Vol. 608 No. 2
1 Mr. J. O’Keeffe asked the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform his views on the extent of criminal activity being engaged in by paramilitaries or former paramilitaries; his further views of the numbers involved; the activity involved and the measures proposed by him to deal with these activities; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29915/05]
The Irish and British Governments yesterday jointly published the seventh report of the Independent Monitoring Commission on the continuing activities of paramilitary groups, pursuant to Articles 4 and 7 of the international agreement establishing the IMC.
The report focuses primarily on the six month period from 1 March to 31 August. Consequently, it deals with a period encompassing the five months preceding the major statement by the Provisional IRA on 28 July and just one month following this potentially significant development. It was not until 26 September last that the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, the De Chastelain commission, reported on the decommissioning of Provisional IRA weapons, which constituted a major step in giving effect to the Provisionals' statement in July.
On account of these time frames, the IMC states that the assessment it can make of the effect of the Provisional IRA statement is rather limited. However, it goes on to affirm that the matter will be addressed further in its subsequent reports to the two Governments, the next to be submitted in January 2006. The Governments will be in a much better position, at that stage, to come to firm conclusions as to the criminal activities of the IRA. The onus is, of course, on the Provisional movement to cease completely from engagement in all forms of criminal activity of the kind for which it has been notorious — including violence, intimidation, robbery, fraud, kidnapping and smuggling. The House will be aware, for example, the Garda Síochána has publicly confirmed the link between the Provisional IRA money laundering operation uncovered earlier this year and the proceeds of the Northern Bank robbery.
In its seventh report the IMC reports that initial signals from the Provisionals are encouraging. There is no evidence of training or recruitment by them after 28 July, for example. However, the IMC also states that there are indications that the organisation's intelligence function remains active, although its focus may be becoming more political. Moreover, the IMC states that it has no evidence that the Provisional IRA is generally allowing those it has exiled to return to Northern Ireland safely, should they wish to do so.
The IMC's seventh report states that the so-called dissident republican groups have continued to remain active, particularly the Real IRA and, intermittently, the Continuity IRA. The Real IRA continues to be characterised as a ruthless organisation committed to terrorism and crime. It continues to target on and off duty police officers, plant incendiary devices, remain involved in organised crime and engage in acts of intimidation and violence. In the latter regard, I am sure that the House will join with me in condemning the recent, brutal, savage and cowardly attack on the Deputy Chairman of the Northern Ireland Policing Board. I am pleased to say that Mr. Bradley is well on the road to recovery. When I saw the scar on his head in a newspaper photograph I realised a lethal attack with ferocious intent was unleashed on him. He is an extremely lucky man to survive it. I am sure he has the good wishes of all of us in this House for a full recovery.
The Continuity IRA continues to recruit and train members, and it also continues its efforts to improve its capacity to use explosives and weapons and to procure weapons. In the period under report, it was responsible for hoaxes and bombs and has continued to target on and off duty police officers.
Additional information not given on the floor of the House.
The IMC reports that although the Continuity IRA is an organisation that intends to remain active, it is not coherently organised and there is some internal feuding. Nevertheless, it is believed to be dangerous and to be capable of mounting attacks, albeit perhaps not a sustained campaign.
The INLA, according to the IMC, remains extensively involved in organised crime. It continues to recruit and train new members, and it remains involved in shootings and assaults. Overall, the IMC concludes that there has been some increase in the INLA's use of violence, but that the level of activity is not high.
I have already put on the public record my views on the likely number of persons involved in certain paramilitary groups and I do not think it would be helpful to go beyond that. In this jurisdiction, the Garda Síochána remains actively engaged in countering the threat from these groups. In particular, strategic goal one of the Garda policing plan 2005 outlines the aim of reducing the terrorist threat of subversive and terrorist activity through intelligence-led policing and international co-operation. Significant Garda resources are devoted to realising this goal, involving the strategic deployment of both local and specialised operational Garda units to counter and frustrate the activities of the paramilitary groups.
For obvious reasons, it would not be appropriate for me to detail the kinds of operational measures in place. However, as a testament to their effectiveness, in this jurisdiction in the period under review by the IMC, five Real IRA members were convicted of membership on an unlawful organisation and two believed Continuity IRA members were convicted of unlawful possession of firearms.
