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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 15 May 2008

Vol. 654 No. 3

Democratic Process in Zimbabwe: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann, concerned at the deadlock of the democratic process in Zimbabwe following the elections of 29 March 2008, the reported widespread violence and the ongoing humanitarian crisis in that country:

calls on the African Union and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) to lead international pressure for a democratic and peaceful resolution to the current crisis;

supports the Irish Government's efforts to raise the issue as a matter of urgency at international level and, in particular, with South Africa and with Irish Aid's programme countries in the SADC (Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Lesotho and Tanzania);

welcomes UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's call for a UN role to resolve the crisis while the current democratic deadlock persists, and the active role being played by the EU;

regrets the delays in completion of the electoral process in Zimbabwe which is only contributing to growing uncertainty and instability within Zimbabwe and the wider region;

deplores the widespread reports of serious post-election violence in Zimbabwe, including killings, forced evictions, human rights repressions and threats, beatings and torture of opposition supporters, election workers, trade unionists, police, medical workers and all other individuals;

stresses the urgent need for the ending of all such violence and for the creation of a political and social environment conducive to the peaceful conclusion of the electoral process in Zimbabwe, free of all intimidation and violence and guaranteeing full respect for freedom of assembly, movement and expression;

calls for the broadest and most effective international observation in the event of any further rounds of voting and campaigning in Zimbabwe;

welcomes the continuing assistance which Irish Aid is giving to the people of Zimbabwe and looks forward to supporting the reconstruction of Zimbabwe's democratic institutions and the protection of its economic assets; and

looks forward to re-establishing warm relations with the parliament of Zimbabwe following a successful democratic conclusion to the election process.

All of us in this House are here on the basis of our democratic mandates by the will of the people we represent, freely expressed through the secrecy of the ballot box. Free and fair elections are the basis of our people's faith in democracy. In the end, no matter what external forces may operate, it is their wishes that prevail. That is why all of us as democrats have been so appalled by what has happened in Zimbabwe over the past six weeks and why we are all determined, across party lines, to make our views clear and to contribute in any way we can to rectification of the situation.

I am glad that it has proved possible to agree between us the terms of the motion I have read and that the House will speak with a clear voice on a matter about which the people of Ireland rightly care a great deal.

The Government is deeply concerned at the grave and deteriorating political, economic and human rights situation in Zimbabwe. We support all efforts aimed at achieving an outcome to the electoral process which fully accords with democratic principles and Zimbabwean law. I am personally shocked by the reports we have received of organised, systematic and vicious attacks on opposition supporters throughout Zimbabwe, above all in the period since the elections on 29 March. It is estimated that at least 20 people have been killed and approximately 7,000 hospitalised. What appears to be a new and appalling development is that many of those who have been brutally beaten and tortured have been prevented from seeking medical care afterwards, exacerbating their injuries.

I applaud the courage the Zimbabwean people have shown in exercising their right to vote on 29 March. We in Ireland are fortunate in being able to take our democratic rights and freedoms for granted and it is humbling to see how much these rights are valued by the ordinary people of Zimbabwe. Despite the pervasive atmosphere of violence and intimidation, the election appears to have been conducted reasonably fairly. The publication of parliamentary results was effected reasonably swiftly. Then, of course, the long saga over the publication of the presidential results, a saga that would have been almost farcical were it not so serious, began.

On 2 May, the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission, ZEC, finally announced results from the presidential election of more than a month earlier. Despite concerns about the underlying conditions in which the election took place, allegations of tampering with ballot papers during the extended count process and the unacceptable delay in announcing the results, the results make it plain that President Mugabe no longer commands majority support in Zimbabwe. Parliamentary results, which were confirmed by a recount about which many were very suspicious in advance, show that the Zanu-PF party of the president has lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980.

ZEC has announced that a run-off of the presidential election will take place between President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, MDC. Although Zimbabwean law states that the run-off should take place within 21 days, as of today ZEC has not yet announced the date of this run-off. Every day that passes sees more brutality and intimidation by supporters of the regime against ordinary people in an attempt to sway the eventual result.

I welcome the decision of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to participate in the second round despite the conditions in which that vote is likely to take place. No matter how difficult the situation, for him to have decided not to stand would have left the field open to President Mugabe to claim a victory, however hollow.

I believe that recent events have given rise to a strong sense of revulsion in the southern African region. Regional leaders who are striving to improve election standards and to promote the rule of law and protection of human rights in their own countries have been horrified by the behaviour of President Mugabe's regime and the men of violence acting on his behalf.

At a Southern African Development Community, SADC, summit in Lusaka last month, SADC leaders called for strict compliance with the rule of law and SADC's own principles for the conduct of democratic elections. They also urged the government of Zimbabwe to ensure that any second round of the presidential election which takes place does so in a secure environment. The level of popular disquiet across southern Africa was effectively demonstrated by the refusal of ordinary workers to deal with a planned arms shipment to Zimbabwe, which in the end could not be delivered.

This Government fully supports the existing EU visa ban and asset freeze directed at key Zimbabwean leaders. The conclusions adopted by the General Affairs and External Relations Council on 29 April make it quite clear that the EU will consider adopting further measures against those responsible for directing and engaging in the current state-sponsored campaign of violence and intimidation.

However, to be brutally realistic, the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy and the isolation of the Mugabe regime have greatly reduced international leverage on the Zimbabwean authorities. In these circumstances, those regional actors who have the greatest influence on Zimbabwe bear the greatest responsibility to act, perhaps South Africa most of all.

Ireland and the EU have long supported the talks which President Mbeki of South Africa, on behalf of SADC, has facilitated between Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the opposition MDC party. Agreement was reached last year on certain constitutional changes and on updating the electoral register and if all the agreements reached had been fully implemented, this would have gone some way towards securing a level playing field for elections. It must be acknowledged that one outcome of President Mbeki's mediation, the posting of election results outside polling stations, has helped to foil some of the efforts which have been made to distort the election process.

Ireland and the EU continue to support the efforts of Zimbabwe's neighbours to bring about peace and democracy in Zimbabwe and will judge their success on the basis of what they can achieve in practice. The political culture of the region means that much of what happens behind the scenes is not generally known publicly. We strongly believe that African leadership is the key to encouraging progress towards economic and political stability and we urge African leaders, not least President Mbeki, to live up to their principles and to shoulder their particular responsibilities.

I know that many European leaders have been in contact with key regional leaders to convey the EU's concerns at the highest level. Throughout the southern African region, local EU presidencies have conveyed the EU's concerns to our government partners. Indeed Irish ambassadors throughout Africa have met with representatives of their host governments to explain Ireland's position and to urge African leadership in support of democracy and the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. We believe that the African Union can make a contribution to promoting the standards and principles on which Africa has chosen to base its future development.

The Government also fully supports any further action that can be taken in the UN framework to bring positive influence to bear on the situation in Zimbabwe. The UN Secretary General has publicly expressed concern about the post-electoral situation and the prevalence of violence, as well as calling for the release of election results.

The European Union continues to urge the Government of Zimbabwe to put in place the necessary conditions for a free and fair second round of the presidential election. These conditions include respect for freedom of assembly and of the media, as well as an end to violence directed against opposition supporters.

