

The Deputy's party wanted to spend an extra billion next year.

Several speakers have discussed how we arrived at this position and sought to explain why it happened. They have mentioned 11 September and international financial crises. Every scapegoat that could be found has been used to explain the Government's problems.

Alas, however, they do not mention the true circumstances. The Government has operated on a wing and a prayer. Over the last number of years it linked Government spending to economic growth. The big mistake in that situation is that if the growth falters, spending automatically must be arrested. In fact, spending should be arrested beforehand—

The Deputy should be consistent.

—but the Government could not do that. How could it—

The Deputy should say that to the taxi drivers.

—even with its much vaunted and highly qualified accountants? They knew they could not do it. Instead, the Government decided to cod the electorate. It succeeded. It got the electorate to vote for it in sufficient numbers to keep it in office.

The Deputy is whistling past the graveyard.

That is the sad thing. I wonder how the electorate will feel this Christmas. Having gone so far along the road with this Government and given it the seal of approval, the people will have to ask themselves why they did it. This afternoon and every afternoon until the next general election they will ask: "Why did we do it? Why were we codded by these people? Will we ever let it happen again?" That is the critical factor, will they let it happen again?

Of course they will. They respect our financial rectitude.

I would like to have the same confidence as the Minister in the public repeating its mistakes but—

Fianna Fáil has grown smug and arrogant. Its Members sit here and laugh.

We are laughing at Deputy Durkan.

—I would not allow myself to dwell too long on taking that course.

Essentially, the budget piles more taxation on people who are now about to experience an economic downturn which was brought about by the mismanagement of the country's finances. That is the short and simple reason for it. We should be cutting taxes to restore and boost the economy when it is faltering. Government Members have told us how bad the world economies are, so now is the time to boost our economy by cutting taxes. Now is the time to give the financial injection that is required and to restore the people's confidence in this country, its economy and, dare I say it, in this Government.

The Government, however, has decided to penalise the people. It has penalised the consumer by increasing VAT. It has also penalised the motorist and the transport industry. With regard to agriculture, it is amazing that the main Government party, which would claim to be the farmer's friend, gives just one line in the budget to training young farmers for the future. I do not know what that future is. I have been putting down parliamentary questions to the Minister for Agriculture and Food for the last ten years about the future of agriculture but the Minister does not seem to have an answer. I am sure the two Ministers who are present would like to get the answer to that question. If they have it, I am sure we will hear it before the debate is over. We have not heard it yet.

One of the most glaring issues to face this country in the last five years is housing. Over 100 years ago Michael Davitt fought a land war to achieve for people the right to own their own home. This right is indelibly imprinted in the minds and hearts of Irish people. I do not know how we have lost our way so soon in that regard. We have become the victims of an attempt by Government to change the philosophy of the Irish people away from the right to owning their own home to paying rent to some investor or landlord.

Who is usually Fianna Fáil.

That is the privilege facing the new generation. In my constituency at present no middle income person has a hope in hell of buying his or her own home. The budget underlines this yet again. Their only hope is to pay the mortgage of a financial institution which owns a property or block of apartments or to pay a landlord who is an investor. There is no other way of getting a home. The maximum loan available through the local authorities or through a combination of the local authorities and some other system is at least €70,000 short of the market price of a house.

I have sought an explanation for this through parliamentary questions. Ministers raise their eyebrows and look at me as if I had two heads. They do not seem to understand that in the greater Dublin area at present the only recourse the young generation has, and this includes people on middle incomes, is to leave. Some of them have gone to England, to Liverpool and other places, to buy homes and commute to Ireland to work. I do not know why that has happened. If Michael Davitt were alive, he would have something to say about it.

It is amazing that the Celtic tiger seems to have generated something that is totally alien to our culture. When there were no jobs at home we went abroad to work. We had homes but could not live in them because there were no jobs. Now, we cannot exist at home because we have no home. We must live abroad and come back to this country to work. It is crazy. The Minister seems to dismiss what I am saying. She should do some research. She will find that what I am saying is true.

In the greater Dublin area, which includes Wicklow, Meath and Kildare, people in the middle income bracket are now applying for council houses, which the Government is not providing. The Government does not seem to think that people need housing any more. If that is not bad enough, there are now more homeless people in this city than in the city of London. Surely somebody in the Government can explain that. Surely one of the various handlers, spin doctors, experts and therapists of every description which the Government employs should be able to study the statistics and arrive at the reason for this.

I can give the reason. There has been a deliberate policy to exclude people from the market. The people who were usually able to buy or build their own homes or to otherwise house themselves are no longer wanted. That generation has been frozen out of the market and has nowhere to go. Unless the Government cops onto itself, these people will have to leave the country permanently. That is a disgrace. We have heard a great deal about so-called affordable housing. The policy never worked. There were 300 or 400 houses built in five years. That is crazy.

