Private Members’ Business.

Paramilitary Organisations: Motion (Resumed).

The following motion was moved by Deputy Kenny on Tuesday, 6 April 2004:

That Dáil Éireann:

—recalls that the Good Friday Agreement, overwhelmingly endorsed by the people of this island speaking freely and collectively in referenda held on 22 May 1998, reaffirmed "a total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences on political issues";

—regrets the failure to make any significant political progress in Northern Ireland since the November Assembly elections and believes that the continued operation of illegal paramilitary organisations, North and South, and their ongoing involvement in paramilitary, criminal and sectarian activities is a huge obstacle to the restoration of the institutions;

—deplores the recent terrorist atrocity in Madrid which reminds us of the horrific consequences of terrorist activities;

—notes the comments of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform about the continued involvement of paramilitary organisations in criminal acts on both sides of the Border and the Minister's assertions as to the purpose of these activities;

—believes that the continued existence and operation of paramilitary organisations is an affront to the democratic will of the people;

—urges the authorities on both sides of the Border to ensure that the full rigours of the law are used to counter those who engage in the destructive agenda of paramilitarism and sectarianism;

—calls on the members of all paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities and to disperse, thus allowing their organisations to become a thing of the past; and

—having regard to the fact that the IRA operates within this jurisdiction and claims to be the successors of those who fought for Irish independence calls, in particular, on members of all sections-wings of the IRA to accept this motion and to act accordingly.

Debate resumed on amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

" —reaffirms its support for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement in all its aspects and for the full operation of its interlocking political institutions across the three strands;

—recalls that the Agreement, overwhelmingly endorsed by the people of this island speaking freely and collectively in referenda held on 22 May 1998 reaffirmed ‘a total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving difference on political issues';

—expresses disappointment at the lack of any significant progress, since the November elections, towards the re-establishment of an Executive and Assembly in Northern Ireland and believes that the continued operation of illegal paramilitary organisations, North and South, and their ongoing involvement in paramilitary, criminal and sectarian activities represents a major obstacle to political progress;

—deplores the recent terrorist atrocity in Madrid which reminds us of the horrific consequences of terrorist activities;

—believes that the continued existence and operation of paramilitary organisations is contrary to the democratic will of the people and erodes the primacy of politics reflected in the Agreement;

—urges the authorities on both sides of the Border to continue to ensure that the full rigours of the law are used to counter those who engage in the destructive agenda of paramilitarism and sectarianism;

—calls on the members of all paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities, thus allowing their organisations to complete the transition to exclusively democratic means and become a thing of the past;

—urges Sinn Féin to use its influence within the republican movement to ensure that the paramilitary threat from the IRA is effectively ended and calls on the Unionist parties to meet their responsibilities in transforming loyalist communities so that the threat from these quarters is similarly removed;

—urges unionism to sign up to the imperative of a total partnership, based on the inclusion of all parties, whose electoral mandate gives them a right of participation;

—recognises that a definitive closure to paramilitary activity can best be achieved in the context of the full and inclusive operation of all the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement;

—urges all the political parties in Northern Ireland to commit themselves to this objective and, accordingly, to engage constructively and proactively in the current review of the operation of the Good Friday Agreement;

—welcomes the recent meeting at Hillsborough, convened by the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, aimed at exploring with the political parties the prospects for political progress;

—calls on all concerned to support and co-operate with the Independent Monitoring Commission and the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning to assist them in carrying our their work which is central to the implementation of core aspects of the Agreement;

—welcomes the publication of the reports by Judge Peter Cory and underlines the importance of undertaking public inquiries as soon as possible in each of those cases where the judge so recommends;

—acknowledges the substantial progress that has been made in advancing the Patten agenda on policing, commends those parties who have led that process of change and urges all concerned to constructively play their part in fully realising the vision of a new beginning envisaged by the Agreement, particularly by supporting and joining the new policing structures; and

—rededicates itself to the Good Friday Agreement as the template for a fair and honourable accommodation between both traditions whose principles of democracy, consent, inclusion, partnership, equality and mutual respect are not open to compromise."

—(The Taoiseach).

Mr. B. Smith

I wish to share time with the Minister of State at the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Brian Lenihan, Deputies Power and Sexton and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell. In this debate we have heard about the issues impeding progress to the resolution of the current difficulties. All paramilitarism, both loyalist and republican, creates a major obstacle to political progress and to the restoration and full implementation, of the Good Friday Agreement. As the Taoiseach said last night, all paramilitary activity and sectarian attacks must now be brought to a definitive end. Several Deputies have already pointed out that there are teenagers in Northern Ireland who do not know what it is to live with violence. The peace process will not be complete until all those living in Ireland, North and South, know what it is to live in peace. We have come a long way on the road of peace and there should be no turning back. At this challenging time it is worth recalling how far we have come and those who have supported us in this journey.

The economic growth we have enjoyed during the past decade has helped all of us on the island of Ireland, North and South. It has also shown the international community that Ireland has moved beyond the image of the island that was so often portrayed in the past. That image has been one of hatred and violence. Now we can demonstrate that this island is capable of supporting a peaceful society and not only a viable but thriving economy. This change in how Ireland is perceived abroad, brought about to a large degree by the Good Friday Agreement, has demonstrated to the international community Ireland's development as a place of peace and prosperity. This in turn has encouraged further investment in both parts of our island.

It is difficult to imagine that we could have succeeded in forging the Good Friday Agreement, which remains our template for peace, without the support we received from all the friends of Ireland in the United States over many years. We all appreciate the continuing commitment that President Bush and the US Administration have shown as we work to ensure the promise of the Agreement is fulfilled and that it is implemented in full. We appreciate also the bipartisan support of our friends in the US Congress.

As a representative of a Border constituency, I am aware of the real and tangible expression of international support provided by the International Fund for Ireland. The fund has the dual mission of supporting reconciliation and economic regeneration. The fund's work in Northern Ireland and the Border counties has not only created thousands of jobs and economic opportunities, it also promotes reconciliation which is central to real peace building as a new generation emerges in a post-conflict society. The fund's mandate underpins the efforts in the political process and, critically, it is respected and trusted across the communities. Successive US Administrations have also given tangible expression of support for the island's economy. Inward US investment over many years has been helpful to the economies, North and South, as have various US-Ireland investment conferences.

As co-chair of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body which has been making a valuable contribution to Irish-British relations for many years, I am aware of the importance of the relationship between the British and Irish Governments. The new confidence and maturity in political relationships is also reflected in the considerable development of the traditional east-west links. Increased economic and business engagement between Ireland and Britain has brought substantial inward investment and growth in tourism. The Government was happy also to see broader east-west links put on a more formal footing through the establishment of consulates in Scotland and Wales in 1998. We welcome the new sense of momentum this has given our historic relationship with those countries. The establishment of the British-Irish Council under strand three of the Agreement has provided another forum which continues to make a positive contribution to the totality of relations between the peoples of these islands.

The current lack of progress involves the key questions of ending paramilitarism and securing stable and inclusive institutions. At a time of crisis one looks at what one can bank on and move on from there. We can bank on some significant social and economic achievements and we will continue to build on these important cornerstones as we try to find a way to restore the devolved institutions as soon as possible. Of course, this cannot be done without the commitment of all the Northern Ireland political parties. The challenges they are facing cannot be underestimated. There is no doubt history will judge the leaderships of the political parties and how they face these challenges at this time. We rely on their commitment to find a way forward out of the present situation and to make the Agreement work. We depend on and accept their acceptance that the resolution of our difficulties can only be found on an inclusive and democratic basis.

Minister of State at the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform (Mr. B. Lenihan)

I welcome the opportunity to discuss the important issues raised in the motion before the House. This debate is timely when we are almost at the sixth anniversary of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. It is hard to believe that in just six years the political landscape of this island has been transformed so radically and so dramatically. At the time of the referendum the campaign on the Good Friday Agreement, I recall saying it did not provide the ideal solution from everyone's point of view but that it did provide a framework within which co-operation, tolerance and dialogue could take place between the diverse peoples with their different perspectives who share this island. I remember saying that it built strong enduring bridges over which future generations will march. I still believe that. We have made tremendous progress under the Agreement in the sense of a psychological change in the attitude of the people towards politics and towards political institutions throughout this island.