International and national election monitors have played an important role in the Zimbabwean electoral process so far and I strongly support their presence on the ground going forward. Unfortunately, it is unlikely that the EU or the UN will be invited to send an electoral observation mission to Zimbabwe. President Mugabe has tried to negotiate about EU and UN monitors, setting as the price of their presence the lifting of targeted measures against himself and others responsible for the horrific violence of the past few weeks. I do not believe that the EU should give in to that kind of blackmail. It is appropriate that we once again make clear that the measures we have taken are not sanctions affecting the ordinary people of Zimbabwe, who have already suffered so much, but are aimed exclusively at those in charge.

Being unable to deploy election monitors itself, the EU will work with regional organisations — the African Union and SADC — to ensure that the elections are in line with newly developed African best practice standards. The more international monitors deployed in the field, the better. Even the presence of election monitors, who will report back on what they see, can potentially act as a deterrent against violence and fraud.

EU diplomats based in and accredited to Zimbabwe have also witnessed the conduct of the elections to date. Ireland's ambassador to Zimbabwe travelled frequently to Harare throughout the election period. Once a date is set for the second round, I will again ask him to travel to Zimbabwe to witness the process.

Doing all we can to support the best possible election process in the circumstances is just one part of preparing for policy change and transition in Zimbabwe. Without pre-judging the outcome of the presidential election, the MDC now has a parliamentary majority. The steady politicisation of whatever apparatus of Government has survived the corrosion of recent years means that there will be a need for the two main parties in Zimbabwe to work together in the national interest. Some have suggested a Government of national unity is the way forward. It is not for us, as outsiders, to prescribe what the most effective means of making progress will be, but certainly this would be one option, as long as it is not used as a way of circumventing the outcome of the elections.

Looking beyond the election, regional leaders have a role to play in assisting and perhaps mediating in this process of transformation. International partners, including Ireland, will also continue to support the Zimbabwean people until the foundations of their future development are well and truly laid. Adverse weather conditions, compounded by destructive Government agriculture policies and the collapse of other sectors of the Zimbabwean economy, have left many dependent on international aid.

Irish Aid support to the Zimbabwean people has totalled €17 million over the past two years and, so far this year, €7.6 million has been allocated for the country. Much of this funding is channelled through UN agencies. Alarmingly, the UN has expressed concern that post-election violence is hampering the delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance in parts of Zimbabwe.

Ireland believes that real policy change in Zimbabwe, that is, economic management which leads to growth rather than recession, basic human rights and freedoms, the rule of law and meaningful democracy, is in the best interests of the Zimbabwean people. We stand ready to respond appropriately to policy change in Zimbabwe, to build on efforts made by any new Government to promote its people's welfare and development. I know that all in this House agree that the Zimbabwean people deserve the opportunity — an opportunity which their country's laws should guarantee — to choose freely who should lead their country and to have that choice respected. I am pleased to commend the motion to the House.

I support the motion before the House.

Nothing epitomises the plight of the people of Zimbabwe more than the introduction last week of two new bank notes — a Z$100 million note and a Z$250 million note. Inflation is now running at over 150,000% and rising by about 120% every month. The IMF says that Zimbabwe suffers the highest rate of inflation in the world. A loaf of bread now costs about Z$80 million while a bunch of five bananas costs close to Z$100 million. The price of chicken rose more than 236,000% to Z$15 million a kilogram between January 2007 and January 2008. Slower increases in prices of sugar, tea and other basics bring down the average inflation rate to around 150,000%.

This is ironic as well as tragic as Zimbabwe, a former regional breadbasket, is facing acute shortages of food, hard currency, petrol and most basic goods. Economic meltdown began with disruptions to the agriculture-based economy after the seizures of thousands of white-owned commercial farms began in 2000, accompanied by political violence and turmoil. Gross domestic product in Zimbabwe fell from about US$200 per head in 1996 to about US$9 per head last year. This is a shocking statistic.

In the last three weeks, the value of the Zimbabwe dollar has gone from 45 million or so to the US$, to around 120 million. Approximately two thirds of the population face food shortages. The situation is now extremely serious and the immediate prospects of recovery are virtually zero without radical political change.

Under other circumstances, Zimbabwe would have one of the most diverse and best-performing economies on the African continent. It is believed that 5 million Zimbabweans, mostly much-needed professionals and the young, have left the country. An estimated 3 million have sought refuge in South Africa, half of whom are illegal immigrants who face deportation daily. Tens of thousands of Zimbabwean citizens inhabit squatter camps, driven there from their homes by the so-called "Youth Militia", President Mugabe's thugs who move across the country in packs to terrorise people, often for little more than laughs.

Zimbabwe's economy remains heavily dependent on South Africa. The South Africans have been more sympathetic to the Zimbabwean Government than most of the international community. All the major donors in Europe and North America have now suspended grants and loans to Zimbabwe, further depressing economic prospects. The IMF has expelled Zimbabwe, as has the Commonwealth, which was formerly a valuable source of aid.

Although Zimbabwe is a member of the Southern African Development Community and has signed up to the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, these are of marginal assistance in current circumstances. Zimbabwe's once-thriving trade patterns have been all but wrecked as the country has become isolated internationally.

According to the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights, ZADHR, there has been a dramatic increase in violence since the beginning of May, which is on such a large scale that is impossible to document the number of victims. Violence ranges from inflicting head injuries and severe soft tissue damage — particularly in sensitive areas of the body — to beating up pregnant women. One young breast-feeding mother had bilateral fractures of both hands and was unable to hold her baby to feed it. Many of the victims, especially in the rural areas, are not even being treated, as they have no access to health centres or are being denied treatment as health centre staff have been intimidated by specific state instructions to not treat victims of violence. Health workers are exhausted trying to deal with dwindling supplies and their own emotional trauma from Government threats. Much of the violence has been aimed directly against the opposition party or anyone in districts that voted predominantly for the opposition.

In a BBC news report from rural Zimbabwe last week, Orla Guerin reported as follows:

At a remote homestead in an opposition stronghold, village elders described the command structure in their area . . . They told us the operation was run by officials from the ruling Zanu-PF party, and so-called war veterans, with the help of a senior army officer. The intimidation began at the top, with local chiefs, who then passed instructions down to village elders. ‘The chief's headman told us the message from Zanu was go and tell the people to vote for the president,' a village elder said. ‘If you don't, you will see what will happen to you.' This man knows only too well what to expect come election time. He says his home was torched and his wife was beaten back in 2002. At meetings called by the ruling party and its henchmen, explicit threats were made, according to an opposition councillor. ‘They told us that if President Mugabe lost in the run-off, there would be war,' he said. ‘They said what happened during the war of liberation would happen again. There would be a second round of that.'

This is the mad world of Mugabe but Zimbabwe is a country that is slipping down the international news agenda. The world's media has moved on to the terrible natural disasters in China and Burma and I wish to take this opportunity to extend my sympathy to the Chinese authorities and people for the terrible tragedy that has taken place in that country.

There is a danger that the political crisis in Zimbabwe could become a footnote to world affairs, a situation that would greatly please President Mugabe and his regime. We must all work together to keep international pressure on the Harare regime. The latest news bulletins from Zimbabwe suggest that the second round of the country's presidential election has again been deferred, this time to 31 July. The international community expected the run-off election between Mr. Robert Mugabe and Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai to take place on 23 May. The omens for a successful election are not good. The ruling Zanu-PF party continues to refuse to allow international observers to oversee the run-off poll. Opposition candidate, Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, has said he will only stand if international observers and media are given full access to ensure the vote is free and fair. The Zanu-PF spokesman says that Mr. Tsvangirai is free to return to Zimbabwe but he would not rule out the possibility that he might be arrested.

