Private Members’ Business.

Paramilitary Organisations: Motion.

Mr. Kenny

I move:

"That Dáil Éireann:

—recalls that the Good Friday Agreement, overwhelmingly endorsed by the people of this island speaking freely and collectively in referenda held on 22 May 1998, reaffirmed "a total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences on political issues";

—regrets the failure to make any significant political progress in Northern Ireland since the November Assembly elections and believes that the continued operation of illegal paramilitary organisations, North and South, and their ongoing involvement in paramilitary, criminal and sectarian activities is a huge obstacle to the restoration of the institutions;

—deplores the recent terrorist atrocity in Madrid which reminds us of the horrific consequences of terrorist activities;

—notes the comments of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform about the continued involvement of paramilitary organisations in criminal acts on both sides of the Border and the Minister's assertions as to the purpose of these activities;

—believes that the continued existence and operation of paramilitary organisations is an affront to the democratic will of the people;

—urges the authorities on both sides of the Border to ensure that the full rigours of the law are used to counter those who engage in the destructive agenda of paramilitarism and sectarianism;

—calls on the members of all paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities and to disperse, thus allowing their organisations to become a thing of the past; and

—having regard to the fact that the IRA operates within this jurisdiction and claims to be the successors of those who fought for Irish independence calls, in particular, on members of all sections-wings of the IRA to accept this motion and to act accordingly."

This is a reasonable and timely motion as we approach the sixth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. It sends out a strong message from the democratically elected assembly of the Republic of Ireland that, while we are pleased with the political progress made since the Good Friday Agreement, it is time for a demonstrable and exclusive commitment to the democratic process in the conduct of the affairs of Northern Ireland.

On 22 May 1998 the people spoke unequivocally for peace and democracy alone and I am certain that remains their view today. The Fine Gael Party has always believed passionately in a peaceful and democratic solution to the conflict in Northern Ireland. In government and opposition, through Sunningdale and Anglo-Irish Agreements, we worked hard to make progress on Northern Ireland issues. As the Taoiseach will acknowledge, we have never made capital out of Northern Ireland, although there were plenty of occasions and reasons for doing so. I recognise the contribution all Governments have made to this process over the past 20 years.

As far as the Fine Gael Party has always been concerned, there is room in this country for one army alone, namely, the legitimate armed forces of the State, the Defence Forces established by this party when we founded the State. The one true Óglaigh na hÉireann is the force which exists to defend and protect the State, not those endorsed by somebody known as P. O'Neill which exist to subvert it.

Mr. Morgan

It is not the British army either.

Mr. Kenny

It is extraordinary that, at a time when Ireland holds the Presidency of one of the most sophisticated and powerful political, social and economic blocs in the world, Members of this democratically elected Parliament have associations with a private army which has exerted its particular lethal form of pressure when democratic methods have not favoured it. I find it deplorable, as a democrat and the leader of Fine Gael, the united Ireland party, that Members of this House have a perfectly symbiotic relationship with one of the most vile and cowardly paramilitary organisations the world has known.

Jean McConville's son related this week how at least a dozen masked individuals came to take his mother from her small children at bath-time for questioning. Those interrogators and their successors have yet to declare that Jean McConville was not an informer and that the only code she had broken was to show some humanity to a dying British soldier. Someone knows who pulled the trigger and ordered her murder and someone should clear her name of the accusation of being an informer.

For the past ten years we have had relative peace on this island. Unlike me and many others, there are teenagers today who do not remember what it was like in the bleak days of Greysteel, Teebane and Enniskillen. The deplorable Madrid bombings brought home to them and all of us the kind of murderous threat with which the Irish people on all sides lived for 30 years of the Troubles. We lived the terror and its consequences, not just for the generation of the time but also for generations to come.

The stories of small children waiting long into the night at crèches in the poorer Madrid suburbs for parents who would never collect them were harrowing for all to hear and all parents to understand. Those children and their damaged lives are part of the enduring legacy of the Madrid bombers, just as the families who make up Justice for the Forgotten or the Omagh relatives are part of the legacy of political violence here.

It is high time that we placed the needs of victims centre stage. Voiceless people such as families and relatives of the 31 victims of the Omagh atrocity must be supported. I look forward with interest to the details of the British Government's plans for a truth and reconciliation commission which might help such people achieve some level of closure.

As the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform is aware, I met the families of victims on a number of occasions. When I asked one man his views on a truth and reconciliation commission, he stated he did not disagree with the proposal or fine rhetoric but he also asked if he was expected to put his arms around the perpetrator, say he forgave them and walk away with a picture of his dead wife who was blown through the shutters of a shop. When one asks the victims what they want, they say they want truth, which we can all support.

As the World Trade Centre bombings of 2001 and the recent Madrid bombings show, terrorism knows no borders. It is critically important, therefore, that we have international co-operation in tackling and eradicating the terror threat. In fairness to the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, in their capacities as chairman of the Justice and Home Affairs Council and the European Union Presidency, respectively, they are working in that field. I hope the question of sharing intelligence and information is addressed in a way which ensures the perpetrators of terrorist crimes are brought to justice.

I noted the comments of the Taoiseach and the Minister on continued paramilitary activity and criminality on both sides of the Border. I suggest to them that wrapping themselves publicly in the tricolour is of little effect in bringing anybody to book. The paramilitaries have not gone away and will never go away without decisive action and the full rigour of the law being used with targeted precision against them on both sides of the Border. It is an affront to the democratic will of the people that they continue to exist, not to mention operate, and an outrage to our sensibility that Members of this House who have a symbiotic relationship with paramilitarism occasionally lecture us on human rights, ethics and standards. They do the House and the people no justice.

In the Ireland of 2004 there should be no need for baseball bats, balaclavas and broken legs. In this matter the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform must ensure the forces of law and order are supplied with the resources necessary to put known criminal organisations associated with paramilitary organisations out of business.

The dynamics of politics in Northern Ireland have changed radically following the November Assembly elections and the arrival centre stage of the DUP, on one side, and Sinn Féin, on the other. The motion recognises the changed political landscape which has resulted from the DUP receiving a vastly increased mandate on a platform of refusing to participate in a power sharing government while the republican movement remained active. This brings a new reality to Northern Ireland politics and the political dimension on the island. We want the Good Friday Agreement implemented in full but it is clear this cannot and will not happen unless one of its core principles, the absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means, is upheld.

Since the elections, the British Government has been consistent and resolute on the need for paramilitaries to end their activities. It is appropriate that we too send a strong message. It is what the people want and demand. I support the setting up of public inquiries as outlined in the recent Cory report. It is absolutely imperative that the truth about collusion in killings in Northern Ireland be known and made known. While the IRA may not be blowing up members of the security forces, it is still involved in violent and illegal activities such as trafficking and racketeering. There are also abductions such as the Tohill case. This group is actively involved in recruiting and training new members, a pretty unusual step for maintaining the apparatus of a private army if this army has no future, only a past. As the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has reminded the House, the Real IRA is in the business of planning another Omagh atrocity. If the members of these organisations are serious about democratic politics on the island of Ireland, there is no need for this activity which should cease forthwith.