In political and economic terms, Northern Ireland is a changed place. Last summer was one of the calmest seen in Northern Ireland since the beginning of the Troubles. There are no longer daily reports of fatalities and lists of casualties. The whole experience of the Good Friday Agreement to date has been a good one. It has also been a difficult one in terms of establishing the institutions we want to see established and working under the Agreement.

At the heart of the Northern Ireland question there has always been the difficult issue of policing. In the past three years we have made progress on policing. Community policing and partnership are now the stated cornerstones of the police service in Northern Ireland and of law enforcement in Northern Ireland. The changes in ethics, recruitment, and the structures for accountability permeate through the new Police Service of Northern Ireland. There is the new agreed symbol and emblem of the police service. That is an outward and physical manifestation of this transformation. As an Oireachtas we have provided for enhanced co-operation between the PSNI and the Garda Síochána. Officers from each force can serve in the other.

This House contributed to the well-documented successes which the PSNI and the Garda Síochána have had in curbing the illegal activities of paramilitary organisations. This is not to imply that the transition from violence to peace has been an easy one, or to imply that it is complete. All Members ascribe to the view that we must realise the objectives of the Agreement by completing that transition. Reports of criminal activity carried out by paramilitary organisations, whatever their origins, continue to affect many persons in Northern Ireland. These reports are too regular. It is clear that the spectre of paramilitarism has not vanished from Northern Ireland. Punishment attacks and shootings are ongoing. It is regrettable there is harassment and intimidation of Nationalist and Catholic members of district policing partnerships as well as attacks on police stations in Northern Ireland.

At the time of the crucial vote in the Gaelic Athletic Association, I recall writing publicly on the need to remove the old rule in the constitution of the GAA and to disapply it in respect of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. I make no apology for that because it was important that the whole question of policing be put outside a political or sporting context and at the heart of the community. I had to make a judgment and I know some of the Members would not have shared that judgment. My judgment was that we had to give leadership on this issue.

This is the first opportunity I have had in the House to congratulate the Gaelic Athletic Association which took a decision on a 32 county basis, as it has always done, to accept the Police Service of Northern Ireland. That 32 county decision is in keeping with a real united Ireland approach and the way in which we should do our business in regard to these issues. It was a clear affirmation by a sports organisation with deep embedded links with the Nationalist community on both sides of the Border — that regrettable land frontier — that it was happy to accept the Police Service of Northern Ireland. There is a message in this on which we must act.

The right to live a normal life without fear of intimidation and violence is a fundamental one but one still denied to communities in Northern Ireland. That a pall of fear lingers over some communities is deeply regrettable and means that the institutions and spirit of co-operation and dialogue which we want to flourish under the Agreement cannot do so, and there cannot be concentration on the practical economic and social tasks that lie in hand for Northern Ireland. We are seriously distracted from all of these issues as long as this fundamental cornerstone of any civilised country is not addressed, namely, the need for a basic, inclusive agreement on upholding the rule of law and the authority of the agents who enforce that law. There is also a need to ensure such agents are beyond political reproach and enjoy the confidence of the whole community.

To construct this kind of arrangement is not an easy task, given the blighted history of Northern Ireland after partition but the two Governments have put their shoulders to the wheel on the issue of policing since the signing of the Agreement six years ago. They have done tremendous work and tried to construct a basis of confidence in policing and the rule of law in Northern Ireland. While I accept that different parties have their own difficulties stemming from historical matters, policing must be attended to. If not, the position in Northern Ireland will drift for the worse. We must try to obtain practical agreement in this regard. We have been very close to this and it is disappointing that every time agreement is close, somehow it is snatched away.

That such an agreement has not been concluded and finalised is certainly not the responsibility of either Government as the Governments have done all in their power to conclude a final agreement on this issue. The responsibility has to rest squarely with the political interests in Northern Ireland. The Government is fully committed to implementing the human rights agenda which is at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement and creating a culture of equality and human rights throughout the island of Ireland. If I used strong words on policing, I accept that policing must take place in this context.

Mr. P. Power

At the core of this motion and the various amendments tabled is the fundamental question of where the Good Friday Agreement now stands. The Agreement still represents the absolute cornerstone of peace, political stability and prosperity on this island.

On 2 December 1999 a new phase in the history of this country began. For the first time, the interlocking institutions of the Agreement — the Assembly, Executive, North-South Ministerial Council, British-Irish Council and British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference — all came to life on a single day and breathed new life into the history and dynamic of the development of this country. It was incredible to see, for the first time, images of politicians from North and South coming together, not to discuss the latest atrocity, knee-capping or other outrage but real issues which affected real people. Those images were entirely new, quite stark and extremely refreshing.

The North-South Ministerial Council also played a vital role in bringing both parts of the island closer together and undoing the damage caused by over 70 years of separate economic, social and infrastructural development. New programmes of co-operation were undertaken in the areas of health and education, which matter greatly to ordinary people. Unfortunately, for reasons of which most Members of this House are aware, the Executive and Assembly were suspended in 2002.

It is also clear that at the heart of the matter lie the interconnected issues of paramilitarism, inclusivity and deep mistrust on both sides, which the motion and Government amendment seek to address. The Agreement clearly states the way forward for Northern Ireland is through a commitment by all, without any exception inside or outside this House, to peace and democracy at all times. Moreover, because the Agreement derives fundamental legitimacy from the people, the continued existence and operation of paramilitary organisations and paramilitary activity on the entire island are contrary to the democratic wish of the people.

It is ironic that some who speak of a democratic mandate can fundamentally undermine the democratic wish of the people, and I know this will not be lost on certain Members of the House. As the Taoiseach said recently, ongoing paramilitary activity and sectarian attacks erode the trust and confidence necessary to achieve political progress at an intergovernmental level. This applies to all paramilitary organisations, loyalist and republican.

The elimination of paramilitary activity is clearly not the only issue which needs to be resolved. It should be clearly stated that Unionists must also abide by the principles of total partnership and full participation. The difficulties now being faced can and will be resolved because the fundamentals of the process are sound, immutable and timeless. They derive their authority from and their essence is based on the authority and democratic will of the people. There can be no turning back. The Members of this House know too much has been invested and know the alternative only too well to reject the fundamentals of the Agreement.

I applaud the efforts of the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform who have worked long and hard on this issue. History will not judge kindly those who do not accept the reality of what I have said and who do not try to make the Agreement work, almost six years after its inception.

Ms Sexton

Almost six years ago, on 10 April 1998, when the Good Friday Agreement was signed, it was recognised it had the potential to truly transform relationships on this island. The Agreement offers the opportunity of escape from the unproductive disagreements of the past and points towards a new model of win-win partnerships that threaten the interests of no one and benefit all. The central principle of the Agreement is partnership but a genuine partnership in Northern Ireland can only be created on the basis of total equality between the prospective partners. This means the commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means in the Agreement must become a reality on the ground in Northern Ireland.

Partnership can only work completely in achieving its full reconciliation potential when the use or threat of violence has been completely removed. Ongoing paramilitary activity and sectarian attacks erode the trust and confidence necessary to sustain the process. They obstruct efforts to achieve political progress. All political parties have a contribution to make in creating the right environment for this to happen. These activities, be they punishment beatings, knee-cappings or abductions, must be brought to a definitive close. This is a requirement for all paramilitary organisations and the republican movement has a special responsibility in this regard.

For Unionism, real and genuine partnership means striving to take responsibility for the equivalent transformation of loyalism into exclusively democratic channels. I join with others in stating that there is no place for such activities, no matter where they originate, in any democratic process. They should be ended immediately and permanently.