Mr. Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, party officials are complaining of intimidation and say that as many as 25 MDC activists have been murdered since the first round of voting. The Roman Catholic Church in Zimbabwe has called for the African Union and the United Nations to supervise a presidential run-off election in that troubled country. In a statement issued ten days ago, the church said Zimbabwe's electoral commission is neither neutral nor trustworthy. All the while Zimbabwe is a political limbo and its people continue to suffer away from the eyes of the world's media.

We all know that the solution to the political, economic and social crisis lies in free and fair elections, monitored by the international community. However, this is akin to the old adage of the mouse deciding to tie a bell about the cat's neck. Nobody can force President Mugabe to behave in a democratic or even reasonable manner. One thing is certain; the resolution to this crisis should and must be regional. There should be African solutions to African problems. It is regrettable but western sanctions have proven to be largely symbolic and British and American condemnations of President Robert Mugabe are, if anything, counter-productive because they help him claim he is the victim of neocolonial ambitions. This is his main election tool.

However, the international community, through the United Nations, must support the mediation efforts by the Southern African Development Community, SADC. At the same time we must accept that the SADC initiative is fragile and the organisation is beset by internal differences over how much pressure to exert to press Mugabe to retire. SADC needs to resolve these differences and this is all the more reason the international community should give SADC its full support.

It is difficult to understand why President Mbeki of South Africa has so far failed to bring Mugabe to his senses. Mr. Mbeki has long excelled in diplomacy and it is his main strength. He was called on by Africans to head the effort that led to the departure of foreign troops from the Democratic Republic of Congo and to take the lead in Burundi to defuse the threat of a round of Rwandan-style genocide in that country. Not least, it was Mbeki who was chosen by the African National Congress to lead negotiations with the apartheid government that resulted in the release of political prisoners, the return of the exiles and the opening of final talks that led to the relatively peaceful South African miracle to bring full democracy to his country. To date, however, he has failed with respect to Zimbabwe.

An internal solution could be possible. SADC, supported by the UN, must be allowed to monitor the holding of a presidential run-off between Morgan Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe to break the 29 March electoral deadlock and facilitate a winner-takes-all outcome. Such a run-off is the most straightforward as it is a necessary step in terms of the Zimbabwean Electoral Act. Resolutions on the role of the United Nations in enhancing the effectiveness of the principle of fair and genuine elections and the promotion of democratisation have consistently been passed, almost unanimously, at the UN General Assembly. These resolutions deal with how the United Nations Development Programme helps countries conduct their electoral process. Assistance is granted only on request from a sovereign state and care is taken to ensure there is no encroachment on national sovereignty.

Fine Gael wants Ireland to take a lead role in developing these resolutions to give a more authoritative role to the electoral assistance division of the United Nations. This can only be done through dialogue and consultation. Ireland is in an ideal position to be of assistance as we have neither colonial baggage nor economic interest in the regions requiring assistance.

I do not support Mr. Tsvangirai's often suggested boycott of the run-off under the claim that he won the first round on 29 March. The consequence would be to hand the presidency to the embattled Mugabe on a golden electoral platter. Another solution worth exploring is a negotiated 18 or 24-month transitional government to break not just the electoral stalemate, but also to resolve the cancerous political, economic and constitutional crisis that has dogged Zimbabwe since independence and particularly in the past decade. In the event of transitional arrangements, Ireland should divert some of its €900 million aid package to Zimbabwe and make members of the rapid response corps available if required. I suggest the Minister should look at beefing up that corps because it will be called upon quite frequently in the months and years ahead. In addition, we must face up to the reality that one presidential election after 28 years of one-party, one-man rule will not necessarily provide an instant cure for Zimbabwe's ills. Mugabe's cronies in the judiciary, civil service and the army will almost certainly set about destabilising the democratic process and effectively make the country ungovernable.

As the Northern Ireland peace process demonstrated, democracy and the rule of law can only truly flourish when extreme ends of the political spectrum are brought into the centre. I agree with the sentiments outlined by the Minister that we should not be subject to blackmail and that we cannot go easy on this regime. However, people in Mugabe's regime must realise at this stage that the game is up and they may be looking for some way out of the situation. Influential members of the ruling Zanu-PF party in Zimbabwe should be assured that a rescue package would be put in place to shore up the shattered economy. I support the idea of relaxing sanctions against individuals within Zanu-PF who show an open and genuine commitment to engage in power-sharing talks and join forces to restore democratic governance. We must send the message that if they change their ways we would be willing to consider giving assistance and that they will not be left in isolation. That hope must be extended to them. There will be a need for a truth and reconciliation commission for black Zimbabweans along the lines of the initiative set up in post-apartheid South Africa.

The situation is not dissimilar to the situation in Burma for which I outlined the need for contingency plans. I agree with and support the concept referred to by Deputy Higgins and the Minister that national sovereignty should not be supreme when dealing with humanitarian issues. I acknowledge that there is a difference of opinion between the Government and Fine Gael with regard to the triple lock mechanism. While I know he is not going that far, I am delighted to hear Deputy Higgins enunciate that the concept of the flawed system in the United Nations should not be permitted to prevent humanitarian aid being delivered to people. The electoral commission in Zimbabwe was set up under the auspices of the United Nations in 1989.

On approximately 400 occasions, more than 100 states have requested assistance in monitoring elections. This assistance must be requested by the sovereign state. Over the years only one state abstained on this resolution. That UN policy must be strengthened so that new rules and regulations are not needed for each election. Ireland is in a position to take a lead in this regard as we have no colonial baggage and we have gone through the peace process in Northern Ireland. We could help strengthen this process so there is no need to watch election after election and be unsure as to the result.

Fine Gael wholeheartedly supports this motion. I note several Deputies who have an interest in this subject, including the newly-appointed Minister of State, Deputy Barry Andrews, and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, Deputy Brendan Howlin. Mr. Mugabe's days are numbered and hopefully they will come to an end sooner rather than later, but we must look at putting in place an assistance model for the people of Zimbabwe to help restore them to where they were a few decades ago.

I wish to share time with my colleague who has experience in Africa of both a practical and a political kind, Deputy Joan Burton.

I welcome the fact the House has been able to agree on a joint motion on Zimbabwe. In the ten minutes speaking time I have allowed myself I want to make a few points about the importance of this motion.

It is very important that when we are discussing Zimbabwe we consider the full context. There is no doubt that when one looks at the Continent of Africa one can see the marks of the decolonisation project that are deep and injurious. We should allow ourselves for a moment to look also at the transition to black rule in Zimbabwe in the immediate post-independence era, one in which there were considerable broken undertakings given by Lancaster House and the British — the land issue being one example. I do not have the time to go into detail but for the militants who originally supported Robert Mugabe, or those who supported Joshua Nkomo, the expectation of land was significant. The former colonial power that was to have assisted the transition by the funding of land transfer, broke its promise and this is significant. I am not saying this explains any of the current actions but it is important to note it. Neither is it true to say that Ireland does not have a colonial connection with what was Rhodesia and is now Zimbabwe. I have often heard the extreme white anti-African argument made by people who are Irish. I acknowledge there are Irish people who wish to contribute to the post-independent Zimbabwe who are obstructed from doing so and this is a great tragedy and a great loss to the people of Zimbabwe.