I want to make it very clear that there will be no tolerance for any criminal activity by serving or former members of paramilitary organisations and that, irrespective of any other developments, the full resources of the State will continue to be expended in ensuring that the proceeds of their crimes are not enjoyed by them or their friends.
I thank the Minister for telling me about the IMC report but as he is probably aware, we have all read it. I remind him of my question. I asked for his views of the extent of criminal activity engaged in by paramilitary organisations. The Minister has not been slow in the past to indicate such views. I want to know his view now on the extent of IRA involvement in the areas of criminality in which they were clearly involved in the past. Is this activity continuing, for example, extortion, smuggling, intimidation and racketeering? If the Minister is of the view that this activity continues, does he consider it is authorised by the leadership or acquiesced in by it or is it done on a freelance basis?
I move on from that to the question of the proceeds of such crime. The CAB has done great work from the point of view of recovery and I have no doubt it will continue that work. It has been openly acknowledged by the Minister and the Government that the Northern Bank raid was the work of the IRA. What is the situation with regard to the prosecution of those responsible for that and other such crimes? We have seen the IMC report. Will the Minister give us his view on the current situation with regard to paramilitary crimes.
The Government has, since January of this year, consistently stated that the Northern Bank robbery was the work of the Provisional IRA. Subsequently, gardaí uncovered a Provisional IRA money-laundering operation dealing with what is now clearly established to be the proceeds of that crime in the Republic. There is an ongoing investigation of the individuals involved in that so I cannot say much more on that investigation as I must be wary of prejudicing the outcome, pending prosecutions and criminal investigations, by remarks I might make. I would, however, discount all the denials I have heard articulated publicly by members of Sinn Féin and the Provisional movement. This House would be well advised not to pay any attention to those denials.
I am unaware of any IRA sponsored criminal enterprise which has taken place since 28 July. I admit this frankly. While saying this, I stress that the IRA is an illegal, treasonable organisation, proscribed under the Offences Against the State Act 1939. It remains such and until it changes its constitution and rules and becomes a lawful organisation, membership of it and all its assets will be unlawful.
The matter of the proceeds of IRA crime covers a period of many years. We must remember these come not just from some of the more notorious crimes. We should also remember that several retail magnates were kidnapped by the IRA and that on one occasion a young garda lost his life in a rescue attempt. All the proceeds of crime, smuggling and robberies are forfeitable to the State. The CAB and the assets recovery agency will pursue those proceeds wherever and whenever they can find them whether in or outside the State. There is no question of a line being drawn across the page in respect of IRA crime proceeds.
The Minister mentioned to me an estimate of 1,500 people who had been active in the IRA. Does he believe they are all now on the straight and narrow? Some of the proceeds of crime seem to have been "diverted"— if I may use that word — into political activity. Is the Minister concerned the diversion of such funds may continue into the coffers of the Sinn Féin party?
My best estimate of the number of members of the IRA was between 1,100 and 1,500 persons. I have no doubt that some of them were capable of sadistic, thuggish and brutal activities in the past and may be tempted to repeat such actions in the future on their own account. The gravamen of the statement of 28 July is that they cannot adhere to that statement while engaging in any breaches of the law of any kind.
I also asked about Sinn Féin's funding.
I understand that Sinn Féin claims to have spent less than the Alliance Party on recent elections in Northern Ireland. Only a child would believe that, taking into account the evidence on the ground.
2 Mr. Costello asked the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform if he will establish under the Commission of Investigations Act 2004, an inquiry into the deaths of persons (details supplied); and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29917/05]
I would like to express my sympathies again to the families of Terence Wheelock and Brian Rossiter on the untimely deaths of their sons.
I will speak firstly about the death of Terence Wheelock, who had been detained in Store Street Garda station. I have been informed by the Garda authorities that an officer from outside the division was appointed to investigate the incident immediately after it occurred. When he visited the scene on the day of Mr. Wheelock's death, he arranged for a full technical examination to be conducted. I have received a preliminary report of the investigation and I have asked the Garda authorities to submit to me a full report on the outcome of their investigation when it has been completed. I will consider the report after it has been received. A completed investigation file will be submitted by the Garda authorities to the law officers for their consideration.