The Government has been categorical in setting out a clear definition of what is required. The scope of activities have been outlined in paragraph No. 13 of the Joint Declaration published in 2003 as including military attacks, training, targeting, intelligence gathering, acquisition or development of arms or weapons, other preparation for terrorist campaigns, punishment beatings, attacks and involvement in rioting. In this regard, what is envisaged in the Good Friday Agreement, an end to paramilitary activity, can best be achieved in the context of the ongoing and full implementation of the Agreement. I hope that the DUP and the UUP will, therefore, commit themselves to the fully inclusive and continuous operation of all the political institutions in the Agreement.

I note with interest and with slight regret the amendment tabled by Sinn Féin Members and it would be remiss of me not to comment briefly on the glaring omissions. The Fine Gael and Labour Party motion and the Government amendment deplore the recent terrorist atrocities in Madrid yet in a clear example of Sinn Féin's à la carte approach to the democratic principles, it fails to support the condemnation of the atrocities. While all democratic States enter into commercial trade in the pursuit of commerce, Sinn Féin and its associates in the IRA clearly trade in a different commodity. They trade in terror, in the infliction of terror and in the support of terror. Their commerce is terror so I should not be surprised or disappointed that they fail to condemn the atrocities. Unfortunately when one sees such glaring omissions from the Sinn Féin Party amendment, it is difficult for me or anyone who believes in the democratic process to look at any aspect of the amendment in a positive manner. It is tainted by its omissions rather than by its inclusions. I support the Government amendment.

Mr. McDowell

I welcome this debate and I commend the parties who sponsored the motion. The fact that the Government has moved an amendment does not mean it has problems with the thinking behind the original motion; as the Taoiseach explained in the House last night, it considered it better that the motion would also take into account the broader dimensions of Government policy regarding the peace process and recent significant developments.

On many occasions I have expressed my views on the continuing activities of the Provisional IRA and their links with Sinn Féin. That party continuously criticises Government policy in various matters and that is its democratic right. However it is equally the duty of the Government, and my duty as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, to tell the truth about the profoundly corrosive activities of the provisional movement and the dangers they represent.

I have been accused of trying to criminalise parts of the republican movement, as it terms itself. What criminalises it is the fact that crimes are being committed. At times it does not even deny that. I will deal with so-called punishment beatings and shootings in particular. Sinn Féin professes to want to see these brought to an end, but it does not deny the involvement of the Provisional IRA in carrying them out. Sinn Féin argues that this is as a result of the lack of acceptable policing arrangements.

The SDLP made the courageous decision to join the Policing Board and work from within to ensure acceptable policing arrangements in the North. It cannot be denied that significant progress has been made in transforming policing arrangements. Rather than admit that fact, the provisional movement has decided instead that it will continue to come in the night and abduct and beat and shoot people who are sometimes not older than children and whom it has found guilty. It then is a surprise to it why its members in this House cannot be taken seriously when they seek to lecture the Government on human rights. The Members of the House should not fool themselves about the reality of what has been happening.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The Minister is the one who needs to be examined.

Mr. McDowell

If the Deputy wishes to heckle me, he should go back out to his Ard-Fheis. It has been noticeable that at particular times——

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

If the Minister wishes to insult the Members and through them the wider electorate, he brings it upon himself.

Mr. McDowell

I am merely holding up a mirror. If the Deputy does not like what he sees, it is in his hands to change it.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The Minister is the one looking in it.

Mr. McDowell

We should not be foolish about what is happening. It has been particularly noticeable that at certain politically sensitive times, the punishment beatings stop. That demonstrates that there is a common intelligence behind them and that they are being manipulated and stopped and varied in their intensity to achieve political ends. Sinn Féin makes the point that attention is only now being drawn to Provisional IRA criminality in this jurisdiction by myself and others, including Ministers of the Government, because of the impending elections in the South. That argument has nothing to do with whether criminality is taking place and there is no central denial on that issue.

In the next week or so, I expect to receive the first report of the Independent Monitoring Commission on paramilitary activity. Some weeks ago the monitoring commission issued a statement in which it set out the principles which would underpin any conclusions or recommendations it makes. I will state some of the principles under which the commission operates. First, the rule of law is fundamental in a democratic society. Is that agreed or disagreed? Second, the commission understands that there are some strongly-held views about certain aspects of the legal framework, for example the special provisions applying to terrorism, and that those holding these views will continue to seek changes. Obedience to the law is incumbent on every citizen. Is that agreed or disagreed?

Third, the law can be legitimately enforced only by duly appointed and accountable law enforcement officers or institutions. Any other forcible imposition of standards is unlawful and undemocratic and, I would add, unrepublican. Violence and the threat of violence can have no part in democratic politics. A society in which they play some role in political or governmental affairs cannot, in the words of Article 3, be considered either peaceful or stable. Is that agreed or disagreed? Fourth, political parties in a democratic and peaceful society and all those working in them, must not in any way benefit from, or be associated with, illegal activity of any kind, whether involving violence or the threat of it, or crime of any kind, or the proceeds of crime. It is incumbent on all those engaged in democratic politics to ensure that their activities are untainted in any of these ways. It is not acceptable for any political party and in particular for its leadership, to express commitments to democratic politics and the rule of law if they do not live up to those statements and do all in their power to ensure that those they are in a position to influence do the same. Those principles, which have been put on the record by the IMC, are cogent and undeniable cornerstones of democratic values.

I pay tribute to the Taoiseach and re-affirm the line he took in this debate last night. It is also right to pay tribute to the efforts of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs to make this process work. I also wish to pay tribute to the work of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr. Tony Blair, ably supported by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Mr. Murphy. Whatever differences I may have with other parties involved in the process, I recognise that we must continue to engage in dialogue with them in our efforts to move forward.

I am a regular member of the Government delegation which meets Sinn Féin and I believe that sooner or later the DUP will have to engage in direct discussions with Sinn Féin. It would be helpful too for them to make it clear beyond doubt that they are committed to the full and continuous operation of all of the political institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. This includes power sharing in a Northern Assembly and Executive with all political parties whose total opposition to crime and paramilitarism in all its forms is beyond dispute and whose mandate gives them a right of participation, full support for and participation in the all-island institutions of the Agreement.

I also believe that the DUP and the UUP should strengthen their endeavours in using whatever influence they have to bring an end to loyalist paramilitarism. I understand that loyalist paramilitary activity is at a significantly higher level than the provisional or dissident republican paramilitary activity and it is deeply to be deplored. It is thuggery and gangsterism using loyalism as a pretext. There is no logic in saying that such behaviour by loyalist paramilitaries can be used in some way to justify republican paramilitary activity.

The Sinn Féin amendment to the motion contains a menu of action to be taken by others. I do not dispute that many parties have obligations to fulfil under the Good Friday Agreement. I ask the Sinn Féin Deputies to consider if it is really too much, after the six years that have elapsed since the Agreement, that all paramilitary activity by the Provisional IRA be brought to an end? It can be argued that it is the failure to bring that activity to an end that has provided a pretext for others not to live up to their responsibilities under the Agreement.

The Government, for its part, remains deeply committed to the Good Friday Agreement, the clearly expressed democratic will of the people of this island, North and South. Whether people hanker back to the 1918 election or further into Irish history or whether there is a Rinuccini society which believes the Confederation of Kilkenny is the sole and legitimate way to run Ireland, I do not mind. I return to the simple proposition that the people who I regard as the legitimate masters in democracy spoke emphatically and unequivocally in a manner that does not take answering back or heckling. Their message is clear; paramilitarism must stop now and Sinn Féin must not create a pretext for others to short-change the Good Friday Agreement. The moment of truth has come for the provisional movement in its entirety to face up to this issue.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The moment of truth has come for the Minister. His responsibility is not only to lecture; he has failed and stands indicted.

Mr. McDowell

Shouting will get the Deputy nowhere.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Sometimes one must raise one's voice to get through to the Minister who is one of the most dense individuals I have encountered in the House.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Order, please; the Deputy will have an opportunity to contribute.