It is important to remember there is nothing essentially African about the situation in Zimbabwe. Africa is not a crisis-prone continent. It is very various in its experience and in its capacities. It is also important to realise that Robert Mugabe is not typical of Africa. There is nothing essentially African or cultural about anything that has happened. What has happened has been a clear abuse of power that has visited widespread horrific damage on the people of Zimbabwe. It has moved from conditions where it produced a food surplus. In the last studies of the period 2000-05, there was an increase in agricultural production in many of the west African countries of over 10%, some 80% of it brought about by smallholders, many working with a hoe. Zimbabwe, on the other hand, along with a number of countries, including, unfortunately, Malawi and other similar countries, had zero or decreased growth in agricultural production. There are issues of food security and food production and the economy which has fallen into chaos, which are all important in terms of the hardship being visited on ordinary people. The drift of people from their rural holdings to the city, the destruction of what were called unauthorised ghettoes and so forth has been done with absolute ferocity and with no respect for human rights or law.

The biggest single issue facing us is whether the run-off in the final stage of the election will be able to take place in conditions of peace and non-violence. The Minister's speech and others point immediately to the loss of life that has occurred, the intimidation, the injuries, the forcing of people into exile and the use of intimidation and thugs to effect the right to vote freely. I repeat what I said in the previous motion, no model of sovereignty justifies what is taking place in Zimbabwe. As I said in my previous contribution it points to the need for such activity at the level of the United Nations, by way of an initiative to eliminate the Security Council bloc towards taking the kind of UN monitoring initiatives that are clearly necessary.

I remain deeply disappointed by the activities of South Africa so far in terms of Zimbabwe. It was very late in the list of atrocities committed by Robert Mugabe that one senior Minister from South Africa made comment. It was not the South African Prime Minister and it was not from the top. The South African Government may say privately they were new people on the block and so felt inhibited commenting on somebody who had been a leader and throwing off the shackles of colonialism. That does not justify inaction in any sense.

Following what I hope will be a peaceful run-off of the election — although I am not optimistic — in regard to the recovery of the Zimbabwean economy and the social distribution side of that economy, an entirely new model, quite different from the IMF model or a bank-funded model will be necessary. It is interesting that in 2007 the World Bank has acknowledged that it neglected agriculture as an important tool of economic transformation in Africa. It is also true that the imposition of macro economic models from the top had the effect of making insecure the seed programmes and the micro credit that had existed. This, together with the refusal to allow people to impose tariffs to allow local food to be produced, as well as the obstruction of subsidies for fertiliser and so on, have all worked against the livelihood of ordinary people of Africa. We will have other occasions, I hope, to discuss this issue, particularly when we move on to WTO talks in Geneva or elsewhere about the need for an integrated approach.

This agreed and important motion is one that stresses the use of our contacts in Southern Africa, particularly with the aid community with whom we have a relationship. In regard to the importance of election observation, I urge the new Minister for Foreign Affairs to ask his colleague Ministers in the European Union and those outside it to look differently at election observation. I have repeatedly said that the academic work in this area shows that 70% to 80% of all the abuses in elections take place in the registration process, either in the refusal to allow people to register, as is the case in many countries, or in intimidation. For example, in some countries women were not allowed to get an identity card which stopped them from going on the register.

There is a need for a comprehensive approach to election observation that will be long term and will be at the beginning of the process. What is important now, unique to some extent and particular to Zimbabwe, is an international presence that will ensure some form of protection against intimidation. This, probably, can be best achieved by the regional bodies and would be particularly good if South Africa upped the ante and invited countries such as Ireland and others to provide election observers. I would urge our Government to tell the South African Government and the SADC that it is willing to provide international observers for the run-off. I fought for the right of parliamentarians and former parliamentarians to be involved in the election observation process and I have done it myself in a number of different places. I actually see the business of arriving for polling day and for the count for a few days afterwards as quite minuscule; it is gestural rather than real. It is another area outlined in my previous proposal to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. We should have lots of fellowships on real election observation linked to the civil process so that people are given the right to organise their parties. This is already happening through the Olof Palme institute from Sweden and through several different foundations where parties are enabled to come into existence, get organised, deal with the media, be democratic and so forth. We should take these worst of circumstances as an opportunity to set up new models so that we can make an effective contribution. I say that in a non-partisan way. I assure the House it is based on my own experience in Cambodia, Africa and elsewhere.

I thank my colleague, Deputy Michael D. Higgins, for generously sharing time with me. I welcome the motion. Zimbabwe, that most beautiful of African countries, with its wonderful people has a wonderful capacity to recover, if its friends, within Africa and in the rest of the world, come to its assistance. It is a fertile country, has an enterprising people, and a capacity for tourism and food production.

We correctly condemn the monstrousness of President Mugabe's regime and what has emerged. The root causes of what happened in Zimbabwe, alongside his personal and political failings, lie in the fact that when Mugabe came to power he immediately set about, to the general applause of the world, making sure people could read and write and that a minimum access to a rudimentary public health system was made available. When the IMF started its process of decimating public services in developing countries Zimbabwe was among the first areas to take a hit. Unlike the South African Government after apartheid, President Mugabe borrowed to fund public services, for which his government was severely punished by the International Monetary Fund. I disagree with Deputy Timmins to the extent that the Lancaster House agreement left to one side the issue of land redistribution to poor African farmers, the majority of whom are women who feed their families and send their small surpluses to market. It is not good enough for white farmers in South Africa and Zimbabwe to suggest they can have 3,000 acres or more while the 100 to 500 African farmers who live on these large estates can have less than one quarter of an acre per head to grow a few rows of maize and tomatoes. Many of these farming families have six or seven children.

The Irish experience was raised. Ireland's experience in this regard was wonderful because we addressed the land issue in a reasonable and politically acceptable manner, first in the 19th century through the 40 shilling freehold and, second, in the post-independence through the Land Commission. We should discuss this model with Africans because one cannot secure peace in Zimbabwe without land reform.

I attended the civil society part of the Lancaster House conference with the late Seán McBride, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs. It was clear to all the participants, as has been clear in Kenya recently, that we need to arrive at a settlement. President Mugabe will go and a new government will be formed. I have great confidence in the ability of the people of Zimbabwe to overcome the current nightmare and start afresh.

The Government and European Union need to be realistic about a land settlement. More than ever, leadership is required, particularly from President Mbeki of South Africa who, having been around this course, needs to show courage, as does his Government, by doing not only what is politic, but also what is right. In return, the Government and European Union should acknowledge the significant economic burden South Africa is bearing in sheltering within its borders millions of illegal immigrants, many of whom are effectively refugees.

This issue comes before the House at a sad time for Zimbabwe. The Oireachtas has shown considerable interest in that country for the past ten or 11 months and many Members, including the Minister, have outlined the problems the country faces. I propose to make a few observations.

The Association of Western European Parliamentarians for Africa, AWEPA, has a very active Irish section and Deputies and Senators from all sides recently attended a meeting in the House to ventilate their concerns about Zimbabwe. The problems of Zimbabwe resonate with many Irish people for several reasons, including the land issue it faces and other issues outlined by Deputy Burton. As the Minister indicated, much of the problem surrounding land was resolved prior to independence. The pre-independence Land Acts do not bear comparison with the current circumstances in Zimbabwe because many landowners here were absentee landowners. Reform was introduced here on the basis of an understanding that 50% to 70% of tenants and the landlords agreed with the changes. This approach would be ideal for Zimbabwe.