The Chief Constable of the PSNI, Hugh Orde, has warned that the marching season is approaching and that we cannot allow a vacuum to take hold. There has been no real political progress in Northern Ireland since the November elections, despite the dedicated efforts of the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister. Moves must now be made to combat paramilitarism if the institutions are to be restored and the Assembly allowed to carry out its work.

This debate offers Deputies on all sides an opportunity to support the motion in order that a strong message can be sent from this House on behalf of the people we serve that we want politics to work and the terror to end in order that the people of Northern Ireland can look forward to a peaceful and fulfilling future for themselves and generations to come.

It is no great pursuit of mine as to whether Gerry Adams was ever a member of the IRA, or whether he is still a member of its army council. Members of the Sinn Féin group in this House have admitted their membership of the IRA in the past. That is not my concern now as I cannot change the past but we can influence the future. It is up to the members of all paramilitary organisations — I have met some reformed members in Northern Ireland in the Shankill, Taughmona and other places — to now see the reality of the pursuit of democratic politics.

This motion, tabled as we approach the sixth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement and the local and European elections in the Republic, provides a real opportunity to state that the end has come and the war is over, that people are truly committed to democratic politics and that they will end paramilitary activities. I include paramilitary activities on all sides in this. If we are to build a country of which we can be truly proud, which can in its own time decide or otherwise the timing of a united Ireland, there is no place for paramilitary activity in any community. The Taoiseach supports and has worked towards this. I long for the day when the people of Ireland can make this decision in their own way, far removed from the influence of paramilitary organisations and their dastardly deeds. The motion offers all Deputies on all sides the opportunity to send the clear signal that we are all committed to a future, of which we can all be proud.

Mr. J. O’Keeffe

The central issue in the motion before the House is the call on members of all paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities and disperse, thus allowing their organisations to become a thing of the past. If one looks at the Government amendment, the main point almost exactly coincides with the call from the three parties in opposition, as it calls on the members of all paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities, thus allowing their organisations to complete the transition to exclusively democratic means.

The central point of the Sinn Féin amendment is that it seeks to have the House acknowledge the progress made thus far in removing armed force from the political situation, in particular the IRA cessation since 1994, and urges continuing political progress in order that physical force from any source can finally be removed from politics. The central issue for the House, therefore, is whether we can unanimously call on all members of paramilitary groups to unequivocally end all illegal activities.

I recognise the point in the Sinn Féin amendment and acknowledge the progress made in removing armed force, in particular the IRA cessation in 1994. Sinn Féin has come a long way across the bridge. I invite it to come all the way across to join the other parties in this House in a clear, unequivocal call to all paramilitary organisations to end all illegal activities. I urge it to respond positively to this invitation when its members speak on the motion. If that happens, we will have a united voice in the House seeking an end to all paramilitary activity on the island of Ireland.

I endorse what the leader of Fine Gael said when he stated how timely this motion was. It is six years next Good Friday since the Belfast Agreement was signed. In that agreement there was a reaffirmation of a commitment of all participants to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations. It is nothing new to seek an unequivocal commitment to the ending of all paramilitary activity. It is salutory to say the Good Friday Agreement sought to have the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years, following endorsements in referenda, North and South. We had our referenda and got our endorsements with very substantial majorities. Two years went by but we still do not have an end to paramilitary activity. We still have not had complete decommissioning. That is my request to the House tonight.

I have been through these discussions in the past as I played a small role in the Anglo-Irish Agreement as Minister of State in the Department of Foreign Affairs. I have been closely following developments over the years. While progress has been made, we need to complete the job. The total ending of paramilitary activity is an essential part of its completion.

When I was in Belfast yesterday chairing a committee of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body, I had the opportunity to talk to the various political parties present. We also had discussions with the Secretary of State and I was able to get a fairly complete and up-to-date briefing on the political mood in Northern Ireland. It is clear that if political progress is to be made in the coming 12 months or so, a total ending of paramilitary activity must be achieved. Without this and a complete disbandment of paramilitary organisations I do not see much prospect for political progress in the new changed political scene in Northern Ireland.

While the number of awful atrocities has abated considerably, it is clear that there is considerable paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland. I accept that all of the information suggests the majority of the incidents are on the loyalist side. The figures given to me suggest that the proportion is about two thirds to one third but this is not the point. The point is that there is paramilitary activity on both sides and a demand must be made to end it and disband all paramilitary organisations.

While I am saying paramilitary activity should be brought to an end without qualification and equivocation, I am not unmindful of the need for political progress at the same time. Therefore, while I do not anticipate that there will be a rush to make such progress, there are some promising signs coming from Northern Ireland. The DUP document entitled, Devolution Now, is interesting. It is worth studying and makes a contribution to political developments in Northern Ireland. I appreciate that it only deals with strand one and that there are further documents promised on strands two and three. However, I believe it represents a conscious effort on the part of the DUP to contribute constructively to political discussions in Northern Ireland. It has taken seriously its position as the leading Unionist party. I would not have thought a number of years ago that I would have been the one to produce a DUP document in Dáil Éireann but perhaps this is a political development also. I do so merely to develop the point that there are some signs of political development and progress in Northern Ireland. There are possibilities.

Although I call for total decommissioning and a total end to paramilitary activity, I realise this will not happen in the absence of political discussion. However, it is not appropriate that the ending of paramilitary activity should in any way be made dependent on political progress. A commitment was made and an end to paramilitary activity must be achieved irrespective of the political outcome.

There will be other developments in the short term which will include the report of the independent monitoring commission. I do not know what will be contained in the report but it seems reasonable to assume that it will confirm a level of paramilitary activity and an involvement in the Bobby Tohill abduction. I understand a further report will be published by the commission in October. All I can do — I am not anticipating the report due next week — is invite those who are involved, interested and have influence to make sure that by the time the commission reports again in October it will be able to report a total end to all paramilitary activity. I issue this invitation to those who might listen or carry the message beyond this House.

I am not unmindful of the fact that when we speak about terrorism and paramilitary activity, we do so in the context of international terrorism — this is not just an island on its own in the Atlantic Ocean. Unfortunately, the activities that have occurred here may provide an example — a damn bad one, if I may say so — to people in other countries. Correspondingly, an end to such activities would provide a good example to those in other countries who might be tempted to engage in terrorist or paramilitary activity. Let this be an additional benefit to be derived from a complete ending of all paramilitary activities. We are not unaffected by what happens abroad and those in other countries are not and will not be unaffected by what happens here.

The main message we wish to have delivered is that the democratic will of the people as expressed in the referendum should now, at long last, be honoured. Let us develop the political process and use the instruments, institutions and structures in place. Progress has been made from this point of view. I have no doubt that further progress will be made. This progress can only be furthered by a complete and unqualified adoption of the motion before the House. Therefore, I plead with all parties to support it totally and without qualification. That would be a very good night's work.