Mr. McDowell

The Deputy is doing himself no favours using that kind of language. I have always indicated——

(Interruptions).

Mr. McDowell

I ask Deputies to keep quiet for one moment.

Mr. Ferris

Yes, master.

Mr. McDowell

I restate that if paramilitarism in Northern Ireland ends emphatically, conclusively and demonstrably, the response of the people and their Government——

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The Minister was an opponent of the peace process, as were other voices in the House. The record is available to be seen.

Mr. McDowell

—will match that gesture 100%.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Amendment No. 2 reads:

To delete all words after "political issues;" in the first paragraph, and substitute the following:

" —recognises the political progress brought about by the peace process and the Agreement, benefiting all the people of Ireland;

—recognises the joint responsibility of both the Irish and British Governments to ensure the full implementation of the Agreement as mandated by the people;

—recalls that endorsement of the Agreement by the people in this jurisdiction involved significant constitutional change that was supported on the basis that the Agreement would be implemented in all its aspects and, in particular, that all-Ireland institutions would be established as working institutions;

—deplores the British Government's continuing suspension of the political institutions established by the Agreement and calls on that Government to revoke the suspension legislation which is in breach of the Agreement;

—calls on both Governments to abide by their obligations under the terms of the Agreement and the pledges they made in the Joint Declaration of May 2003 and as part of the agreed sequence of statements and actions which commenced on 21 October 2003, but was aborted by the leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party;

—recognises the progress made by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, IICD, as provided for in legislation by both Governments, including the IRA's putting of arms beyond use on three occasions, and supports the continuing role of the IICD in addressing the issue of arms;

—acknowledges the progress made thus far in removing armed force from the political situation in Ireland, in particular the IRA cessations since 1994, and urges continuing political progress so that physical force from any source can finally be removed from the political situation in Ireland;

—urges both the British and Irish Governments to release the information in their possession on the use by the British state of loyalist paramilitaries as auxiliaries in its war in Ireland; and

—mandates the Irish Government to redouble its efforts, in conjunction with the British Government and all the parties, to achieve real political progress and the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement on the basis of dialogue, inclusion, recognition of all democratic mandates and commitment to the programme of change set out in the Agreement.

I welcome the fact that the Fine Gael Party has at last used its Private Members' time to address an aspect of the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement. It is a rare occurrence and the party has been joined on this occasion by Labour Party and Green Party Deputies. It is a pity the motion to which they have put their names is so fundamentally flawed.

The motion is ostensibly based on the Good Friday Agreement. Its real political context, however, if the Minister would care to remain, is the anti-Sinn Féin crusade of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and president of the Progressive Democrats Party, Deputy McDowell. The Minister has decided that such a crusade is a good electoral ploy for his party, especially in its battle for Fine Gael Party votes, just as he did when he launched his personal election campaign in 2002. He and his colleagues in Government have no regard for the impact of his utterances on the wider peace process, as distinct from the electoral contest in this State.

Many of the Fianna Fáil Front Bench are happy to see the Minister unleashed and to benefit from any damage they think he may inflict on Sinn Féin electorally. I hope the weather keeps fine for them. No doubt the Minister also has sneaking regarders on the Fianna Fáil back benches but I believe many in that party, and many more among its current supporters, are very concerned at the leading role he has been given in driving Government policy on the peace process and the Six Counties.

The Minister's increasingly hysterical statements, as witnessed in this debate, have been manna from heaven to those Unionists who do not wish to share power with Nationalists and to those in the British state system who are determined to deny Sinn Féin's democratic mandate. Ian Paisley, in an RTE "Prime Time" interview on 10 February, defended the DUP's refusal to deal with Sinn Féin by citing the Minister's accusations. "What better witness could I call?" asked Mr. Paisley. Is that the kind of endorsement Deputies who support this Cabinet want to receive for their policy on the peace process?

Sinn Féin will not be distracted by any of this. We are committed to the Good Friday Agreement and its full implementation. We recognise what has been achieved so far and what has yet to be achieved. We take our responsibility very seriously and stand on our record of achievement. We have delivered and will continue to deliver. We will not accept party political point-scoring dressed up as solemn homilies on our commitment to democracy. We are democrats committed to totally peaceful and democratic means of achieving our political objectives.

Both Governments and all political parties which have been party to the Good Friday Agreement are supposed to be involved in a process of conflict resolution, a key part of which is to recognise that all armed groups — the IRA, the British state forces and their auxiliaries, the Unionist paramilitaries — have been involved in the conflict. The British state has yet to acknowledge even a share of responsibility for the conflict, including the deaths of hundreds of people at its hands since 1969, and to dismantle its military apparatus in our country. This alone exposes as absurd the notion that the IRA can be wished away or made to disappear with a magic wand waved by Sinn Féin.

Equally absurd was the statement from Deputy Kenny that the IRA would not go away without what he described as the full rigours of the law. For the Deputy's information, that approach was tried for decades north and south of the Border. A so-called law and order solution failed miserably and the lesson was learned. That is the reason we have a peace process.

Deputy Kenny and others praised the DUP, which is fair enough. Sinn Féin has also recognised movement on the part of the DUP, where appropriate, and will continue to encourage the party. What Deputy Kenny and others prefer to forget, however, is that the DUP is an anti-Agreement party and in no position to accuse Sinn Féin of being in breach of the Agreement since it rejects and denounces it. To ignore that reality, feed DUP intransigence and play to the agenda of the British securocrats who are trying to defeat republicans in peace as they failed to do in war is to subvert the entire peace process and act as recruiting sergeants for so-called dissidents who will try to argue that peaceful methods have failed. I urge Deputies to think very carefully about this and measure their approach accordingly.

Sinn Féin does not seek a slap on the back for our role in bringing about a new direction for republicanism, including the IRA cessations since 1994. That was not our role alone. What we seek is a continued commitment from the Government and all sides in this House to the process of change which made that new direction possible.

Deputy Rabbitte said he wanted to see a post-IRA Ireland. I also want to see a post-IRA Ireland, and a post-British army, post-collusion and post-British colonial Ireland. He referred to the dark secrets of the past. I will avoid the temptation to delve into the dark past of the so-called official republican movement, about which the Deputy may know something, and state only that I am glad that no obstacles or preconditions were placed in his path to the Cabinet table and that his democratic mandate has been recognised at all times.

It is not too much to ask Deputies on all sides of the House to acknowledge that the use of force, necessitated by the intransigence of successive British Governments, played a crucial role in the achievement of independence for 26 of the 32 counties and that recognition of the right to use force to achieve independence has been a central tenet of Irish nationalism for generations, including among the founders of most political parties in the Dáil. In that context, the transformation achieved in Irish republicanism over the past decade is truly historic and should be recognised and acknowledged as such.

As the Sinn Féin amendment states, the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning was provided for in legislation by both Governments to deal with the issue of arms.

The IRA has put substantial quantities of arms and ammunition beyond use on three occasions. Anyone who knows anything about Irish politics recognises that such a development would have been inconceivable up to the very recent past. The Taoiseach himself has acknowledged in this House that the latest such action on the part of the IRA, carried out as part of the agreed sequence of statements and actions on 21 October last, was sufficient for the Irish Government. There were real and protracted negotiations between the UUP and Sinn Féin which were to culminate on 21 October. This was the second such attempt to break the deadlock in 2003. The first had been scuppered by the leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party.

Despite this massive setback and the outrageous decision of the British Government to cancel Assembly elections last May, Sinn Féin again entered negotiations with the UUP. At Hillsborough Castle on 19 October Sinn Féin and the UUP reached agreement on a sequence of events. When the two Governments were informed that agreement had been reached they also signed on for it. This agreed sequence was the product of many weeks of intense discussions involving Sinn Féin, the UUP and the British and Irish Governments and would allow for the restoration of the political institutions and the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It would also allow elections to be held in a positive context. It involved many hours of direct engagement between Sinn Féin and the leadership of the UUP.