Half of the land of Namibia is owned by 4,000 white farmers. One of the reasons it is very hard to achieve a settlement in the region is that many of the regional leaders look up to President Mugabe as one of only a few freedom fighters left on the stage and a leader willing to tackle the issue of land ownership, albeit in a highly cynical, illegal manner which is in defiance of human rights and the democratic process. Nevertheless, President Mugabe appears to be well liked among South African Development Community leaders. Having placed all our eggs in the SADC basket, the organisation has effectively come up short. Its one achievement in the period preceding the elections on 29 March was in introducing a requirement that results would be posted outside polling stations. As a result, the outcome of the parliamentary election was to some degree fair.

AWEPA takes a great interest in events in Zimbabwe. I also pay tribute to NGOs in Ireland which are highlighting the issue, specifically Trocáire, which has been excellent in relaying to Members information obtained from its workers on the ground, and Amnesty International, which has hosted a number of events around Dublin, including plays and independence day celebration in April. This active interest in Zimbabwe is reflected in the fact that the motion is the second resolution to come before the House on the issue. While many countries are suffering hardship, Zimbabwe resonates for the simple reason that many people have sympathy with its people.

It is difficult to determine where we go from here. Initially, AWEPA intended to highlight the issue of Zimbabwe and the country featured prominently in news reports during most of April. However, it has fallen off the news agenda and no longer features in media reports. Unfortunately, media interest wanes and the life cycle of news stories is short. This story has withered on the vine, which means it is now a matter of political will. Governments and organisations such as AWEPA must show an interest and ensure the issue stays on the agenda of the Council of Ministers. The long period between the election and the run-off between the presidential candidates in late July suits President Mugabe. I am sure he hopes the international media's lack of interest will allow him to continue to practice the type of transgressions against electoral procedure that has guaranteed his presidency for so long.

Zimbabwe is in a bad position. Straightforward measures need to be taken after the election. The International Crisis Group recommended a regional solution, arguing that regional leaders in SADC and the African Union should exert influence on the Zimbabwean Government. This approach has been disastrous. The ICG also stated that in the event of the elections being rigged and an unsatisfactory outcome achieved, as appears to have been the case, we should consider reviewing the current sanctions regime. Current sanctions are limited to a travel ban on Zanu-PF Party members and a ban on financial transactions. Unfortunately, both measures have been ignored and it is widely reported that senior figures in the Zanu-PF Party are outside the country and financial transactions continue. Neither measure has been successful and the sanctions have not influenced the political structure.

The European Union must, at some point, make a clear statement that it will seriously consider divestment. Ireland has taken a clear position on divestment in the area of cluster munitions. Information available to me shows that certain companies are supporting the regime through activities in Zimbabwe. By guaranteeing foreign exchange, they enable the regime to survive. The European Union must indicate a willingness to take action on divestment. We must also offer hope to people in the MDC. I am sure their morale is at a very low ebb as the issue drifts out of the international media. We must let them know we support them and that we will be there if they succeed in taking over power by the end of July. We must make it clear we will offer assistance in a reconstruction programme. I mentioned before the idea of a Marshall plan-type reconstruction. There is an opportunity for Irish Aid to consider whether Zimbabwe might become a programme country along the lines of Malawi. However, that is entirely a matter for Irish Aid.

I worry about South Africa's role because President Mbeki is on the way out and his successor as leader of the ANC, Zuma, is facing fraud charges so its interest in and attention to Zimbabwe will be fairly limited.

As was mentioned, the Irish Ambassador to South Africa did excellent work up to and after the election. The dangers faced by people like the ambassador were made clear by the arrest of the UK ambassador in the past week when he investigated reports of intimidation and human rights abuses. I commend the Irish ambassador on his work. I also commend Richard Downes on his work during the election. He sent back reports in difficult circumstances.

Even some of the MPs who were elected have been arrested. Eight MDC supporters were murdered in the past week and 32 have been killed since March. There is a ban on MDC rallies in Harare. I have very grave concerns about SADC's ability to respond.

On the issue of aid and how successful it can be, I am sure the new Minister of State with responsibility for that will reflect on the balance between aid and good governance. The more one looks at the issues surrounding development in Africa, the more one is convinced that without good governance, aid is, to a large extent, being wasted. I know that governance is part of the Irish Aid project but a debate probably needs to take place on the extent to which governance should be the lead issue. I commend the motion to the House.

I am delighted to have an opportunity to speak on this important debate, to which good contributions have been made so far. Good contributions were also made to the debate on Burma this morning.

As Deputy Burton said, Zimbabwe is a beautiful place. I was in Zambia a few years ago and I went to the border with Zimbabwe where I saw at first hand what a beautiful place it is. Unfortunately, it has been plundered by the Mugabe Government over the years. My diocese of Killaloe under the late Bishop Harty had a mission in Zimbabwe and I knew a priest, Fr. Pat O'Neill, who served there for a number of years. He told me the Zimbabweans were beautiful people and were easy to work with but were impoverished.

Prior to the EU-Africa summit held in Lisbon last December, Fine Gael tabled a motion urging the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs to signal the country's protest at the events in Mugabe's Zimbabwe. Indeed, we highlighted the human rights abuses and warned the international community that we could no longer sit by and allow the situation to continue but, unfortunately, since then the situation in Zimbabwe has become more volatile. As the Minister of State, Deputy Barry Andrews, rightly said, the media move on to other events even though what is happening in Zimbabwe continues. That is unfortunate and we should continue to focus on what is happening there.

The elections took place on 29 March and the entire election process was dogged by delays and recounts. Several recounts were ordered to fill the 210-seat House of Assembly. The results were eventually announced one month later. The official results gave the opposition Movement for Democratic Change 105 seats and Zanu-PF 93 seats. The presidential result gave the opposition leader a 47.9% to 42.1% victory over Mugabe but, unfortunately, that was not enough to avoid a run-off. These delays and recounts have led to claims of vote rigging and electoral fraud.

There is much suspicion, distrust and accusation. The MDC has frequently complained of intimidation and has said that at least 25 of its supporters have been killed since the first round of elections and hundreds have been forced from their homes in rural areas. There were also claims of "ghost voters", something with which we are not very familiar.

In the middle of the election process, the International Transport Workers Federation was told of a ship laden with arms which it refused to unload. That ship was heading for Zimbabwe but, thankfully, common sense prevailed, the ship was turned back and an immediate crisis was averted. Nevertheless, reports of post-election violence are widespread.

On Tuesday last, the Zimbabwean journalists association reporting on the visit of some western diplomats from the UK, the US, Japan and the Netherlands reported that many of the victims interviewed said they had been assaulted by the military and Zanu-PF supporters for contributing to their party's defeat on 29 March. At a Salvation Army Church, authorities said they were overwhelmed by the large number of people who had been injured as a result of political violence and skirmishes. That shows the level of intimidation in Zimbabwe.

We have seen pictures in the international press and in our national newspapers of the injuries caused to the ordinary people of Zimbabwe. The chief medial officer reported that he had treated 24 people in the past week and that one had died.