On 14 September last, I formally appointed Hugh Hartnett SC to hold a statutory inquiry into Brian Rossiter's death under section 12 of the Dublin Police Act 1924. As the Minister responsible to the Government and the House for the Garda Síochána, I drew up the specific terms of reference of the inquiry following a comprehensive evaluation of all the information at my disposal. The inquiry will examine all the circumstances surrounding the late Brian Rossiter's arrest, treatment and detention in Clonmel Garda station in September 2002. Mr. Hartnett will report on his findings to me. It is my intention to publish that report. It is relevant to mention that Mr. Hartnett is an eminent senior counsel with considerable experience in the area of criminal law. He is, for relevant and practical purposes, vested with the same inquisitorial tools as a member of a commission of investigation would be. He has the power to summon witnesses, whether members of the Garda Síochána or otherwise; the power to take evidence on oath; and the power to make findings and reach conclusions. In such circumstances, I do not intend to propose to the Government that a separate statutory inquiry be established under the Commissions of Investigation Act 2004. Such a proposal would, at the very least, compromise the ongoing independent statutory process, which should be capable of the thorough and speedy investigation of the relevant facts in the Brian Rossiter case.
Is the Minister aware that Terence Wheelock's family and their lawyer are in the District Court as we speak, seeking the return under the Police Property Act of Mr. Wheelock's clothes and telephone, which were taken by the Garda without permission four and a half months ago? Mr. Wheelock's family has been continually refused answers to some important questions. Who arrested Terence Wheelock? Who found him in the cell? Why was the cell totally refurbished after Mr. Wheelock's family and their lawyer sought to see it but before they were given a chance to do so? Why has the pathologist's report been kept from them? Is the Minister aware that the superintendent who was supposedly brought in "from outside the division" had served as a garda in Store Street Garda station for 15 years? Why was the superintendent in question, who is currently based in Dún Laoghaire but cannot be said to be "from outside the division" in any real sense, appointed to conduct the investigation? Why has his report not yet been made available, four and a half months after the death of Mr. Wheelock?
The pathologist's report on the death of Brian Rossiter has been received. Can the Minister explain why the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform did not reply to the family of Brian Rossiter for a considerable period of time? The pathologist's report indicates that Brian Rossiter died from head trauma, probably caused by his head contacting forcibly with a wall or a solid rough surface. It indicates that there was serious bruising to his eyes and other parts of his body, including his penis. The impression given to the State pathologist was that there were drugs and alcohol in Brian Rossiter's body, but no drugs and alcohol were found in his body. The Minister said the inquiry that has been established under the Dublin Police Act 1924 is as good as any inquiry that would have been established under the Commissions of Investigation Act 2004. I would like to quote from Mr. Hugh Hartnett's warrant of appointment. Mr. Hartnett has been appointed to inquire "into the truth of any or all of the members of the Garda Síochána——
It is not appropriate to quote during Question Time.
I am quoting from the warrant signed by the Minister.
It is not appropriate to quote from it.
Why did the Minister provide in the warrant of appointment that Mr. Hartnett's powers of investigation would be limited to examining on oath whether "any or all of the members of the Garda Síochána (referred to in the schedule below)" were in neglect or in violation of duty? Why are just seven members of the Garda referred to in the schedule? The garda who was in charge of Clonmel Garda station at the time has since retired. As he is no longer a member of the force, he cannot be investigated under the police Act. I ask the Minister to reconsider the need for accountability and transparency to be shown to the public and the families in both these cases. He should establish, under the Commissions of Investigation Act 2004, a proper and open investigation that will be seen to be transparent and accountable in both cases.
I am satisfied that the Garda Síochána is fully and properly investigating the unfortunate death of Terence Wheelock. Deputy Costello made a number of points. I have been informed that Mr. Wheelock was found hanging from a ligature that was tied around his neck and suspended from a permanent fixture in the cell, which was an alarm buzzer panel. I have been further informed that the ligature used was the cord from the waistband of Mr. Wheelock's tracksuit. Deputy Costello should be aware that the cell in question was subsequently altered to recess the alarm buzzer into the cell wall. Photographs were taken of the ligature in situ before that work was carried out.