Mr. Sargent

Gabhaim buíochas le Fine Gael as a chuid ama a roinnt. Dar linn sa Chomhaontas Ghlas, the Green Party, ní mór deireadh a chur le foréigean le cuspóirí polaitiúla a bhaint amach. Sin cúis tacaíocht a thabhairt don rún seo. The murky world of violence and the threat of violence pervade many areas of the world, not least the northern part of this island. If I may speak more globally, at the recent Green Party Ard-Fheis in Galway I met friends of Ingrid Betancourt, the Green presidential candidate in Colombia who was kidnapped two years ago by FARC guerrillas, as far as we understand. She is still being held and we hope she is still alive. She has attended to the needs of the poor, particularly poor children, and stood against corruption and drug trafficking. I appeal for her release and information on her whereabouts. Her children, Melanie, Lorenzo and Sebastien, and her husband, close friends and family are beside themselves with anxiety and distress. On their behalf and on behalf of Greens worldwide, I am seeking information and, I hope, her safe return.

Violence thrives in a culture where it is tolerated. As tension grows, it spirals until it is out of control. This is the situation in Colombia where kidnapping and drug trafficking are the two main income sources of the FARC guerrillas and others. Even though the Government of Colombia has serious questions to answer, it does not give FARC or anybody else a licence to kill, terrorise, kidnap or traffick drugs. Likewise, in Ireland, this debate comes less than a week after the Cory report which followed the report on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings which, in turn, followed the report of the stakeknife affair. Such reports make one wonder if it suits some securocrats to prolong the cycle of violence. Are some paramilitaries calling the shots or are pathetic puppets at times maintained by collusion and an excuse for heavy spending on state militarism? Whatever the case, the continued existence of armed groups operating outside the law is poison to the development of a peaceful democratic and sustainable society.

The Good Friday Agreement, which enjoyed huge cross-party and wider popular support, set down a clear requirement for an end to paramilitarism and a process of demilitarisation. Regrettably, it has emerged that the wriggle room for both sides has developed into stand-off positions, and the stalling of the de Chastelain process and the collapse of institutions are examples of this. The threat of violence is still in existence in spite of comments at a secret briefing by a senior Sinn Féin member last week who, apparently, stated that there will be an end to the IRA when an irreversible political process of change is working in the North.

The Good Friday Agreement, as far as this party is concerned, is that democratically mandated irreversible political process. The paramilitaries' day is done. Sadly, the manifestation of paramilitarism is now being seen in racist as well as sectarian and vigilante attacks and criminality in general. This is community relations week in the North. One of the strongest current arguments against the paramilitarist culture in the North is the racist turn. Loyalist paramilitarists, in particular, are transforming their infrastructure of intimidation into mechanisms for vigilantism. They attack and warn off foreign nationals moving into parts of Belfast and other cities. Northern Ireland has recently been dubbed internationally as Europe's race hate capital.

The usefulness of this debate is also served by reflecting on how other parties, apart from Sinn Féin, must play a role in moving onwards the process of full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It is unfortunate, to put it mildly, that no formal role has been granted to the other opposition parties to input to the Good Friday Agreement review. For it is in that review more than anywhere else that progress, if it is to be made, will be made.

The core weaknesses in the Agreement, in the process that led up to it and in the strategy of the Governments in their attempts to implement it has been the failure to call a spade a spade. By fudging the definition of the problem and being unclear about the chronology of the implementation of the Agreement's provisions, it has come to mean different things to different people. It is time for clearer language. One of the unstated dynamics of the Agreement process has been an incrementalism which allowed restrictive leaderships to both push and pull their constituencies as the logic of the Agreement took hold. This applied to republican and Unionist leaderships alike and a necessary prerequisite for successful completion has been a mutual acceptance and expectation that party leaderships would, and could, bring their constituencies so far given the time and opportunity. It is this dynamic which has been undermined by indecision on the part of the Unionists and a lack of boldness by the republican leadership.

Of course, we demand an end to all paramilitary activity — it would be strange if we did not — however, we must also be clear in our opposition to Unionist intransigence. Northern Ireland remains caught in a classic post-colonial bind. The Governments must make it clear to anti-Agreement unionism that it will not be rewarded for its obstructionist approach with indefinite direct rule. If the elected representatives of the people of Northern Ireland refuse to deliver the Agreement for which the people there and here voted, it is for the Governments to deliver its objective jointly and in partnership. This point reflects the private briefing by the Sinn Féin spokesperson mentioned earlier. There is a strong case for pushing both Governments to be bold in taking up their ultimate responsibility for delivering the will of the people who supported the Agreement.

In a sense, we are returning to the logic of the Anglo-Irish Agreement mentioned by Deputy Jim O'Keeffe wherein the Governments used their democratic legitimacy to step out in front of what unionism was prepared to deliver and thus force its hand in terms of entering the negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement. If the Agreement is to be implemented, all parties to it must fulfil all their commitments. This has implications for the British Government, particularly in regard to the human rights provisions as well as for unionism and nationalism. The time for sequencing and choreography has passed. We need to identify all the areas where implementation has been delayed and deliver on them immediately following the review. The Agreement belongs to us all, North and South. The Opposition parties here need to be drawn formally into the Agreement so that all the political capital available is put to good use, and I include the Independent Deputies in that.

Increasingly calls are being made by the Green Party — Comhaontas Glas — and others for some truth and reconciliation commission to be established to get to the bottom of how and why atrocities were carried out on all sides. However, for many, such a commission will not be possible or useful unless, and until, paramilitaries disband, and the Green Party looks forward to that day without further delays.

Deputy Jim O'Keeffe mentioned the DUP and how we might be looking at progress being made even though it is not enough progress. I thought it symbolic and interesting to hear that this weekend in the Europa Hotel in Belfast all the participants in the world Irish dancing championships were welcomed by the DUP's Ruth Patterson. In opening the championships, she stated "Fáilte go dtí Oireachtas Rinnce na Cruinne 2004". That indicates some hope of which, I hope, everybody involved in the process will take note. That welcome was also echoed by Sammy Wilson, the former DUP Lord Mayor of Belfast. I think we are looking at changing mindsets and situations in the North. I hope those involved in paramilitarism can respect and embrace that and end their activities once and for all.

The Taoiseach

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"—reaffirms its support for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement in all its aspects and for the full operation of its interlocking political institutions across the three strands;

—recalls that the Agreement, overwhelmingly endorsed by the people of this island speaking freely and collectively in referenda held on 22 May 1998 reaffirmed ‘a total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving difference on political issues';

—expresses disappointment at the lack of any significant progress, since the November elections, towards the re-establishment of an Executive and Assembly in Northern Ireland and believes that the continued operation of illegal paramilitary organisations, North and South, and their ongoing involvement in paramilitary, criminal and sectarian activities represents a major obstacle to political progress;

—deplores the recent terrorist atrocity in Madrid which reminds us of the horrific consequences of terrorist activities;

—believes that the continued existence and operation of paramilitary organisations is contrary to the democratic will of the people and erodes the primacy of politics reflected in the Agreement;

—urges the authorities on both sides of the Border to continue to ensure that the full rigours of the law are used to counter those who engage in the destructive agenda of paramilitarism and sectarianism;

—calls on the members of all paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities, thus allowing their organisations to complete the transition to exclusively democratic means and become a thing of the past;

—urges Sinn Féin to use its influence within the republican movement to ensure that the paramilitary threat from the IRA is effectively ended and calls on the Unionist parties to meet their responsibilities in transforming loyalist communities so that the threat from these quarters is similarly removed;