After the tour of hospitals and a torture camp in Mashonaland Central, these diplomats said Zuna-PF was responsible for the violence. According to the Zimbabwean association of doctors for human rights, 21 people have died and 900 have been tortured in post-election violence. Incidentally, members of this western diplomatic group, including the UK Ambassador, Andrew Pocock, were detained when they tried to investigate the violence. The situation is very sad.

Reports claim Zanu-PF is clinging to power with the support of the police and the army. Some human rights groups claim a slow motion coup is under way in Zimbabwe with security forces exerting even greater sway. The efforts of independent monitors have been singled out by Mugabe's Government with a number of foreign journalists and Zimbabwean civil society activists detained by police.

What will happen next in Zimbabwe? Both leaders must face one another in a new poll. It remains to be seen whether this new poll will be different from or fairer than the last one. Unfortunately, there are no international observers. The UN has not been invited to oversee the elections. That shows that these elections will not be fair.

There has been a clamp-down on opposition supporters and that will make it much more difficult for them to go out to vote again given that so many have been intimidated and injured post the election. People are frightened and fear for their lives. While the opposition leader will start as favourite, all things being equal, fear of violence will affect the outcome.

On Tuesday last, the opposition leader met Lesotho's Prime Minister in Maseru in an attempt to put pressure on South African summit leaders to demand that Harare stop what he calls a political campaign of violence. However, at the weekend he announced he would participate in the run-off against Mr. Mugabe, provided the vote was held, as the law requires, 21 days from the announcement on 2 May of the result of the first vote. This is a brave move by the opposition leader, Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, given the fact he has almost been exiled since the election because of fears for his life. The chairman of the electoral commission has announced that the 21-day period is a very ambitious target so the question of a run-off is up in the air.

A deepening humanitarian crisis is looming in Zimbabwe, as has been said by many speakers. The economy is collapsing and unemployment stands at 85%. It has the highest rate of inflation in the world, at 160,000%, and political turmoil is crippling the country. As the former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and former Uachtarán na hÉireann, Mary Robinson, said, this vicious circle of human rights violations that leads to conflict, which in turn leads to more violence, must be broken. It needs to be broken by the international community for the people of Zimbabwe.

The Irish Government has been helpful in providing international aid for Zimbabwe. In 2006 and 2007 it gave €17 million and already in 2008 a further €1.1 million has been disbursed, with additional assistance planned for the future. Our contribution is channelled through UN agencies such as the World Food Programme and UNICEF, as well as local and international NGOs which are doing a great job. The Government must use every available channel to exert pressure on south African leaders to send a team to Zimbabwe to investigate the violence. The Minister for State, Deputy Barry Andrews, has a great interest in this area and before he became Minister of State he played an important role, as did my colleague Deputy Timmins.

If Mr. Mugabe does not allow the international community to investigate this crisis maybe South Africa will have a better chance of convincing him and South African mediation is the best way forward. If the run-off proceeds, independent electoral monitors must be allowed to oversee the election and the Minister must make this point forcefully to his EU counterparts. The people of Zimbabwe made a powerful statement on 29 March and there is now an onus on the international community to respond rather than stand by and do nothing while the same thing happens again.

I congratulate Deputy Micheál Martin on his appointment as Minister for Foreign Affairs and wish him success. I also pay tribute to my neighbour, Deputy Dermot Ahern, for the excellent work he did as Minister for Foreign Affairs.

When I was growing up there was a world war in Europe which killed 60 million people. When I look at the problems around the world today I am reminded of how Europe was able to settle its difficulties, having devastated itself for 1,000 years. We now have the European Union of 27 member states, only seven of which have a long history of democracy. Today the European Union — while I recognise that the record in Africa was not great — is committed to peace, democracy and the rule of law.

It is always very sad to see trouble spots around the world and Zimbabwe is a case in point. It is sad to think Zimbabwe was one of the most successful countries in Africa a generation ago but suddenly has gone into decline. The reason for that decline is President Mugabe and the destructive policies of the regime he has led. Life expectancy is 34 years, the lowest in the world, and 2,500 people per week die from AIDS. Some 4 million people have fled the country and inflation is running at over 100,000%. The World Food Programme feeds 3 million people there. In addition, there is torture, repression, violence, intimidation, evictions and executions in every province in Zimbabwe.

This morning, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, referred to the fact that people who have been brutalised are not allowed medical care so it is a very serious situation. Chris McGreal, a correspondent with The Guardian, wrote on 10 April:

The patients at Louisa Guidotti hospital said there were eight men, one carrying a shotgun, another with an AK-47, others with pistols, and they went from bed to bed forcing out anyone who could walk.

Nurses were dragged away from the sick. Motorists driving by the hospital, 87 miles north east of Harare, were stopped and taken from their cars.

About 70 people were gathered in the grounds. Then the lecture began. "This is your last chance," said one of the armed men. "You messed up when you voted. Next time you vote you must get it right or you will die."

Later in the article, he writes how the men said they would make an example of anyone supporting MDC, the opposition party, and asked the people to point out who they were, but no one did. Mugabe, he writes, has unleashed Zanu-PF militia shock troops. Davidson Maruziva, editor of The Standard, was arrested on 20 April for publishing an article by one of the breakaway MDC groups and this is totally unacceptable to anybody who lives in a democracy. Human rights are fundamental and we must all stand up at all times to champion them.

The recent elections in Zimbabwe have precipitated a further crisis. The violence and intimidation that helped deliver perverted election victories to Zanu-PF three and six years ago were absent from the presidential and parliamentary ballot on 29 March, which Mugabe lost. Now those practices appear to be returning with a vengeance. There are concerns about people voting who might not have been entitled to vote, people who did not vote because they were not on the register, their names having been removed, and people who had fled the country. That leads to some suspicion.

The democratic rights of people must always be respected, particularly at election time. If people go out to vote, and they queued for many hours to exercise that right in Zimbabwe, they are entitled to the result so it is appalling that the result of the presidential election has not yet been announced. I happened to be in South Africa in 1994 for the first democratic election. It was run in an excellent fashion and despite all the difficulties such as the lack of an electoral register and the fact that people had no identification, the election was very successful and brought about the result for which the people wished. It is unfortunate we do not see the same in Zimbabwe. Good governance is essential for democracy, to show respect for the people and ensure there is a proper standard of living and people do not live on subsistence, as they do in Zimbabwe as a direct result of mismanagement of the economy by Government.

We want an immediate end to repression, freedom of movement for observers and the media and a fair and free election process. Most influence rests with the African countries. President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa has an important role to play. The South Africans recognised there is a crisis. It is to the credit of the South African dockers that they refused to unload arms from the Chinese ship An Yue Jiang. It is important that every country in the world uses its influence to stop the export of arms, not just to Zimbabwe but to anywhere there is trouble and they are likely to be used in a civil war. The Southern African Development Community has a role to play, as has the African Union.

The motion commends the Government's efforts to move forward in finding a solution. Ireland has never been a coloniser. On the contrary, we have a long association with Africa, particularly through the work of the missionaries for over 100 years and the work of Irish Aid. The immediate concern is a satisfactory outcome to the election. I would like to see observers from Europe present. Hopefully there will be a change of regime and then we must all work together to end poverty, improve health services, provide further education and rebuild Zimbabwe's economy. There is a major role for all the countries of the world, particularly the developed countries, the World Bank, the UN and the EU. No doubt Ireland will play its role. I am delighted we have a united voice in this House in condemning what is happening in Zimbabwe and calling for a return to the democratic process.