Neither Mr. Wheelock's family nor their lawyer was informed of that.
I am simply informing the Deputy of my understanding of the circumstances in question. He will appreciate that the cell continues to be in daily use. When the Garda discovered that a ligature had been suspended from the alarm button in such an unlikely manner——
That is the story.
——the responsible thing to do was to photograph the panel as it was found and to replace it so that it could not be used in such a manner again. If an event of this nature was to happen again, I am sure Deputy Costello would be the first to say that to leave the panel in such a condition was evidence of gross Garda negligence. I wish to clear up any doubt by reminding the House that such events will be investigated by the new Garda ombudsman commission on an automatic basis from now on. The sooner the commission is up and running the better, as far as I am concerned. The House is familiar with the efforts I made to ensure the legislation establishing the ombudsman commission was pushed through. I am not aware of any reason to suspect that anybody other than Mr. Terence Wheelock was involved in the events which led to his death. It is not fair to create an alternative impression.
I do not want to prejudge the outcome of the inquiry into the death of Brian Rossiter by responding to some of the remarks made by Deputy Costello. Mr. Hugh Hartnett has been asked to inquire into the various issues and he will do so. If a commission of inquiry were established, it would proceed in private. Commissions of inquiry do not operate in public.
I did not mention privacy.
Tribunals of inquiry operate in public, but commissions of inquiry do not. Deputy Costello should consult the relevant legislation for further details. It was always likely to be a private inquiry, unless the Deputy would have preferred me to have established a public tribunal of inquiry. I hope Mr. Hartnett's inquiry will proceed rapidly to investigate all the issues involved. I do not accept Deputy Costello's point about former members of the Garda. If the Deputy were correct, it would mean that every inquiry under that statute, whenever established, could simply be brought to an end by a garda handing in a letter of resignation. That is a proposition I do not accept as legally valid. Perhaps I am wrong on that point and the High Court will tell me different but it would be an unusual construction of a statute if it stated that a member who was under investigation by a statutory tribunal could bring it to an end by simply handing the Garda Commissioner his resignation from the force.
I call Question No. 3.
I wish to ask a further supplementary question.
We have a serious logistical problem.
I have just one priority question.
I appreciate that. When I called the Minister to respond to the supplementary, the Deputy had used four minutes. The six minutes allotted for the question had concluded. To be fair, I used my discretion and allowed the Minister to answer questions because I thought the Deputy would wish to hear the answers. However, we have gone three minutes over time on the question. I must call Question No. 3 at this stage. It is 3.50 p.m. We should be on——
Perhaps I could ask the question and the Minister could respond at a later time.
Maybe so, but I call Question No. 3 at this stage.
Could I briefly ask——
No. It is 3.50 p.m. At this stage we should be on the fourth question but we have not yet begun the third.
The Minister——
That question went for nine minutes.
The Minister has not replied as to why the inquiry was established under the Dublin Police Act.
I am sorry. I call Question No. 3.
3 Mr. Cuffe asked the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform if representatives from his Department or associated agencies have travelled to Nigeria to monitor the implementation of the re-admission agreement entered into with the Nigerian Government in August 2001 (details supplied) under which the Government has committed itself to safeguarding the human rights and dignity of those being returned when repatriation has taken place; the details of such visits to Nigeria; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [29933/05]
A bilateral agreement on immigration matters, including re-admission, was concluded in 2001 between the Government of Ireland and the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The agreement has not yet been officially ratified by the Nigerian side so there is not, as yet, in existence a co-ordinating committee as provided for in Article XIX of the agreement. Notwithstanding its non-ratification, both sides are operating in the spirit of the agreement, particularly in the area of repatriation.
A senior official from my Department and two senior officers from the Garda national immigration bureau travelled to Nigeria in April of this year to meet with a number of Government and non-government organisations involved in the area of immigration and returns, accompanied by Ireland's ambassador to Nigeria and a consular official.