There are simple ways of solving the housing problem. What the Government has forgotten and under-emphasised over the last number of years is the price of housing. It has forced the unfortunate people who did buy houses and spent between €200,000 and €250,000 for them into a situation where they have a millstone around their necks for the next 20 years. It is a millstone that is twice the cost of the average house in most neighbouring jurisdictions. Why is this so? Is it because people feel better or the Government believes they should feel better if they live in a more expensive house? It makes no difference to the people living in the house. However, it is important for investors and the Government has based its economic policy heavily on low interest rates, which should be of benefit to the country, and the recognition that investors will invest in property. Investors will be happy because there will be a huge recompense from investment in this area.

In my constituency, an ordinary, basic three bedroom house can cost up to €2,000 per week to rent and a four or five bedroom house up to €3,000 per week. There is nothing unusual about this. Those afflicted by the shortage of housing are the only people who understand this. I cannot understand why the Government has done nothing about it. If this happened to any other sector in society, there would be marches in the streets and everything would come to a halt. The Government has failed dramatically to respond in this area.

I am saddened by the issue of the health service, although I should not be sad at Christmas. Despite the fact that we have been told that expenditure in this area has been massively increased in recent years and we have a ten year plan to improve it further, for some unknown reason the number of administrators in the service has increased dramatically and their pay and conditions have also been similarly improved. Some of the positions did not exist before but they do now and in large numbers. However, the delivery is worse than ever.

Various people have examined our health service. The French are supposed to have the best health service in the world. The Government should send some of the spin doctors in its employment to France to examine the system there to discover how it is done so that we can cut out the nonsense in which we have been engaged of placating those in the service here and not improving delivery to the consumer.

A considerable period was spent earlier discussing education. This area is a disgrace after five years of unprecedented economic growth. Children throughout the country attend substandard schools where health and safety requirements are not observed because the Government has decided to ignore them. Would any Member live and work in the conditions in which teachers and children must live and work in some schools throughout the country?

The Minister for Education and Science was asked before the election what he would do for such schools and the reply was that the Government had spent more in this area than any other since the foundation of the State. We thought after the general election that money would flow again from the coffers to improve the pupil-teacher ratio. We thought it was a natural follow-on from the Celtic tiger. In the run-up to the election, all indications were that this was what one could expect. We were sorely disappointed.

What followed the general election was a flop. The Fosbury flop technique developed by a certain gentleman in the high jump in the Olympics has been surpassed by the Government. After the general election, not only did the suggestions of the Government, veiled and otherwise, fail to come true, they were reversed. I do not understand how any Government in an economy which was supposedly the envy of the world failed to recognise the importance of the pupil-teacher ratio.

I am sad for the Government, although I know one should not be, because it has whittled away and spent the surplus. However, I feel sad for its members, individually and collectively, and I know my sadness will grow as time goes by. I know one should not feel sad for people who had so much to give and gave so little, especially at Christmas. I know we should not feel sad about that, but a tear runs down my cheek when I think about them.

The Deputy is a kind man.

I assure the House I am not easily moved to tears, but the Government has stretched my imagination in a way it has never been stretched before.

Could the Deputy wait until he is outside the Chamber before he begins to cry? Deputy Hogan is not good at TLC.

Recently the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has taken on an all-embracing role. He is no longer the quiet Minister in that Department who, like other Ministers, confines himself to his portfolio, dealing with crime on the streets, muggings, killings, rapes and shootings. We expect the Minister to confine himself to that area but he has decided to deal with the country's finances and the broader landscape. He is encompassing within his portfolio issues that were previously only spoken about in hushed tones by Ministers for Justice, Equality and Law Reform.

What makes this a sad time after five years of Government by Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats is not only that they have failed to deliver but the way they have failed and the way they conned the people into believing there was more to come. A lot was done and there is certainly more to do, but little did the poor, unfortunate public know what was to be done to them.

As the Tánaiste is present, I wish to refer to the cost of insurance. I know she loves to hear this issue raised, especially in the context of the cost to industry, householders, the country and the economy in terms of competitiveness. I know this issue is not straightforward, but something is wrong. Unlike Europe or America, we are not required to be to the fore in terms of world defence, yet for some unknown reason, if something happens elsewhere, we are suddenly in the frontline in terms of increases in insurance costs. Something more must be done. The Government's slogan, "A lot done, more to do", never applied more aptly to this issue. The Tánaiste will deal with it in detail on Question Time so I will not pursue the matter further. I raise it because it is hugely important and critical for the economy and our competitiveness in international markets. Nothing has been done to address the issue although it could have been done in the budget.

Debate adjourned.
Barr
Roinn