—urges unionism to sign up to the imperative of a total partnership, based on the inclusion of all parties, whose electoral mandate gives them a right of participation;

—recognises that a definitive closure to paramilitary activity can best be achieved in the context of the full and inclusive operation of all the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement;

—urges all the political parties in Northern Ireland to commit themselves to this objective and, accordingly, to engage constructively and proactively in the current review of the operation of the Good Friday Agreement;

—welcomes the recent meeting at Hillsborough, convened by the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, aimed at exploring with the political parties the prospects for political progress;

—calls on all concerned to support and co-operate with the Independent Monitoring Commission and the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning to assist them in carrying out their work which is central to the implementation of core aspects of the Agreement;

— welcomes the publication of the reports by Judge Peter Cory and underlines the importance of undertaking public inquiries as soon as possible in each of those cases where the judge so recommends;

—acknowledges the substantial progress that has been made in advancing the Patten agenda on policing, commends those parties who have led that process of change and urges all concerned to constructively play their part in fully realising the vision of a new beginning envisaged by the Agreement, particularly by supporting and joining the new policing structures; and

—rededicates itself to the Good Friday Agreement as the template for a fair and honourable accommodation between both traditions whose principles of democracy, consent, inclusion, partnership, equality and mutual respect are not open to compromise."

I wish to share my time with the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism, Deputy O'Donoghue, and the Minister for Social and Family Affairs, Mary Coughlan.

I am mindful of the central elements of the Opposition motion. It is important these issues are discussed and I am grateful for the opportunity to do so. The Government believes that its amendment is necessary to take account of the broader dimensions of Government policy in regard to the peace process and to reflect recent significant developments, including the Cory reports and the work being undertaken by the international monitoring commission. The Government's goals, as reflected in its amendment, are open and transparent and, as Deputy Jim O'Keeffe pointed out, it covers all the aspects in the motion.

We are committed to working for progress in Northern Ireland. We want to fully implement the Agreement and a definitive end to all paramilitarism. We want to see the return of the Assembly and devolved government. We also want comprehensive and open dialogue with all strands of unionism as well as nationalism. If everyone is willing to step up to their responsibilities and seize the opportunity, arrangements under the Agreement can be put back in place which will be stable and lasting. This is what my colleagues and I continue to strive for and work towards.

On 10 April 1998, almost six years ago to the day, when the Good Friday Agreement was signed, those of us who were there recognised it had the potential to transform relationships on this island. I believed that then and I believe it now. This is why I will continue to devote my energies and time to this indispensable process, and my colleagues do likewise.

The Agreement offered the opportunity of escape from the fruitless and unproductive disagreements of the past. It pointed towards a new partnership model that did not threaten the interests of any community, but empowered and enriched us all. I am entirely satisfied the Agreement that emerged after such protracted negotiations includes the elements essential to healing a divided society and building relationships on and between these islands. The two Governments are, therefore, determined to protect and promote the Agreement in every way possible. I have made the point on a number of occasions in recent months that the core of the Agreement is partnership and that a viable partnership in Northern Ireland can only be constructed on the basis of total equality between the prospective partners.

On recent visits to Northern Ireland, I said there can be no half-way house between violence and democracy. I also said there can be no comfortable resting place between exclusion and partnership. It is time for all doubts and unresolved issues to be addressed. We have tried on several occasions since the Agreement was signed to do so. Last year we invested an enormous amount of time and effort in this task, and it was a frustrating experience. I spoke to my colleague, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and we recalled our Easter break last year, on the fifth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. We spent almost the entire week-end dealing with the peace process. I recall the last meeting which began at 9 o'clock on Easter Monday. In the end, we got fed up and went off to Fairyhouse having spent the entire week-end on the problem. Not only I, but a number of my colleagues who had intended going away for the week-end had been involved in the talks. That is just one example of what went on. Many others spent the entire week-end working also.

However frustrating last year's experience was, there is no escaping the issues. Once and for all, we must solve the problems that have been undermining the peace process. Both Governments are fully committed to making progress as quickly as possible and we ask all the parties to commit themselves to the challenge. It is very clear what is needed. The commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means in the Agreement must become a reality in Northern Ireland. Partnership can only work and achieve its reconciling potential when the use or threat of force has been finally removed from the equation.

Ongoing paramilitary activity and sectarian attacks erode the trust and confidence necessary to sustain the process. They obstruct efforts to achieve political progress. These activities, in all their various guises, must now be brought to a definitive end. This is a requirement for all paramilitary organisations, loyalist and republican. The republican movement has a special responsibility, given Sinn Féin's position of political leadership within the nationalist community. The scope of activities that must end were outlined in paragraph 13 of the joint declaration published in May 2003. They have not changed. They include military attacks, training, targeting, intelligence gathering, acquisition or development of arms or weapons, other preparation for terrorist campaigns, punishment beatings and attacks and involvement in riots.

There is a need for the issue of decommissioning of paramilitary weapons to be addressed in a way that will maximise public confidence. We also want to see an end to all forms of IRA-directed criminality that have been the focus of so much attention in this jurisdiction in recent weeks. A commitment to policing is central to a Northern Ireland free of paramilitarism and criminality. Such a commitment would be the clearest sign that the communities in Northern Ireland are moving forward together. The unionist parties have clear responsibilities. The DUP and UUP must commit themselves to the full and continuous operation of all the political institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. This includes power-sharing in a Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive with all political parties whose mandate gives them a right of participation, and full support for, and participation in, the all-island institutions of the Agreement. Given their responsibilities, the DUP and UUP must accept that this means doing business with Sinn Féin in dealing with the issues I have mentioned.

I welcome the opening of our dialogue with the DUP. The path to this point of engagement has not been speedily travelled. However, open and honest engagement will broaden and deepen the process of dialogue and reconciliation on this island. I said in January or early February, when the Government formally met the DUP for the first time, it was the first time during my 27 years in politics that I actually saw Mr. Robinson in person, even though he and I have been in politics for a long time. As Deputy O'Keeffe said, things move on. We must take up the pace very quickly, however, I welcome the dialogue.

I welcome the publication of proposals on the review of the Agreement by a number of parties, including the DUP. I hope the DUP's initial proposals covering Strand One of the Agreement will soon be followed by their proposals on the North-South and East-West dimensions of the Agreement. The challenge for the review is to collectively consider and discuss whether change can be accommodated, mindful that there is no question of degrading the fundamental values, principles or protections of the Agreement, because we cannot and will not change the fundamentals of the Agreement.

The restoration of devolved government on an inclusive basis is a key priority for both Governments, but the Agreement is wider than devolution. Both Governments have a responsibility to ensure that the non-devolved aspects of the Agreement continue to be implemented. The ongoing work within the framework of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference is, therefore, important. It includes the implementation of commitments made in the joint declaration in the areas of criminal justice, human rights, equality and community issues.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Northern Ireland Secretary of State will co-chair the next meeting of the intergovernmental conference later this month at which they will advance progress on these important issues. At the same time, the Independent Monitoring Commission, which was tasked in the joint declaration with monitoring and reporting on the fulfilment of commitments in regard to the ending of paramilitary activity and the programme of security normalisation in Northern Ireland, will shortly issue its first report. It is also empowered to consider claims that any party within the Assembly was in breach of its commitments under the Agreement. In response to a number of factors, including the incident in Kelly's Cellar Bar in Belfast on 20 February, the IMC agreed to bring forward its first report on ongoing paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland. Both Governments expect to receive this over the coming week or so.