All elements of the sequence were agreed in advance, including the public statements containing the commitments, which we would all make as part of this agreement. The sequence involved an announcement by the British Government confirming the date for an Assembly election, a statement by Gerry Adams, a statement by the IRA, a further act of putting arms beyond use by the IRA, verified by the IICD, a report by the IICD, a statement by David Trimble and a joint statement by the two Governments.

Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinnes have in their possession copies of the statement that David Trimble was to make. They also have copies of the joint statement that the two Governments were to issue. Sinn Féin delivered its part of this sequence. The IRA delivered its part of the sequence as agreed. The IICD presided over a substantial act of putting arms beyond use and reported this. The UUP however, at the point of delivery on its side, effectively walked away. The two Governments failed to publish their joint statement and, thus far, they have failed to follow through on a range of commitments which formed part of this agreement. The Irish Government cannot have it both ways. It cannot be party to such an agreement, acknowledge that republicans played their part and then demand more after Unionists walk away. When the electioneering is over on 11 June, the Government will have to come back to the correct position and deal with the realities of the situation.

Sinn Féin wants to see force and violence in all its forms removed forever from the political equation in Ireland. To respond positively to Deputy Jim O'Keeffe's remarks last night, we want to take militarism and paramilitarism of every kind out of Irish politics. We are working to achieve that. That is our position, not because of an appeal from Deputy O'Keeffe but because it is the right thing to do. Deputy O'Keeffe seemed to recognise that commitment in our amendment, which I hope he will therefore accept and urge the Government to withdraw its amendment. Then we can all speak with one voice.

The motion and the Government amendment refer to the comments of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform on criminality. If they have evidence of criminal activity by anyone, anywhere, inside or outside any organisation, then they should act on it and let the law take its course. While we take different voting positions this evening due to the presence of one point or another, or the phrasing of this or that element, let us at least pledge to one another and to all who have placed their trust in this process our commitment to continue to engage, to search and ultimately to succeed in delivering in the hope and promise of the Good Friday Agreement and the potential that flows from it. I pledge to do so on my own behalf and on behalf of my Dáil colleagues and on behalf of Sinn Féin.

Mr. Ferris

For republicans throughout this island, and particularly for Nationalists living in the Six Counties, the motion placed by Fine Gael, Labour and the Green Party cannot but be seen as one-sided. To read the motion and to listen to the contributions last night, one cannot escape the impression that the onus for the current impasse is being placed almost exclusively on the republican movement.

It was not the republican movement that was responsible for collapsing the institutions and it is not the republican movement that is refusing to recognise the mandates of those MLAs of all parties who were elected last November. It ought not be in the gift of the British Government to decide whether or not to give recognition to those mandates, but unfortunately it is, and by refusing to do so it is the British Government that is abdicating its responsibility and obligations under the Good Friday Agreement.

It is not in the gift of the republican movement to deliver a solution and it is dishonest to pretend that it is so. Last October, we were under the impression that both Governments and all parties were agreed on a scenario that would facilitate the re-establishment of the institutions. The republican movement — including the IRA — fulfilled its part of the deal. It was others who reneged, and yet the blame was placed on the IRA.

Let me also deal with the notion that the British Government and the British state apparatus is somehow neutral in all of this. It is not like some colonial governor out of a Kipling story who is here to ensure fair play and that the natives don't get out of hand. It is its claim to sovereignty over part of our country that is the ultimate cause of the problem and its role has been responsible for much of the violence of the past 30 years. I am not referring here simply to the fact that it was the actions of the state that led to the armed resistance of republicans. I am referring to the direct involvement of the British state in murder and other forms of violence. Anyone who doubts that need only read the Cory report. Despite its shortcomings it is a clear and unequivocal indictment of the role of the British state at the highest levels in organising and facilitating Unionist death squads.

We are Irish republicans and we make no apology for it. We are committed and dedicated to bringing about a united Ireland, a united Ireland of equals, where people have justice, equality and freedom. The task is a collective one, it is not ours alone.

Mr. F. McGrath

I welcome the opportunity to debate the peace process, conflict resolution, violence, sectarianism and democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences on political issues. It is essential that we all participate and I welcome the opportunity to put my views on the record of the House. I have always supported exclusively democratic means to resolve political differences. Everyone on this island and in Britain has a duty to work toward the ending of all violence, and I emphasise all violence. I am not selective in my opposition.

I have concerns about violence used by loyalists and by the British armed forces. For the past three months, I have sat on the sub-committee of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights dealing with the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. Everyone should read the detailed report, especially the sections dealing with collusion. I believe the British security forces actively participated in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and in many other deaths. We must face up to this reality.

This is all part of the process towards ending the conflict on our island. When dealing with violence and conflict, the process to end it can never have humiliation or defeat as part of the agenda. If one genuinely believes in peace, one will work and deal with political opponents. However, arrogance or humiliation should never be part of any peace process. There has been conflict and deep divisions on the island for too long. One makes peace with enemies, not with friends. This is something on which we should all focus in this debate tonight.

I recognise the progress made by the IICD on decommissioning as provided for in legislation by both Governments. This includes the IRA's three acts of decommissioning and I support the continuing role of the IICD in addressing the issue of arms. I acknowledge the progress made thus far in removing armed force from politics in Ireland, in particular, the IRA cessation since 1994. Continuing political progress must be made so that physical force from any source can be removed from politics in our country. The British and Irish Governments should release the information in their possession on the use of force by the British state and loyalist paramilitaries.

As someone who comes from the Connolly and Tone tradition, I welcome the noble philosophy of Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. This has now broadened to include Jew, Muslim and many other religions and cultures. I stand by that tradition and that great, inclusive philosophy. I urge all Deputies to face up to these issues and to use their influence to bring about a democratic peace settlement. I urge all groups to work together to end all violence on our island. One should not merely demand, one should tackle injustice, the division of our country, sectarianism, poverty and social exclusion. When that has been done one becomes a genuine peacemaker.

The Good Friday Agreement is a historic compromise with great potential. However, I disagree with some of my colleagues who believe it is the final settlement. For me, Irish unity and independence comprise the final settlement. Anything else will lead to more confusion, violence and sectarianism. I urge all Deputies to work for the objectives I have outlined. Those who still believe violence is the way forward have only to look to the Middle East, including Iraq, to find failed examples of international conflicts. I urge every Member to work very hard at the peace process.

Ms McManus

I wish to share my time with Deputies Boyle and Neville.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Ms McManus

This is an important motion and I welcome this opportunity to speak to it. It recognises a dark, oppressive side to Irish politics but it is also a statement that offers hope and the possibility of a new Ireland where the use of terror as a means to force change is finally and fully abandoned.

This motion is presented by Fine Gael, Labour and the Green Party but it reflects the overwhelming desire of Irish people for peace on our island. It acknowledges rightly the progress that has been made since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. Its real value, however, is that it argues for the final closure of a brutal phase of our history. We should not forget the acts of killing and maiming that destroyed the hopes and lives of so many people on these islands. Our generation has a duty to remember what happened, to record the facts and mourn the losses.

During the Troubles, 3,636 lives were lost between the years 1966 and 1999. In the book Lost Lives, produced by David McKittrick, Brian Feeney and others, it is recorded that republicans of different hues were responsible for 58.8% of deaths, loyalists for 28.9% and the security forces 10.1%. It is worth noting that paramilitaries on both sides killed the great majority of those who died, 3,189 people in all. Those killed by republicans totalled over 2,000. Most of these were Protestant civilians, but hundreds of Catholic civilians were also killed at the hands of republicans. The RUC was responsible for 52 deaths in all, 26 of which were of Catholic civilians and three of which were of Protestant civilians.

Looking at the death toll, it is clear that the conflict was not a great battle against the British Empire. It was a dirty, squalid war that caused untold grief to ordinary people who did not deserve to die. Each death is mourned. Each death is a tragedy for the family affected. Were it not for the publication of Lost Lives, which gives details on every single person killed in the Troubles, we would not remember their names.