Specifically, the delegation met with Government officials from various elements of the Nigerian immigration service and the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons. The delegation also met with the Nigerian office of the International Organisation for Migration, which manages assisted voluntary returns programmes there. Further meetings took place with representatives from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and with visa officers and airline liaison officers representing a number of EU member states. There were useful exchanges between all parties. One of the outcomes of this visit is that arrangements are in train for a month long visit to Ireland later this year by officials from the Nigerian immigration service to study our system.
The human rights guaranteed by Article XX of the agreement are given effect to by section 5 of the Refugee Act 1996, which I am obliged to consider when returning a person to Nigeria, or any other third country, before making a deportation order. This provides that a person shall not be expelled from the State or returned in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where, in the opinion of the Minister, the life or freedom of that person would be threatened on account of his or her race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion. Extensive country of origin information, including reports prepared by the UNHCR and similar independent bodies, are always consulted in making an evaluation.
I am shocked to hear that the Nigerian Government has not ratified this agreement yet the Minister is continuing to send people to that country to meet their fate under a regime which has been characterised by a lack of human rights and the use of torture. The Minister has failed to convince me that the terms and conditions of the readmission agreement with Nigeria are being honoured.
A question, please.
Could I remind the Minister that under the re-admission agreement, Ireland has committed itself to safeguarding the human rights and dignity of those who have been returned during the deportation process and when repatriation has taken place? However, what appears to be occurring——
The Deputy should ask a question, please.
Is the Minister aware that when people are returned to Nigeria, the gardaí and Irish officials leave within 24 hours? This is not good enough. The Minister is not honouring his side of the agreement to make sure the human rights of those who have been repatriated are honoured. Those human rights must be respected.
To deport individuals from Ireland to volatile countries headed by corrupt governments or regimes, where hunger and violence are a part of everyday life, is deplorable. In particular, I bring the Minister's attention to the plight of the "aged out" minors who are currently living under the threat of deportation. The Minister has received correspondence from myself and my constituency colleagues in that regard. These are young men and women who came to Ireland as children. They are particularly vulnerable if sent back. Is the Minister aware of the impact of deportation and repatriation on these young people? As an example, I will give the story of Portia.
Deputies cannot give the Minister examples of anything. Also, the Deputy is reading a script, which is totally inappropriate during Question Time.
The Deputy is right. It is a disgrace.
Is the Minister aware of an "aged out" minor who lived in Ireland for over two years?
It is not appropriate to ask to ask the Minister if he is aware of something and then make a speech. That is not in order.
Is he aware she was deported to Lagos just before her 20th birthday?
The Minister has just over one minute to respond.
On arrival, she was taken into custody and released on the payment of a fine. In conclusion——
Deputy, it is inappropriate to read a speech into the record at Question Time.
What has the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform done to honour the agreement? The Minister has not even waited for the agreement to be ratified.
We have used almost six minutes on this question. I call the Minister.
Every country of the European Union returns people to Nigeria. If I was to take on board the ill-considered views of the Deputy on this matter, nobody would be returned to Nigeria.
He is not a lone voice.
He is not. A couple of others have equally ill-considered views, perhaps including Deputy Finian McGrath.
They are humanitarian views.
If I were to state in the House, as Deputy Cuffe invites me to do, that nobody who comes to this country from Nigeria will be sent back there, the result would be plain for all to see.
Nobody is saying that.
The Deputy is saying that. He is suggesting that nobody should be sent back there.
I can speak for myself.
I ask Deputy Cuffe to allow the Minister to reply.
If it involved Irish citizens in America, the Minister would be jumping up and down.
The Deputies cannot have it every way. There has been a significant flow of people from Nigeria to Ireland, where they claim asylum, with a very high rejection rate. The predominant motivation of the great majority of people who come to Ireland and claim asylum has been economic — let us be honest about it. If this country, which has had an inordinately high flow of asylum seekers from Nigeria in proportion to its population, were to do what Deputy Cuffe suggests, the situation would spiral out of control. I have reduced it dramatically by the steps I have taken. I thank God I am in the position of Minister because if the Deputy and other members of the rainbow coalition were making similar decisions, we would have chaos.
The question is concluded. I call Question No. 4
I want to ask a supplementary question.