The IMC can act as a confidence-building mechanism on a wide range of issues, particularly by offering reassurance that the activities which destabilised the institutions in the past will not escape accountability. I do not know what the impact of the IMC report will be when published. I know, however, that we can no longer avoid addressing the issues central to the Commission's mandate. In the interests of confidence-building, it is vital that commitments entered into by the Governments are fulfilled. In this regard, I welcome the publication last week of the four reports by Judge Peter Cory on cases of concern in Northern Ireland. I also welcome the establishment of inquiries, as recommended by Judge Cory, into the cases of Robert Hamill, Rosemary Nelson and Billy Wright.

The decision not to proceed at this time with the necessary public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane is disappointing. I agree with Judge Cory that such an inquiry should take place in parallel with the pending prosecution. We will continue to press our view on the British Government that the Weston Park commitments must be honoured in all cases. This means that a public inquiry in the case of Pat Finucane must be held as soon as possible.

There is a legitimate question, particularly following implementation of Judge Cory's recommendations, of how best we should now handle the legacy of the Troubles. I read Deputy Bruton's thoughtful contribution on this issue at the weekend. Secretary of State Paul Murphy has been asked to consult the parties on how this highly sensitive matter should be handled. There are many who feel that we should have embarked on such a truth and reconciliation process before now. Deputy Sargent and I have been discussing this in the House for some years. I do not know where these latest discussions will lead but I support them and I believe they are timely. I hope that a consensus emerges that will be centred on the victims and will allow this most difficult issue to be addressed in an appropriate way that will also ensure a necessary and real focus on the present and on the future.

On the sixth anniversary of the Agreement I am fully aware of the need to maintain confidence in the process. When I recently met Prime Minister Blair at Hillsborough, we clearly stated our preference to see early progress on the key issues, preferably before the local and European elections in June. I assure the House that both Governments will remain in close contact with all the parties over the coming weeks to advance all opportunities for progress. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank the Opposition parties for their ongoing support and constructive engagement as we strive to implement the Agreement fully and to achieve a lasting political settlement on this island. I assure the House that the Government and I will leave no stone unturned in our efforts to implement the Good Friday Agreement and will take account of everyone's concerns on this matter.

Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism (Mr. O’Donoghue)

We are all disappointed by the lack of progress towards the restoration of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive. Significant issues remain to be resolved and all parties have a role to play in addressing them.

I commend the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs on their continuing efforts in co-operation with the British Government and the Northern Ireland political parties to move matters forward. The experience of the past 18 months has shown that this is not an easy task, but we would be wrong to lose hope. The resolution that is profoundly desired and eagerly awaited by the people of Northern Ireland can and will be found.

The scourge of paramilitarism — loyalist and republican — represents without doubt a major obstacle to political progress. Criminal and sectarian acts of violence are a clear challenge to all of us who believe in democracy and the rule of law. Northern Ireland has just experienced perhaps its quietest 18 months in memory. Much work has gone into ensuring that parades pass off peacefully and that the interfaces are quiet. The number of deaths related to the security situation has fallen dramatically. Nevertheless, it is evident that the blight of paramilitarism continues to affect many communities in Northern Ireland in the form of punishment attacks, sectarian assaults, intimidation, threats, harassment, extortion and other criminal activity.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland has stated that approximately two-thirds of punishment attacks and shootings since 2001 are the responsibility of loyalist groups. Dissident republicans continue to be engaged in the harassment and intimidation of Catholic and Nationalist members of district policing partnerships as well as in attacking police stations in Northern Ireland. Recent months have also seen a rise in violent racist attacks on members of ethnic communities, especially in Belfast. Again, it appears that there is loyalist paramilitary involvement in such attacks.

The Garda, PSNI, Criminal Assets Bureau and Assets Recovery Agency continue to work closely to combat the illegal activities of these paramilitary groupings, and Deputies will be aware that they have had many notable successes. Continuing paramilitary activity runs counter to the wishes of the majority of the people on this island. In 1998 the people voted overwhelmingly for a future free from violence and for the resolution of political differences by exclusively peaceful means. I commend the work of the police on both sides of the Border in combating paramilitary activity and I urge everyone to give their full support to them.

The House recognises the tremendous progress which has been made in bringing about the new beginning to policing in Northern Ireland as promised in the Good Friday Agreement. The benchmarks for the new policing arrangements were clearly set out in the Agreement, namely, a professional and effective police service which carries out its duties fairly and impartially, is free from partisan political control, is accountable both under the law and to the communities it serves, is representative of those same communities, and acts in accordance with the highest human rights standards.

This House is well aware of the extraordinary breadth and depth of change that has taken place in policing in Northern Ireland in such a relatively short period. Northern Ireland now has a new agreed symbol and emblem representing the new beginning to policing based on partnership between the two communities; a commitment to achieving a community-centred police service as its key defining objective; a police service governed by a code of ethics in line with the highest standards of human rights; comprehensive accountability structures, including the Policing Board and the district policing partnerships, which make the police increasingly accountable to local communities; a 50:50 recruitment policy which is making the police more representative of the community it serves; the re-casting of the special branch as an essential tool for crime branch, with a new leadership and new procedures that are becoming increasingly in line with the highest international standards; and considerably enhanced co-operation between the PSNI and the Garda Síochána, including the provision to allow officers from each force to serve in the other.

The success of this project to date is a tribute to the people involved at all levels, and none more so than the Policing Board. The board's members, individually and collectively, have provided the catalyst for change by driving forward the implementation of the Patten recommendations. The board deserves great credit for its efforts.

In this connection, I regret that the new policing dispensation in Northern Ireland does not, as yet, enjoy the support of all political parties. The Government and Members of the House have on many occasions commended the SDLP on taking on the task of leading the process of change from within the new policing structures. It has not been an easy task and has involved, on occasion, physical intimidation of members of the party. However, as so often in the past, the SDLP has risen to the challenge and demonstrated real courage and leadership on behalf of the whole community.

In the past six months, perhaps the greatest burden has been borne by Nationalist members of the district policing partnerships, who have come under a violent and sustained assault on their democratic right to represent their communities. This is unacceptable and I am sure all Members of the House would join me in condemning all such acts of intimidation.

The Taoiseach has stated that paramilitarism is a cul-de-sac for communities. This House will join me in urging all those with influence to recognise the damage that paramilitarism, whatever the origin, causes to communities and to bring an end to all illegal activities.

As the House will be aware, following the alleged abduction of a man in Belfast on 20 February, meetings on the review of the Good Friday Agreement have focused primarily on paramilitary activity, including the meeting on 23 February when I represented the Government. However, the two Governments are determined to see continued momentum in the review process, which we believe provides an important opportunity for sensible course correction, to put right any deficits of implementation and to renew the fresh start the Agreement envisaged.