Stephen Restorick was a 23 year old British soldier killed by a single bullet when manning a checkpoint. I will always remember his name because he looked like one of my sons and was the same age. He was a smiling young man and he did not deserve to die either. In her grief his mother, Rita Restorick, showed such strength and remarkable compassion that I remember her too. I do not believe her loss deserves any less respect because her son was an Englishman who wore a British army uniform. Her words resonate to this day and express the hope of thousands of others. What she wanted from the Belfast Agreement was "that no more mothers, no matter on what side, have to face the death of a son." It is now time to fulfil that wish.

This is the time for the final step to be taken not just by the IRA but by all paramilitary organisations. Politics must triumph. There is no other route to permanent peace and the democratic imperative is so strong it will not go away. I appreciate how hard it is to live up to this demand and recognise that it is not up to Sinn Féin alone to end the war once and for all. Many members of Sinn Fein are not even members of the IRA but I also know well from experience how the republican movement has always operated and the primary role the IRA has always had within the movement. Others have paid tribute to the Sinn Féin leadership for its courageous approach along the road to democracy and I join them in acknowledging that progress. Their actions ended the horrific cycle of death and destruction. They were rightly supported through those difficult times but I now hope and expect that they will show the same mettle in meeting this final challenge. As long as there is unfinished business in respect of ending the war and disbanding the IRA the potential of a return to the horror that we all remember cannot be dismissed.

It is not possible to be half a democrat and half a paramilitarist. A choice must be made between the bomb and the ballot box. Many others have had to make that choice and I know many of them. I do not hide the fact that I belonged to Sinn Féin, which in the past was part of the official republican movement. However, I and others left that movement. We chose democracy and the political way and this is why we can participate fully in politics in the Republic. It was a clear, conscious, free choice, and others must now make that choice.

Some others have made the choice. People who were bitterly opposed to each other made a leap of faith and showed courage in formulating the Good Friday Agreement but the momentum has not been maintained. The promise of the Agreement has not yet been realised. The political process in Northern Ireland stalled because the paramilitary past has not been left behind. It retards the opportunity inherent in the Agreement of an agreed Ireland based on principles of equality and justice. These principles cannot be fully realised unless the final step into peaceful politics is taken.

We now live in a new century, one that presents dangers to the western world. In Madrid terrorists planted bombs that killed hundreds of our fellow Europeans. With our experience of bombings on these islands, we can simply extend our sympathy or we can play a part in ensuring such a crime is not repeated. We can challenge terrorism in whatever form it persists on this island. If solidarity is to mean anything, we have an obligation to do so. That is why this motion is so important. It offers an alternative to the destructive, anti-democratic forces that have disabled our democracy for so long. It offers us real democracy, real peace and real hope, not just illusions of peace and democracy. The thousands of lives lost in recent history should teach us one simple lesson: if we do not overcome terrorism wherever it exists we will, sooner or later, be engulfed by it.

Mr. Boyle

The Green Party's philosophy and policies are informed by pacifist principles. Our party sees itself as being founded through the international peace movement. A cardinal principle of all international Green parties is a rejection of the use of violence to further any political end. On that basis, we support the motion.

It is not to say one ignores situations where injustice occurs and persists. It is possible to support the goals without supporting the means.

In terms of international situations, I cite the Greens' support for the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination but reject suicide bombing. We respect the right of the state of Israel to exist but do not respect the policies its current Government is putting in place against the people who have that right to self-determination.

In the early 1980s, I stayed with relatives in Greysteel, County Derry, for one night. I spent most of the night speaking to a relative who was the same age as myself. I talked to him about why he supported a particular political line and why he was prepared to be an activist in advocating it which to me, coming from the south of this island, seemed alien. Having talked to him for several hours, it became clear to me that there was a logic in it, even though I could not reconcile the political message with the use of violence in furthering it.

The use of violence in any form to further a political end, if it ever was acceptable, is certainly not acceptable in 21st century Ireland. The existence of bombs and bullets as a background threat, as a negotiating tactic, is not useful in furthering the political debate. In saying that, we must acknowledge that what we are talking about in terms of the republican movement and the Northern Ireland situation is not so much asking people to go the extra mile but acknowledging the marathon distance that has been travelled in recent years and that the barrier which exists is not a matter of miles but of inches. What we need to achieve in terms of the current impasse and the frustration borne out of it is a final acceptance that violence, even if implied or at a low level which does not result in deaths but "only" in injury and maiming, is not acceptable and cannot further any political cause.

The continuing sadness of the Northern Ireland situation is that we realise there are major problems to be overcome in terms of an acceptable community policing system. Answers need to be given in regard to the deaths of hundreds and thousands of people. The Green Party was the first to propose the idea of a truth and reconciliation commission which worked so successfully in South Africa. We welcome the growing political realisation on all sides that this is a mechanism that should be followed and which might remove many of the remaining impasses.

Prior to my involvement in public life, I argued publicly and in the media about the need to remove section 31 of the Broadcasting Act because I felt it was a barrier in that people who needed to engage in a process were being prevented from saying what they needed to say in public in a wide-scale debate. I am glad section 31 was removed. In a democracy, we should not prevent people from saying things. People should always be accountable for what they say and how they implement what they say. For at least 25 years of this process, we have occupied a shadowy area which has prevented that type of debate.

In 1994, as an elected representative, a city councillor, I submitted a submission to what was a peace commission operated by the Sinn Féin party on the basis that there was a need to engage. There is never a need to demonise. This motion is not about demonisation but about reaching a final and public realisation that the step which needs to be taken is a small and final one to consign to history that which cannot be part of our future. I commend the motion.

Mr. Neville

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion, which I support. This is probably the most important issue of our generation. As we commemorate the Good Friday Agreement, we must recognise the progress that has been made and the difficulties experienced since the Agreement was signed. The spirit and detail which the people supported must be progressed and honoured as far as possible. We should recognise those on all sides who gave leadership in terms of the progress made to reach the Good Friday Agreement. We should also recognise the complexity of the situation in which all sides found themselves.

We should recognise the work of the Ulster Unionist Party under David Trimble and how far it came to reach a situation where it signed an agreement with people who a generation before in the 1960s, 1970s and some of the 1980s were its arch enemies, namely, the people of the Republic and the Nationalists of Northern Ireland. It came from marching on the Garvaghy Road against the Catholic population to sitting down with it and signing the Agreement.

We must also recognise the leadership given by the republican movement to reach agreement and to change what was happening in Northern Ireland. We cannot accept that 3,000 people should have died to come to that stage nor violence as a means towards a political end. We have a right to aspire to our political ideals but to try to progress them through constitutional means. I recognise the leadership given by the republican movement and the complexity of the difficulties it faced within its movement.

In the mid-1990s when Deputy John Bruton was Taoiseach, I visited the republican political prisoners in Britain on three or four occasions. I went to each of the prisons and spoke in great detail about what was happening at the time. The prisoners spoke about their difficulties but they also wanted to speak about the complexities and their views on the developments in the peace process. I learned very quickly the complexity with which the republican movement had to deal, namely, the different opinions and the need for strong leadership.

We must recognise that leadership was given. Despite the present difficulties and certain activities, we hope the leadership which progressed the peace process within the republican movement to its present level will ensure further progress is made to bring to an end the activities which are rightly being criticised by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and other commentators and that we take that extra step about which Deputy Boyle spoke. I look forward to the day the peace process is progressed in line with the Good Friday Agreement and that the republican movement eventually becomes a fully constitutional grouping.

Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources (Mr. D. Ahern)

On behalf of the Government, I thank Members on both sides for their contributions tonight and last evening. It is clear from the debate that there is a commitment on all sides of the House to the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It must be clear that ten years on we need to tackle the remaining impediments to the full implementation of the Agreement without compromise. Full implementation to me means a complete commitment to democracy and an understanding that there is absolutely no grey area between peace and war or between democracy and tyranny. That is what the Irish people want.