I welcome the opportunity to support the motion on Zimbabwe, which faces a deepening political crisis marked by state-sponsored violence against opposition party supporters. Following the 29 March presidential and parliamentary elections in which the opposition won control of parliament and won more votes in the presidential contest, the Government unleashed a nationwide campaign of violence against opposition groups. At least 32 supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, have been killed while more than 700 have sought medical treatment, 6,700 have been replaced and more than 1,000 have been arrested. All signs point to the situation worsening rather than improving, with the Government using violence and intimidation ahead of the run-off presidential election announced by the Government. Zimbabwean President Mugabe has never been so close to losing power and appears willing to use all means available to physically beat his opponents into submission.

As the international community considers its response to the complex crisis in Zimbabwe, the first order of business must be to stop the violence and all international effort must be applied to doing so. The EU and Ireland must engage diplomatically with African leaders to discuss a common way forward and put pressure on the regime to end the violence. To prevent an escalation of the violence and a degeneration into state-sponsored mass atrocities, as we have seen previously under President Mugabe's direction, the international community must also act to ensure a legitimate, democratic government is seated in Zimbabwe. International diplomats should co-operate with African leaders to develop a plan of incentives pressurising Mugabe to leave and an alternative plan should he defy the democratic will of Zimbabwe and remain in power.

Has the Irish Government been active enough since this House's all party resolution on Zimbabwe on 4 December 2007 to support fair and free elections and promote human rights and democracy in Zimbabwe? We might well ask what little Ireland can do but we must remember that Mozambique and Tanzania are two of the most major recipients of Irish aid. Both of these SADC countries wield great political influence in the region and in Zimbabwe. The Irish Government should use this diplomatic opportunity to raise as a matter of urgency the issue of Zimbabwe in its diplomatic contacts with these countries. I congratulate the Irish Association of European Parliamentarians for Africa and its secretary Mr. Simon Murtagh on the efforts the association has put into raising the issue of human rights in Zimbabwe. There is no room for complacency, especially as political violence increases in Zimbabwe. We were recently told by the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights that 22 people have been killed and 900 tortured in political violence in the past four weeks alone.

Zanu-PF's losses in the 29 March election were unexpected given that the ruling party's history of vote-rigging made an opposition victory extremely unlikely. In January of this year President Mugabe backed out of South African mediation talks with the MDC and announced plans for a snap election just two months later, indicating he was absolutely confident he would win that election because the MDC was reeling from internal divisions that split the party and produced competing MDC candidates in many electoral districts. Everything was set for President Mugabe to win that election but political violence, corruption and gross mismanagement of the economy proved Zanu-PF's undoing. In the past three years many Zimbabweans resorted to the barter system after six-digit inflation left the Zimbabwean dollar nearly worthless. Starvation hit rural areas while fuel shortages and dwindling imports of spare parts brought transportation to a standstill. Unemployment was conservatively placed at 80% and even office workers in the capital city ate one meal a day and walked out of their jobs because they could not afford transportation. Yet Zanu-PF was so convinced of the MDC's weakness that it called an election despite the crumbling state of affairs. This miscalculation was evident from an early stage.

Independent estimates confirm that the leader of the opposition defeated President Mugabe in the presidential elections by winning approximately 50% of the total vote, the number above which a run-off election would be unnecessary. To its credit the MDC will contest the run-off elections but there is widespread scepticism that the second round of presidential elections will be held before the Zimbabwean Government's latest deadline of 31 July. This will give more space and will allow President Mugabe and his forces to further militarise the situation, victimise his opponents, seek to win the election through violent means and ensure there are not free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. We must insist on the resumption of peace and the broadest possible international observation of any second round of voting in Zimbabwe right across the country's 232 constituencies, including the most rural, before any round of voting can be regarded as legitimate. The key to the legitimacy will be the acceptance by the Zimbabwean Government and President of international observance of the elections, as has happened in many other African countries down through the years.

Where are the international envoys who could bring about a compromise solution in Zimbabwe, as happened in Kenya? Calls by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan should be supported by all. Massive diplomatic intervention represents the last best hope for peaceful resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe. The alternatives, either a bloody power struggle or another Mugabe term, are almost too horrible to contemplate. Both would lead to further violence in a nation long past the point of economic collapse and on the verge of state failure. If no agreement on Mugabe's exit can be reached the prospect for an internally driven end to the crisis are slim. When constitutional amendment No. 18 was approved in October 2007 allowing parliament to elect a successor in the event of the President's death, incapacitation or retirement, many analyses predicted Mugabe would transfer power and use the Zanu-PF dominated parliament to rubber-stamp his choice of successor. Now the Zanu-PF party has lost control of parliament Mugabe cannot hand pick his successor as he had intended. This increases the chances that he will choose to serve out his six-year term if he can utilise the current campaign of violence to successfully manipulate the presidential election outcome. Alternatively, Mugabe could choose to throw Zimbabwe into greater chaos by seeking to utilise presidential emergency powers to dissolve parliament and hold new elections in an effort to secure Zanu-PF dominance. Given the MDC's strength in the March election, such a move would throw Zimbabwe into greater chaos. In fact, Mugabe could only rig Zanu-PF dominance in parliament by waging another massive campaign of violence.

Meanwhile the economy will continue to implode. Economic progress is predicated on Mugabe's removal and the return of democratic institutions to Zimbabwe. Foreign investment will not return until investors see political stability and more favourable economic policies.

It is Zimbabwe's zero hour, a period that will be spoken of for generations as either a time when the region united to support the will of the people or a missed opportunity that led to thousands of deaths and a failed state. The road ahead is difficult but extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures. Regional leaders must publicly recognise gross abuses of law by Zanu-PF and develop an African solution to an African problem by applying a focussed pressure on Mugabe to leave side-by-side with meaningful incentives for a solution. The West should provide support for this effort but be prepared to take strong action should the pressure fail to materialise and Mugabe fail to leave power.

I am happy to participate in this important debate on Zimbabwe. I have an association with Zimbabwe that dates back some years. In the late 1980s, following my election to Dáil Éireann, I was invited by the European Parliamentarians for Africa, AWEPA, a good organisation which has been mentioned by Deputy Neville, to visit Zimbabwe and Zambia for an international meeting on apartheid in South Africa. My colleague and good friend, Deputy Brendan Howlin, attended also.

If AWEPA did nothing else, it brought all the Members of this House of like mind on human rights and development together and brought us to various meetings abroad where we met other fellow European parliamentarians. It was a fantastic initiative by AWEPA, and it is still working. It is important to point out that AWEPA is still very active here.

At the time, Nelson Mandela was still behind bars in prison. Representatives of the ANC from South Africa and SWAPO from Namibia, and all the freedom movements, were present at our meetings in Harare and Lusaka. I have maintained contact with many of these down through the years and some of the ANC representatives have gone on to become Ministers.

Presidents Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Kaunda of Zambia dominated proceedings. I suppose they were larger than life figures. They were then revered and respected leaders of the struggle for freedom in South Africa and there was a great sense of expectation around at the time. They made a striking impression on me at the time.

Zimbabwe was then a relatively free and open society, as was its economy. It had a fine reputation, as the House will be aware, for food production in the region. One could sense its great potential. It has a lovely climate, and agriculture and tourism were obviously areas with strong potential.