To this end, last week both Governments wrote to the parties, requesting them to submit by 8 April further proposals about the operation of the Agreement which they would like to discuss as part of the review process. In particular, we would welcome proposals from the DUP on strands two and three. The two Governments and the other parties will need to consider the totality of the DUP proposals before forming a judgement as to whether they are likely to provide a basis for consensus support. Both Governments will, in the light of these submissions, make proposals for the timetabling of further review discussions.

In tandem with the review process, the two Governments are involved in a round of negotiations with the parties in an effort to resolve the current impasse. As has been stated on a number of occasions in recent months, the outstanding core issues are the achievement of final closure in relation to all forms of paramilitarism from all quarters and a commitment from all the parties to the full operation of stable and inclusive political institutions.

These institutions of the Agreement include the North-South Ministerial Council, which regrettably has been unable to meet since the suspension of the Assembly in October 2002. This does not mean that North-South co-operation has stalled. On the contrary, good progress continues to be made on the extensive work programme already mandated by the NSMC, and the work of the North-South bodies continues under interim arrangements put in place by the two Governments to ensure that these bodies can continue to discharge their important public functions. I look forward, however, to the time when the NSMC can meet again to re-energise and give new direction to this critically important arena of North-South co-operation to the benefit of all.

In my Department, I have seen at first hand the tremendous advantage of approaching overseas marketing from an all-island perspective, through the establishment of Tourism Ireland. Tourism is one of the world's most dynamic and important economic sectors. The fact that the Government has placed this key economic sector in the hands of a North-South body is an indication of our commitment to and belief in the potential of such co-operative effort. Tourism is an ideal candidate for the all-island approach and Tourism Ireland has been an outstanding success since its establishment in December 2000. The body took over all-island tourism marketing at a difficult and challenging time for the industry worldwide and is delivering excellent results for the island as a whole. It has a particular remit to help Northern Ireland's tourism industry to reach its full potential and I am pleased to say that last year was a bumper year for Northern Ireland tourism, with a 15% increase in holiday visitors.

Tourism Ireland is fully embedded in the strategic approach of my Department's tourism planning. Just yesterday, I addressed a major European tourism conference in Dublin Castle, organised as part of our EU Presidency programme. This international event also served to raise the profile of our North-South co-operation in the tourism sector and has been mirrored by a similar event hosted in Belfast by the Northern Ireland Tourist Board and Tourism Ireland, at which its chief executive briefed delegates on all-island tourism co-operation.

The overwhelmingly positive experience of Tourism Ireland's success is both a confirmation of the strong economic and commercial case for North-South co-operation and an incentive to seek out and develop further opportunities. Such consideration is of course being taken forward at official level all the time, but I look forward to the opportunity for Ministers from North and South to re-engage in the North-South Ministerial Council to bring renewed impetus to the development of the North-South agenda, both in my Department, where there are possibilities in the sport area and in exploring potential elsewhere such as infrastructure, energy and higher education.

To fully realise the potential that exists we need to get ministerial colleagues from North and South back around the council table and that requires the restoration of the institutions and the full and inclusive implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. The House can rest assured that both Governments are continuing their efforts with the parties to advance all opportunities for progress. I commend the motion, as amended by the Government, to the House.

Minister for Social and Family Affairs (Mary Coughlan)

Following on from all that has already been said this evening, I re-emphasise the need for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement in all its aspects. The very real social and economic benefits which have been delivered through the Agreement, even despite the current unfortunate period of suspension, highlight the enormous potential for the entire island.

The Government attaches great priority to the work ongoing within the six sectors for North-South co-operation and within the six implementation bodies set up under the Agreement. This has been reinforced again and again for the simple reason that it makes practical and economic sense to ensure that the North-South Ministerial Council operates to its full potential. In 2002, legislation was passed by this House to ensure that the important functions of the North-South bodies would be preserved during the period of suspension. This legislation and its protection of the work of the bodies have proved invaluable for the people of the whole island.

In terms of enhancing our economic potential, the work of the NSMC and the new bodies has been of particular significance. These focus, for the first time, on an all-island basis, on key areas for co-operation such as tourism promotion, transport and agriculture, with dedicated bodies established with specific responsibilities for issues such as food safety promotion, marine tourism and aquaculture, the development of the island's inland waterways and trade and business development.

The bodies draw their board members from all areas of expertise throughout this island. Encouragingly, business leaders in both parts of Ireland were among the first to welcome the establishment of the new trade body lnterTradelreland and all the North-South institutions of the Agreement. They share the view that for far too long conflict and division have prevented us from realising the full potential of our island economy. There has been a tendency to work back to back, whereas now it is time to work face to face. Our infrastructure has been cut in half. As a Border Deputy, I recognise in every aspect of our economic development North-South co-operation creates potential for important synergies, pooling of resources and sharing of expertise.

In what has been a relatively brief space of time, tremendous strides have been made on all the new North-South institutions. Prior to the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly in October 2002, the North-South Ministerial Council had met 65 times, beginning with the historic inaugural plenary on 13 December 1999 in Armagh. The council has held regular ministerial meetings in a range of sectors including trade, tourism, transport, environment, education, language, loughs, waterways, special EU programmes, agriculture and health and food safety.

The work programme of the council, which is being taken forward by the two Governments during suspension, continues to be serviced by an innovative joint secretariat of civil servants from North and South, based in Armagh. Their work should facilitate an easy return to normal council activities once the Assembly is restored and the NSMC can meet again. In addition to the council, the six North-South implementation bodies have been up and running for over four years and continue to press on with their important remits, with major programmes of work in place in a range of areas. On the basis of the work and the achievements to date, we can rightly have high hopes about the potential which these relatively young institutions have in terms of tangible, mutual benefits for all the people of this island.

Enhancing North-South trade and developing all-island business linkages and managing our shared resources are key remits of North-South co-operation. These fit sensibly into the new North-South architecture of the Agreement and are producing significant benefits for the island as a whole. Although the bodies have their origins in a political settlement, they play a vital function in the practical working life of the people of our island. Alongside the work being carried out by the North-South implementation bodies and Tourism Ireland, the NSMC has also been concerned with seeking to facilitate mobility between the two jurisdictions. In February 2002, the NSMC published a study on obstacles to mobility between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This study focused on the very practical issues which have made it difficult, for people to move across the Border or indeed live in one jurisdiction and work or study in the other. These issues, such as taxation differences, pension rights, social security benefits, housing and health care can create great impediments and prevent the movement of people. This report put forward more than 50 recommendations that seek to remove such impediments.

Since publication of the report, work has been undertaken to attempt to remove these obstacles where possible, and when not possible, to provide accurate and effective information to those seeking to move. A public consultation exercise was carried out to allow organisations and people working and living in the Border regions to comment on the report and its recommendations. From this it transpired that the greatest impediment to movement is a lack of information. Work is currently ongoing between the Administrations North and South to establish a website that will fill the current information deficit and provide people with the information necessary on issues such as banking and health care prior to undertaking a move across the Border.

In addition to this website, departmental working groups have been established to tackle specific policy issues. These groups are currently looking at issues such as the mutual recognition of qualifications and access to health care. Practical work such as this will facilitate the further movement of people on the island of Ireland and will in turn facilitate the work that has been begun by organisations such as InterTradelreland. Such movement should also bring with it increasing economic and social activity between the two parts of the island.