For the first time since December 1918, we voted overwhelmingly for the Agreement. We voted for peace and for an end to violence. Our bottom line is this — one is either for peace or against it. There is no middle ground. The message must be clear to those with private armies. The people have spoken. Their claim to legitimacy, if they ever had one, has been removed by that vote. Their raison d’être is long gone. They have no right to stop the march of a nation. It is time to fade into history and let Ireland move on. The Taoiseach said recently that there is no going back on the process of change. We do not have to agree on what happened in the past, we just need to move beyond it, from discrimination to tolerance, from suspicion to trust and from division to partnership.

Two related issues are key to resolving the current impasse. These are the ending of paramilitarism in all its forms and from all sources and the guarantee of stable and inclusive political institutions. The bottom line is this. The practice and not just the principle of inclusion must be embraced by all. We need to move towards making real all island relationships.

We are now building on cross-Border social and economic relationships which supposed Irish republicans impeded. We are driving an all island energy market. In my area we look back over the years and realise that we have come a long way from the time when the North-South interconnector was blown up at every opportunity in the name of the Irish people. Today there are contracts in place to receive energy from Northern Ireland over that same interconnector. We are securing jobs in Ballylumford in the North and security of supply in the Republic.

We have come a long way from the constant blowing up of roads, and particularly the rail links between Dundalk and its Armagh hinterland. If one considers what is happening all along the Border, we are driving an all island transport agenda. The blowing up of masts and telecom infrastructure along the Border is virtually but not totally unknown these days. We are driving all island numbering, roaming charges and a telecoms market. I am able to meet my counterpart in the North on a regular basis in regard to these issues, which will ultimately be of incredible benefit to people on either side of the Border.

After ten years, it is easy to forget just how bad things were. My home town was an economic no-man's-land. Eight out of every ten people in some of the housing estates were on the dole. The Agreement has changed all that. Next June hundreds of students will leave schools all over the Border areas and, unlike students of the past, they have a choice to stay. They will not be forced away. They will be able to get good jobs in their own areas, raise their children, fulfil their potential and live full lives. They are the peace dividend. The same is true for students on the northern side of the Border.

I have always maintained that the violence perpetrated over the years pushed people further apart and made reconciliation more difficult to achieve. While there is no hierarchy of paramilitary culpability, we equally want to see an end to loyalist violence. The republican movement, as the Taoiseach pointed out, undoubtedly has a special responsibility given Sinn Féin's current position of political leadership within the broad nationalist community in Northern Ireland. We have not changed our view that the activities outlined in paragraph 13 of the Joint Declaration must end.

I urge Members on all sides of the House who have responsibility and influence to play their part, which I believe they are doing and will continue to do. I commend the amendment to the House.

Mr. Naughten

I wish to share my time with Deputies O'Dowd and Bruton.

I welcome the motion, especially in light of the fact that we are now approaching the sixth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. As the World Trade Centre bombings of 2001 and the recent Madrid bombings have shown, terrorism knows no boundaries. It is, therefore, crucially important to have the type of international co-operation needed to tackle and eradicate the terrorist threat, not just in this country but internationally.

It is also the case that terrorism has been an internationally traded commodity. Terrorist technology is traded and swapped world-wide. Addressing the issue on this island will have a direct impact on the potential threat to others, including the Irish living and working throughout the world.

The motion calls on all members of paramilitary groups to end all illegal activities and disperse, thus allowing their organisations to become a thing of the past. The Sinn Féin amendment seeks to have the House acknowledge the progress made thus far in removing armed force from the political situation, in particular the IRA's cessation of violence in 1994, and urges continuing political progress in order that physical force can be finally taken out of Irish politics. I acknowledge that significant progress has been made in removing armed force, particularly since the IRA's announcement in 1994. However, we still have a long and significant way to go. The most important goal of the Good Friday Agreement still remains as elusive as ever, that is, a demonstrable and exclusive commitment to the democratic process and the conduct of the affairs of Northern Ireland by all parties.

On 22 May 1998, the people spoke unequivocally for peace and democracy when referenda on both sides of the Border got the people's endorsement with substantial majorities. Today the position is a far cry from the elation of the Good Friday Agreement and the referenda on both sides of the Border. In 1998, the people thought a way forward could be found to end one of the last conflicts within Europe, a conflict which had shamed Irish people throughout the world. Six years on, and after a number of false starts, we appear to be back on the merry-go-round.

The IRA has no future. It is part of our horrible past. If the IRA is committed to real reconciliation between Nationalists and Unionists, it should remove the clause of confidentiality surrounding the decommissioning body so that all of us can be informed of its true intentions. There should be a clear and unambiguous statement, and corresponding actions, that the IRA is gone forever as a terrorist organisation.

While the IRA's activities have thankfully scaled down considerably over the last ten years, we thought we were entering a process to see them off the stage entirely. We all accepted a type of twilight zone would be in place while we waited for the IRA to fade away. While we knew this would take a number of years, we were told to have patience and that the IRA would just melt away. Sadly that has not happened.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

We all wish the British would do the same.

Mr. Naughten

Terrorism on this island is not one-sided. There is the issue of terrorism on both sides of the community in Northern Ireland. We are all aware of the sectarian violence and brutality that has taken place in Northern Ireland over the years.

I urge Sinn Féin to take a leadership role and lead by example to ensure the terrorism witnessed on this island over the past 35 years, longer than my lifetime, is ended. Young people and everyone else should have an opportunity to see a peaceful island where people can leave their homes at night on both sides of the Border, in whatever community, and not be afraid of being assaulted by terrorists or gurriers on the streets. Sinn Féin should take the lead in this regard and let the others follow. I commend the motion to the House.

Mr. O’Dowd

Coming from a Border county, I am aware of the tremendous progress made in terms of the peace dividend and the cessation of violence in the North of Ireland. It has made a fantastic contribution to commerce, as the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources said, in County Louth.

There has been great progress as a result of international pressure. International statesmen made the decision to try to solve the Irish problem forever, starting with John Major and Prime Minister Blair and including President Clinton in America. All these people have made significant commitments to resolving this issue. They, more than anyone else, have been an example to us. If they were prepared to go so far, we must take further steps ourselves.

People living in County Louth know the terrible tragedies that befell our towns. We saw at first hand hooded bodies left on Border roads and incredible evil perpetrated in our county, acts that no human being could support. That has changed but the final act remains to be done — for all sides to put violence behind them forever.

This motion is particularly directed towards Members of our Parliament who have a democratic mandate and know the benefits of the peace dividend. They are listened to and have credibility on the issues they raise, except for one fatal flaw remaining in the republican movement, the fact that there are still people in that movement active with baseball bats and balaclavas, that there are still people in boiler suits with iron bars beating and intimidating people in our country. That must stop. That is the barrier to Sinn Féin being a fully fledged democratic party in every way and when it is overcome, the party will be forever welcome here as a democratic party. Until it does that, however, the question in this motion will be asked again and again.

During a radio debate with Deputy Morgan, a Deputy from my own constituency, he claimed his party is socialist. I claimed that it is fascist because fascists use violence to intimidate and get their way while socialists argue in the democratic field.

Mr. Morgan

What were the blueshirts?

Mr. O’Dowd

That is the nub of the issue. When violence is gone forever, we can accept Sinn Féin members as true democrats and accept the credibility of their arguments but while they continue to foment violence in their communities, they will not be acceptable here.

I am not without knowledge in this area. My brother, Niall O'Dowd, working in America did a great deal for peace. I have argued in New York and other places about what should happen and the Irish-American community has made a significant contribution to bringing the peace about. I call now on Sinn Féin and the republican movement to take the final step, to forswear violence forever and to enter fully into the democratic fold. Then all of us in this House can work together as Government or Opposition without any fear of intimidation or violence, real or implied, in any of our thoughts.