We have used six and a half minutes on this question. I call the Minister on Question No. 4.
What measures have been put in place to ensure the rights of these people are honoured?
4 Mr. J. O’Keeffe asked the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform the reason the Garda Síochána must continue to operate a radio communications system which is insecure and totally out of date; his views on whether this continues to place the Garda Síochána at a continual disadvantage in the fight against crime; and the further reason the pilot digital radio system successfully piloted in two areas of Dublin some years ago has not been rolled out nationally. [29916/05]
I have always recognised the need to provide the Garda Síochána with secure radio communication systems. As the Deputy is aware, a pilot digital radio system covering the Dublin north central division and traffic section, Dublin Castle, has been completed by the Garda Síochána. Following its completion the Garda Síochána prepared and submitted to me a detailed business case for the provision of a nationwide system.
Following discussions between officials of my Department, the Garda Síochána and the Department of Finance on the technical and implementation options in the business case, as well as discussions surrounding the funding for the project, it was agreed that a procurement model based on an outsourced service provision be adopted. The rationale behind this decision is two-fold. First, it will minimise the need for members of the Garda Síochána to support and maintain the system — in other words, the private sector will operate and support the system. This is in line with my overall policy of ensuring that Garda resources are concentrated on operational duties. Second, the approach being adopted should allow participation by the other emergency services, thus enabling all emergency services to communicate with one another in the context of major emergencies and other shared or joint operations, or ordinary blue light activity by the emergency services.
I estimated that the cost of this project could have been well over €100 million. I made the decision that instead of venturing into the acquisition of a communications system at that cost, the appropriate action was to rent an effective system from people whose job it would be to ensure it remained effective and, in that way, to avoid a massive capital expenditure by the State on a one-off basis.
It is privatisation.
The contract is now the subject matter of a tender procedure which I hope will be concluded in the next few weeks. I hope after that we will be in a position to sign a contract with the successful tenderer for the roll-out of a national digital radio system for the Garda Síochána.
Does the Minister accept the present walkie-talkie system is over 20 years old? Does he accept the pilot scheme to which he referred was completed over three years ago? Does he accept the Garda Commissioner submitted the business plan and the case almost two years ago? Does he accept that when I raised this issue as a matter of urgency a year ago, he told me a tender was to issue to the marketplace to be finalised in the new year?
Does he accept that as of now, the hands of gardaí are tied from the point of view of their fight against crime because of an utterly out-of-date communications system and that their only way of communicating in many instances is by using their own private mobile telephones where there is coverage? Does he accept that this issue was strongly pressed by the Garda Representative Association, GRA, recently when it said the current radio system was in a decrepit condition, on the verge of total collapse and that the members of the Garda Síochána were utterly hampered in their fight against crime because of the delays in installing this modern, up-to-date system? I agree the system should be installed but there is no excuse for the incredible delay.
I thank the Deputy for reminding us that this system is so antiquated. I remind him that it was not dealt with in the lifetime of previous Governments.
This Government has been in power for the past eight years.
I am the Minister who is dealing with this issue. I have avoided the pitfall which was put to me of purchasing an entire system with a huge capital outlay. I have decided instead do it on an outsourced, service basis so that the Garda will have a proper system. If there is anything wrong with it, it will fall to the account of the service provider and not the Garda.
I fully accept the point the Deputy made about the need for such a system. It surprised me on coming into office that it had been left undone for so long. I am doing this in the appropriate way and, what is more, I am doing it in a way which is fully integrated with the blue light services. The roll-out of this service will commence in 2006. I am pleased to say I am doing what many Ministers thought about.
It will be a job to be finished by the next Government.
As usual, the job, which was left undone by others, is being done by me.
As the GRA said, the Minister is strong on rhetoric but weak on delivery. It was very well put.
I notice there were no supplementary questions.
5 Aengus Ó Snodaigh asked the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform the steps he has taken to address the cocaine and crack cocaine crisis. [29918/05]
The national drugs strategy addresses many of the problems of drug misuse across a number of pillars — supply reduction, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and research — and implementation of that strategy across a range of Departments and agencies is co-ordinated by the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, in particular by the Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern.