This will also assist in overcoming the division which still exists on this island today. Division, like a weed, infiltrates every aspect of society and is self-reinforcing. It cannot be tackled purely through politics, through agreements of words. The only way to eradicate it completely is through actions, actions which repeated so often become commonplace, part of the everyday reality of our lives. Much of our business on this island is now being taken forward by North-South bodies. From the point of view of this jurisdiction, no new policy is embarked on without consideration of the all-island dimension. This is what partnership is all about — working together for common good. We will protect these gains and press on this important agenda, continuing to reap the benefits, both economic and social. However, we would have been foolish to witness all this tremendous progress with complacency or to expect that there would be no further challenges ahead. We were conscious from the outset that this was always going to be a long-haul process and we would have to be prepared for, and not discouraged by, setbacks along the way.

As we all know, when times are tough, in politics or in business, the only way forward is to keep working and to meet those challenges head on. We must not underestimate the importance of the new institutions at this time. The current period of suspension should not cloud the fact that their record in the period since December 1999 can be a very real encouragement to us as we address our current difficulties. The process worked extremely well and the people of Northern Ireland supported it. They liked that local politicians, accountable to them, were taking decisions on matters of critical importance to their daily lives. Many important decisions were made by the Executive and the Assembly about hospitals, schools and roads. Even if there were disagreements with some of those decisions, the people liked the new dispensation and the potential that it held. It is one thing all the parties agree on, they all want to see it restored.

The new North-South structures have also been building and strengthening mutual understanding and helping to defuse the tensions and suspicions between the two traditions on the island. Many important decisions were made by the Executive and the Assembly about hospitals, schools and roads. Even if there were disagreements on some of these, the people liked the new dispensation and the potential it held. There is one point on which all parties are agreed: all want to see it restored. The new North-South structures have also been building and strengthening mutual understanding and helping us to defuse the tensions between both traditions on this island.

We do not underestimate the challenges ahead but it is the business of Government to address problems and find solutions. Given the foundations on which we are now building and the commitment and determination of the democratically elected parties and the two Governments, we will, together, find a way through our current difficulties.

Mr. Rabbitte

I wish to share my time with Deputy Crawford.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Rabbitte

I speak in support of the motion. It would be my wish and view that it should not be contentious. It was drafted by us not to score points, but to send a message. It is our hope that the message sent by this House would be united, direct and simple. We represent those who live in this part of the island. They want peace, progress and stability in Northern Ireland. They believe that the people of Northern Ireland are entitled to democratic institutions of government. They look forward to the day when an elected government in Northern Ireland will feel free to engage at every level with the people on the rest of this island.

The people on both parts of this island voted for all that, overwhelmingly, when they voted for the Good Friday Agreement. As their representatives, it is up to us to keep reminding the participants in that process that the Good Friday Agreement has yet to be delivered. It is entirely appropriate that this week, as we approach the sixth anniversary of that Agreement, we should once again return to its terms. The message in this motion, addressed as it is to members of paramilitary organisations and their political representatives, and especially the IRA——

Mr. Morgan

The Official or the Provisional IRA?

Mr. Rabbitte

——is that it is make your mind up time.

I will return to this theme shortly. First, I remind the House that we will shortly come to another anniversary. Soon we will remember the Easter Rising of 1916, a rising underpinned by a proclamation that has gone into the folk memory of our people. Apart from the phrases we remember best, for example, the injunction to cherish all the children of the nation equally, that proclamation was noteworthy for some of its other instructions: the guarantee of religious and civil liberty; the promise of equal rights and equal opportunities to all citizens; the resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the nation and all its parts; and the solemn prayer set out at the end of that proclamation that no one who serves the cause of the republic will dishonour it by cowardice or inhumanity.

Almost 90 years on, we have occasion frequently to reflect here and elsewhere about the extent to which these promises and entreaties have been honoured. We know that we have not yet succeeded in this part of the island of Ireland in creating a republic that is genuinely informed by the principles of equality, freedom and solidarity at all times. We know that, in Northern Ireland, the cause of the republic has been dishonoured all too often by inhumanity. The thousands left dead, the families left grieving and bereaved and the injured and maimed of a 30 year conflict will always wonder what it was for. At some point, those responsible will have to reflect too. They will have to come to terms with a past that, whatever point of idealism or sense of injustice may have inspired it, descended far too often into sectarian carnage and featured far too often acts of inhuman barbarity. Those who started off prepared to die for the republic all too often tortured and maimed for it. The republic was dishonoured, and that must be faced up to by those involved.

There is talk now of a reconciliation commission. No one should dismiss that idea lightly. Some have approached it from a deep sense of victimhood, and I fully understand that. Others have reacted to the idea as if to co-operate in any way with the notion of reconciliation would be to deny the values for which they stood in the past.

The British Prime Minister has spoken of the need to move beyond the past and, while I sympathise with that aim, I fear it may never be possible until we have all come to terms with the past — the victim and the perpetrator, the gunman and the peacemaker alike. For all the people involved, truth is a necessary ingredient of progress.

Issues such as what happened to people who disappeared without trace, whether there was collusion in the murder of loved ones and how do we finally get to the bottom of mysteries that have bedevilled the lives of those who suffered from them must be addressed as part of any process of reconciliation. It is not possible to effect a truce with the past while ignoring all its dark secrets. No one holds more secrets than the paramilitaries who claimed their mandate from our history and see themselves as following in the footsteps of those who signed the Proclamation of 1916. No one needs to confront the darkness of those secrets more than the same paramilitaries. It must, at some point, become clear to everyone involved that there must be a reckoning with the past.

It is clear from reading the amendment tabled by Sinn Féin Members to the motion before us that we are not at that point yet. That amendment seeks to make it clear that all the difficulties in the way of progress now are the exclusive fault of other people. I have always accepted that Sinn Féin members have worked hard and often courageously to become part of the solution. Some day, perhaps, it will be possible for Sinn Féin to accept that it was also intrinsically a major part of the problem.

As well as dealing truthfully with the past, we need to deal truthfully with the present. I was shocked within the last week or so to read a newspaper story reporting that a close associate of and senior activist in the constituency of a Member of this House had been knee-capped and left along the Border. That story, to my knowledge, only appeared in one newspaper, but I find it astonishing that there has been a complete silence on the subject from the party of which the person concerned was an active member. One can only wonder at what internal tension caused this atrocity and why there appears to be so much anxiety to cover it up. The story may be inaccurate or misinformed, but that too should have brought a correction.

We have arrived now at the point where it is, for the republican movement especially, make your mind up time. The prospect of progress in Northern Ireland is stalled for one reason only. An army which sees itself as undefeated but which declares itself to be no threat to peace is unable to dispense with its weapons. Until it can overcome that impasse, the long spell of uninterrupted political stability where democratic government based on the consent of the governed and is the central and only feature of all political activity will continue to be denied to the people of Northern Ireland.