Mr. J. Bruton

As someone who has been involved in the peace process, I have always acknowledged that it involves a certain suspension of disbelief. If I had been told in 1996, when I was intimately involved in that process, that we would ever reach a situation where there would be two Sinn Féin Ministers occupying seats of power in the Government of Northern Ireland and five Sinn Féin Deputies as fully respected Members of this House and the IRA still in existence, I would have said that someone was pulling my leg. The idea in 1996 that all that could have happened and that the republican movement would still think it needed to keep the IRA in existence would have been something that none of those involved in the peace process, including Albert Reynolds, could ever have believed would happen.

We should reflect that we have a Constitution which states that there is only one legitimate Army in this State, the Army under the authority of Dáil Éireann. No political party has a right to be associated with a private military force under our Constitution and any political party that allows itself to continue to be associated in a movement with a private army is defying the Constitution of this State.

Sinn Féin is an interesting party. It is against private enterprise, against private transport and against privatisation, except in one area — it believes in private armies. That is the one area where it supports private enterprise, the matter of the right to use military force.

Having read the motions, I am disappointed at the double speak and the obfuscation of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats amendment, which involves rejecting in its entirety the motion tabled by the three main Opposition parties. It rejects our statement that the continued operation of illegal paramilitary organisations is an obstacle to the restoration of the institutions. The Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats amendment would delete the statement in the Opposition motion that the continued operation of these organisations is an affront to the democratic will of the people and that calls upon them to disperse.

Those words will be scrubbed out by Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats but what have they submitted in their place? Weasel words. They call on the paramilitary organisations to end all illegal activities. Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats are quite happy for these paramilitaries to continue as long as they do not engage in illegal activities. They have no right to exist at all under the Constitution, whether they conduct legal or illegal activities.

Mr. D. Ahern

The Deputy should check the record.

Mr. J. Bruton

I am reading from the motion.

Mr. D. Ahern

Our party's record speaks for itself.

Mr. J. Bruton

It is also noteworthy that the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats amendment makes no reference at all to the provision in the Constitution that explicitly bans the right of such organisations to exist. Obviously Fianna Fáil, even though Mr. de Valera wrote the Constitution, has no respect for the constitutional provision which bars the right of any such organisations to exist.

With the characteristic capacity for the language for which it has so little respect, Sinn Féin shows fantastic ability to choose the most ambiguous and disembodied words to avoid facing up to its responsibilities.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The Deputy is an accomplished chooser of language himself.

Mr. J. Bruton

It talks about recognising the role of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning to address the issue of arms. This word "address" means nothing. What does it mean? It means look at the issue of arms.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Whatever about Fianna Fáil, if Deputy John Bruton had been Taoiseach instead of Albert Reynolds, the peace process would have gone down the tubes.

Mr. J. Bruton

This is a clear moral issue. Do we uphold the right of this Dáil to be the sole authority in the matter of the raising of military force and its use or do we accept a political party's right to sit in this House when it continues to be associated with an illegal criminal organisation, a mafia?

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Is the Deputy talking about the blueshirts, his own party organisation, led by Eoin O'Duffy, of which Fine Gael is still proud? He is still the same — if he had his way there would be no peace process

Mr. J. Bruton

We saw in Italy what happened to democracy when politicians tolerated the existence of the mafia. The Deputies of Sinn Féin represent the mafia. No party which respects the Constitution can be associated with a mafia that shoots the knees off people, that engages in crime, that robs the revenue of this State by submitting false certificates to get cheques from the Revenue that come from the PAYE tax of hard working people. That money is paid over to the IRA, which continues to associate with this party which supports the mafia.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Use due process against anyone involved in illegal activities in this party.

Mr. J. Bruton

If we want mafia politics in Ireland vote for Sinn Féin because Sinn Féin represents the introduction of the mafia into Ireland and I am deeply disappointed at the characteristically spineless nature of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats amendment.

Mr. D. Ahern

It is just as well Seán Donlon is no longer in the Department of Foreign Affairs. Nothing would have happened if he was still there.

Mr. J. Bruton

They are not willing to face up to the reality of the threat that the continued existence of a paramilitary organisation associated with a political party in this House represents to our democracy. I say to the Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern——

Mr. D. Ahern

Nothing would have happened.

Mr. Connaughton

The Minister will not make much happen.

Mr. J. Bruton

I am very disappointed that Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, particularly the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, who has made so much political capital of his supposed opposition to the IRA and Sinn Féin, have lent their name to this spineless amendment to the motion which does not state unambiguously that there is no place for a paramilitary organisation associated with any political party in this House and it should wind up.

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The Deputy should wind up himself and wise up while he is at it.

Amendment put.

The Dáil divided: Tá, 69; Níl, 48.

Tá

Ahern, Dermot.
Ahern, Michael.
Ahern, Noel.
Andrews, Barry.
Aylward, Liam.
Blaney, Niall.
Brady, Martin.
Browne, John.
Callanan, Joe.
Callely, Ivor.
Carey, Pat.
Cassidy, Donie.
Cooper-Flynn, Beverley.
Coughlan, Mary.
Cregan, John.
Cullen, Martin.
Curran, John.
Davern, Noel.
de Valera, Síle.
Dempsey, Noel.
Dempsey, Tony.
Dennehy, John.
Devins, Jimmy.
Ellis, John.
Finneran, Michael.
Fleming, Seán.
Gallagher, Pat The Cope.
Glennon, Jim.
Grealish, Noel.
Hanafin, Mary.
Harkin, Marian.
Haughey, Seán.
Hoctor, Máire.
Jacob, Joe.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Kelleher, Billy.
Kelly, Peter.
Killeen, Tony.
Kirk, Seamus.
Lenihan, Brian.
Lenihan, Conor.
McCreevy, Charlie.
McDowell, Michael.
McEllistrim, Thomas.
McGrath, Finian.
McGuinness, John.
Martin, Micheál.
Moynihan, Donal.
Moynihan, Michael.
Mulcahy, Michael.
Ó Cuív, Éamon.
Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.
O’Connor, Charlie.
O’Dea, Willie.
O’Donovan, Denis.
O’Keeffe, Batt.
O’Keeffe, Ned.
O’Malley, Tim.
Power, Peter.
Power, Seán.
Ryan, Eoin.
Sexton, Mae.
Smith, Brendan.
Smith, Michael.
Wallace, Dan.
Walsh, Joe.
Wilkinson, Ollie.
Woods, Michael.
Wright, G.V.

Níl

Allen, Bernard.
Boyle, Dan.
Breen, Pat.
Broughan, Thomas P.
Bruton, John.
Bruton, Richard.
Burton, Joan.
Connaughton, Paul.
Costello, Joe.
Crawford, Seymour.
Crowe, Seán.
Cuffe, Ciarán.
Durkan, Bernard J.
English, Damien.
Enright, Olwyn.
Ferris, Martin.
Gilmore, Eamon.
Gogarty, Paul.
Higgins, Michael D.
Hogan, Phil.
Howlin, Brendan.
Kehoe, Paul.
Kenny, Enda.
McCormack, Pádraic.
McGinley, Dinny.
McGrath, Paul.
McManus, Liz.
Morgan, Arthur.
Naughten, Denis.
Neville, Dan.
Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
O’Dowd, Fergus.
O’Keeffe, Jim.
O’Sullivan, Jan.
Pattison, Seamus.
Penrose, Willie.
Perry, John.
Rabbitte, Pat.
Ring, Michael.
Ryan, Seán.
Sargent, Trevor.
Sherlock, Joe.
Stagg, Emmet.
Stanton, David.
Timmins, Billy.
Upton, Mary.
Wall, Jack.

Tellers: Tá, Deputies Hanafin and Kelleher; Níl, Deputies Durkan and Stagg.

Amendment declared carried.

Motion, as amended, put and declared carried.

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht - Wednesday, 7 Apr 2004

Private Members’ Business.

Paramilitary Organisations: Motion (Resumed).

Tá

Níl

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 7 Apr 2004