The Government is aware of the increased prevalence of cocaine usage in recent times and efforts to tackle it are broadly based to include measures aimed at both supply and demand reduction, including awareness initiatives. The national strategy specifies a number of supply reduction targets for the Garda Síochána in terms of all drug seizures and the Garda has achieved considerable successes in cocaine seizures in recent times.
I am informed by the Garda authorities that their strategies for dealing with drug offences are designed to undermine the activities of organised criminal networks involved in the trafficking and distribution of illicit drugs, including cocaine. All these strategies are based on a number of underlying principles, namely, focusing on all aspects of drug trafficking, including importation, transportation and distribution; gathering of intelligence on all individuals and organisations involved in the distribution of drugs, whether they live in Ireland or elsewhere; conducting targeted operations on criminal networks based on intelligence gathered; and working in collaboration with other law enforcement agencies, both within and outside the jurisdiction, to address the national as well as international aspects of drug trafficking and distribution.
The Garda authorities further inform me that they have had a number of substantial recent successes, including against cocaine trafficking. As the Deputy will be aware, many of these have recently been publicised. The trafficking and distribution of all illicit drugs, including cocaine hydrochloric and freebase — crack — at local, national and international levels is constantly under Garda scrutiny.
The Criminal Justice Bill, which is before the House, provides a comprehensive package of anti-crime measures, including sentencing for drugs offences. It will also deal with search warrants and admissibility of statements which are retracted. There will also be further provisions to strengthen the existing ten-year minimum sentence to make it clear that people who act as drug mules should not be excused because they are simply minor cogs in a large machine. The Mr. Bigs rely on Mr. Littles, so to speak, to do the leg work for them and the deterrent aspect of that sentence must apply to everybody, big or little, who is involved in the distribution and importation of drugs into this country.
Does the Minister agree he and his colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Noel Ahern, who is responsible for the drugs strategy, have consistently underestimated the seriousness and extent of the problem of cocaine in Dublin city and beyond and the growing crack problem in Dublin city? Is he aware the figures on which he has relied in the past in replies to me and Deputy Crowe are very poor?
If he is looking for indicators as to the seriousness of this problem, they can be found in the July report of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Arts, Sport, Tourism, Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. It indicated that there has been a threefold increase in the prevalence of cocaine use among women between 1999 and 2002. Use among men in the same period has doubled. Other indicators include the huge seizure earlier this year. I commend the drugs squad on that seizure of crack. In previous years, 3 g or 4 g of crack was confiscated yet 300 g alone have been seized this year. That is an indicator. Is the Minister aware of the gravity of the situation? What steps will he take to implement the recommendations of the Oireachtas joint committee in his Department?
To set the record straight, we are talking about kilograms rather than grams. Some 3 g would not be a great seizure rate in any year and we are talking about a very considerable trade in cocaine. I hope the Deputy does not take this point amiss but the majority of cocaine coming into Ireland comes from South America and a very considerable amount of it comes from Colombia. Persons not too distant in terms of ideology and organisation from the Deputy went to Colombia to get some of its narco-dollars in exchange for military techniques. While I will do my job, perhaps the Deputy's job is to ensure that does not take place again.
Obviously, the Minister does not accept he is not doing his job. Over many years, there have been proposals to increase the numbers in the drugs squad in this city but that has not happened. The numbers required to tackle this problem have not been provided. The Minister once again failed to acknowledge the huge growth in the use of crack. Will he acknowledge we have a crack problem and that the cocaine problem is spiralling out of control?
I agree with the Deputy that we have a considerable problem with cocaine and crack cocaine as an emerging aspect of the cocaine problem. I agree with him that it would be great if we could devote more resources to the battle against drugs. However, Garda resources have been used on other issues, as the Deputy knows. I hope part of the peace dividend, once the various paramilitary organisations cease their activities, will be to release scarce Garda resources to that end. The Deputy will also appreciate that people close to him were the subject of interventions by the Garda Síochána in the south of Dublin city. It would be great if those detectives, instead of carrying out those types of operation, could spend their time arresting drug dealers.
This is a serious problem in this area and in Dublin city. As usual the Minister is deviating from the question.