I do not say that in any spirit of recrimination. I am not here to score political points. We have all read and heard the attacks on the republican movement by a variety of Ministers. I have not joined in those because I do not have the evidence to which Ministers claim they are privy. I do not intend to be drawn into the debate concerning whether Mr. Adams was or remains a member of the IRA because, in a debate such as this, we should try to take a longer view. I want to see a post-IRA Ireland. Many members of the republican movement have said they want that too. The key to a post-IRA Ireland is in the hands of P. O'Neill the mythical signatory of statements from the Provisional IRA. The undefeated army must come to the conclusion that it is in its gift to ensure once and for all that democratic politicians are free to go about their business, in this case the business of building a dynamic economy and a fair and just society in Northern Ireland, without ever having to worry again about the threat of violence from a paramilitary source.

Mr. Morgan

Which army?

Mr. Rabbitte

There must no longer be any room for doubt. If politics is the future, armed struggle is the past.

I have before now praised the leadership of Provisional Sinn Féin for leading the members of that party on a long and arduous struggle down the road of peace. All of us in this House have recognised how difficult a job it has been at times. Following the IRA ceasefire in 1994, there was general acceptance that the republican movement would need time and space to make the transition from violence to democracy. There was an understanding that the leadership was committed to moving towards full participation in our democratic system but that they would require time to convince the slower learners among the republican movement. Anyone who understands anything about our political history knew that it would take time and that there would be slippage and problems. However, all of us have from time to time bitten our lips. We have refrained from expressing the frustration we have felt at the slowness of the process. Too often it seemed to have been a case of two steps forward and one step back or, on some occasions, one step forward and two steps back. Too often it seemed as if the leadership of the republican movement was prepared to move only at the pace of its most recalcitrant member and too often it seemed that that slow pace was putting the process itself at risk. Let the republican movement now take the final risk.

We will applaud the day that the entire republican movement has the vision and foresight to say that democracy is the only way forward. The republican movement ended 30 years of conflict with its military wing, the IRA, undefeated. That was its claim. Let that undefeated IRA now tell us, as clearly as it can, that the war is over. No one in this House or elsewhere will interpret such a statement as an admission of defeat. The republican movement has said again and again — I am prepared to take what its says at face value — that it does not represent a threat to the peace process. It has it in its hands now to provide a positive benefit to the peace process.

It has been said before, but it bears repeating here, that a movement which describes itself as political, that has made significant political gains on both parts of this island and that is significantly represented in this House, in the Northern Ireland Assembly and in the Westminster Parliament, as well as a large number of local authorities throughout this island does not need semtex explosives. A movement which sees itself as pursuing democratic goals through democratic means does not need guns. A movement which sees itself as representing people, especially people who suffer through disadvantage, should surely have no truck with beating, maiming and terrorising people. A movement which is committed to the dynamics of political contest and which is seeking to build a strong political base in every democratic forum must not shy away from declaring that it is no longer at war.

It is surely time for a new analysis which states that republicans and Nationalists derive strength and confidence from peace and democratic involvement. The old ways, just like the old days, are gone. The only way forward now is through politics. Making politics work requires drudgery. Who among us does not know that? However, it does not require terror or violence.

We must not lose sight of the primary achievement of the Good Friday Agreement, namely, that it has brought a degree of peace, albeit flawed and imperfect, not experienced in Northern Ireland over the previous 30 years. There is still violence in Northern Ireland, much of which is perpetrated by the Provisional IRA. One death from politically motivated violence is a death too many. However, were it not for the Good Friday Agreement, many more people would have died. There is no viable alternative to the Good Friday Agreement and its commitment to equality and mutual respect as the basis of relationships within Northern Ireland, between North and South and between these islands. The key now and the breakthrough we need to see is the recognition that the Agreement and its democratic framework is the only way forward.

We must end the stop-start approach. We must remove the instability and uncertainty and, most of all, we must end the series of crises that have bedevilled the process from almost the beginning and replace it with stability and certainty. We have all said before in such debates that nobody can be allowed to take an each-way bet on democracy. One cannot choose to be a democrat on one day and then revert to terrorism on another. Stable Government in Northern Ireland and the full operation of all the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement demand that minimum degree of certainty.

In the time since the Good Friday Agreement the world outside this island has changed beyond recognition. The motion before the House, for example, refers to the horrible atrocity in Madrid, an indication and a reminder, if we needed it, of the dreadful consequences of terrorism. Terrorism thrives, as we know, in polarised societies and in societies that have been denied justice and where there is no room for reconciliation. It remains the case that as we approach the sixth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement the central task of reconciliation in a divided community has still barely begun. I hope the last obstacle will be removed when the IRA finally declares that the only future is a political future and when the principle of consent is thus accepted across the entire community. That is the message from this rarely united House. Let us hope the republican movement is prepared to listen.

Mr. Crawford

I welcome the opportunity to support the motion. As someone who lives within a few miles of the Border, I understand more than most the dramatic change which has taken place over the past ten years. I clearly remember the blown up and spiked roads and all the economic problems that created. I also remember that more than 3,000 people died as a result of the Troubles. One cannot help but remember Enniskillen. The former Senator Gordon Wilson tried his best during his short time in the Seanad to encourage peace and forgiveness. One must also remember the terrible atrocity at Omagh when 29 people and two unborn infants died. Many people died in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings which happened almost 30 years ago — many questions remain unanswered about that incident. Only last Sunday my party recognised the life and worth of Billy Fox who served in this House and in the Seanad. He was the only Member of the Houses of the Oireachtas to die tragically during the Troubles.

The Good Friday Agreement is the only way forward. It contained many aspects which some of us found difficult to accept, but it was a compromise. It allowed all prisoners to be released, despite many of the heinous crimes they had committed. Part of the Agreement was that there should be full decommissioning within two years. Many other issues were dealt with in the Agreement, such as the disbandment of the RUC and the establishment of the PSNI. We would like those issues to be sorted out as well.

There is a new situation in Northern Ireland. The lack of progress means the two extremes are now in control. There is a major onus on the DUP and Sinn Féin to come to grips with the situation and not to allow the progress which has been made in the past ten years to deteriorate. I know from talking to friends in Northern Ireland that many young people, who do not know what happened 20 or 30 years ago, are being led into organisations. That is not in the best interests of either side or of the future of this island. I beg my colleagues in Sinn Féin, with whom I have worked over the years, to do whatever they can, with the Irish and British Governments, to make the Good Friday Agreement finally work.

I spent many years from the mid-1960s in farm organisations and during that time I travelled throughout Europe and, as chairman of the European beef and veal committee, I represented the Irish livestock sector. I met and worked closely with farmers from Northern Ireland and those involved in agri-business who came from all sides of the divide. It was a baptism of fire when I was elected in 1991 to the county council and the barriers were erected. It was more difficult to meet people from both sides of the political divide in Northern Ireland. Deputy Ó Caoláin was a member of that council. If an atrocity happened in Northern Ireland or elsewhere, it was impossible to achieve unanimous condemnation. We have come a long way since then. However, we must ensure that the Good Friday Agreement is finally implemented and achieves its objectives.

I welcome this debate. I hope it will result in unanimity that will move the process forward for the sake of not just the 3,000 who died but the many other people who suffered, directly and indirectly, as a result of those deaths.

Debate adjourned.

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht - Tuesday, 6 Apr 2004

Private Members’ Business.

Paramilitary Organisations: Motion.

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 6 Apr 2004