Years later I returned on an official visit with then President Mary Robinson to experience a more repressive authoritarian regime with a major emphasis on security for the Zimbabwean President and his Government. Effectively, it was a much darker place.

In 2002, when I was Minister of State for Foreign Affairs with responsibility for overseas development, visiting Zambia I managed to slip across the border to Zimbabwe to witness a most troubled, stagnant and impoverished country. It was so unlike the Zimbabwe I had first experienced, which had been a beautiful, content and peaceful country with the richest of culture and climate and the warmest of people who greeted us on so many occasions, as Deputy Howlin will remember, with their songs and their dance.

I rise to speak on this motion because it saddens me greatly that this once beautiful country is in ruins, that its people are suffering desperately in a country with a worthless Zimbabwe dollar, six figure inflation and 80% unemployment, and most importantly of all, where their basic rights of freedom of expression and the right to vote in a free and fair election have been denied.

This Dáil already passed a motion on Zimbabwe on 4 October last and as the then Chief Whip, I was glad to facilitate that debate. In welcoming this motion, I believe the time has come for robust political and diplomatic action at UN level, and especially at EU level, while the current diplomatic deadlock persists in Zimbabwe.

Especially, I support the view that there is urgent need for the broadest possible international observation in the run-up to and during the next election. The leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, has decided to return to fight the next round of elections but the international community cannot stand aside and allow elections to proceed without a major observer presence from abroad. What is required is a definite date to be agreed by the electoral commission, and which has the support of the international community, since any further delay will give the Zimbabwean Government and militia time to rig the voting and carry out more atrocities and attacks on the opposition supporters. It is most worrying to learn about the targeting of teachers who served as polling agents in opposition supported areas by ruling party thugs.

The Dáil should today call for greater leadership from the Southern African Development Community and encourage and commend leaders such as Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, whom I met during my visit there in 2002, to increase and intensify their diplomatic efforts. We need more regional leaders like the Zambian President to stand up for human rights and human dignity. That is what it is about. I was impressed with the Zambian President and I commend him for the leadership he has shown.

An international observer mission involving a strong EU dimension is essential over the weeks and months ahead and Ireland, because of its strong links with Zimbabwe, especially, as we saw when we were there, through our missionary involvement and our reputation internationally in promoting human rights, should be centrally involved in any such observer mission. I would be happy to participate in any such observer mission, if such arrangement can be facilitated. We should work closely with the Southern African Development Community to bring this about.

I agree with Deputy Michael D. Higgins who stated earlier that we should let it be known that we in Ireland are willing to participate in any such observer mission. I appreciate what has been stated earlier, that we have not been invited, but that is simply not good enough. There must be ways around this and we must work strenuously at EU level to ensure an observer mission is put in place, not only for the election but also beforehand.

According to recent reports, violence is now on such a scale that it is impossible to properly document all cases. On Friday last, Harare hospitals and clinics treated 30 people for broken limbs. Many innocent people have been killed and tortured. This House should be very concerned that a number of ambassadors to Zimbabwe were detained by police two days ago as they tried to investigate the violence inflicted on Zimbabwe's rural population since the election last March. It is most worrying that many people are suffering in rural communities, but nobody is there to witness what is happening or to protect those people. The initiative of this group of diplomats, which included the US and British ambassadors, is to be applauded. These ambassadors unearthed a lot of disturbing evidence of violence in rural areas and their courageous efforts demonstrate the urgent need for a strong international presence of observers in the country.

There is some political reluctance across Europe to take on Zimbabwe because of the post-colonial baggage involved. However, because of its history, especially in dealing with the land question, Ireland is in a unique position to raise the human rights abuses that are taking place. Just as we campaigned internationally against the apartheid regime in South Africa, so too must we apply equal standards and stand firm against repression in Zimbabwe. We stand in solidarity with the South African dockers who refused to unload arms shipments from China destined for Mr. Mugabe, thus saving further bloodshed.

Ireland has strong links with Africa, especially southern Africa. Our ambassador to South Africa has visited Zimbabwe on a number of occasions. We have a strong presence in Mozambique and Tanzania, two SADC countries which can bring strong pressure to bear on Mugabe. I know from personal experience that Zimbabwe has enormous potential economically, especially in agriculture and tourism. It is essential that Irish Aid continues to assist the people of Zimbabwe but we must redouble our efforts at national, EU and UN levels, working closely with SADC to ensure that a democratic election process is put in place. We must make every effort to have an international presence. We have a strong association with Zimbabwe and we should make it clear that Ireland is willing to be involved in an observer mission. I would be very happy to participate in such a mission.

I speak in this debate as a friend and supporter of Africa. I regret that we often have to focus on the negative issues on that wonderful Continent, populated by such wonderful people. I speak as vice-president of AWEPA, the body of European parliamentarians who support Africa and who have done so for more than 20 years.

I also speak as an optimist for Africa and for its future. In a period of gloom and pessimism, it is important that we acknowledge that there have been many shafts of light and hope about Africa. The NEPAD process is a structured African programme for economic and social development, and for co-operation between African countries. Many of Africa's woes have been caused by the aftermath of colonialism. The boundaries of the African countries were arbitrarily drawn by Europeans. In the NEPAD process, under the auspices of the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament, it is only now that new structures of co-operation to overcome that artificial division are being put in place.

There are important elements in the Pan-African Parliament and African Union processes, such as the peer review mechanism. Under this mechanism, the human rights records of different African countries can be scrutinised by other African countries setting their own standards, rather than by western countries or former colonisers. We did something similar over 50 years ago, when the Council of Europe set out the European Convention on Human Rights. There are also several regional bodies, such as SADC, the Southern African Development Community. SADC is a force not only for economic and social good but for ensuring that human rights can be vindicated within the southern African region.

Deputy Tom Kitt mentioned visits he and I made to Africa many times over the years. In one of our earlier visits, we interacted with SADC and we met the youthful general secretary of that organisation, Mr. Simba Makoni. It is interesting to note that he went on to become a finance Minister in the Zanu-PF Government, but became so disillusioned with the decline under Mugabe that he broke away from Zanu-PF and offered himself as an independent candidate in the most recent presidential elections in Zimbabwe.

These are signs of hope amid the doom and gloom. However, there are very deep clouds of doom and gloom that must be mentioned. Central to a sustainable future for Africa is political stability based on democratic principles that root out corruption. I am an optimist and I believe that is a process that is under way in Africa and it is something we must support. Deputy Kitt and others referred to the lack of baggage of Ireland. We can approach Africa without a colonial tradition, with only goodwill in our hearts and with no ambitions to seize political influence or resources, unlike many of the international forces and countries at play in Africa.

Support for democracy and transparent economic management is a fundamental requirement for future progress in Africa. We can spend countless billions of euro in developing agriculture and physical infrastructure, but if we do not have stable, political governance that is transparent and is not fundamentally corrupt, we are going nowhere. There are really big challenges across Africa. The AIDS pandemic is real and ongoing. It has been successfully tackled in some countries, such as Uganda, but it has had a devastating impact in sub-Saharan African countries such as Zimbabwe, Botswana, South Africa and Malawi. The impact of global warming on Africa will require an unprecedented degree of co-operation as it will bear down disproportionately on developing countries.

Zimbabwe was a beacon of hope and expectation for a new type of society that allowed different races to come together to build a new country and a new economy. Unfortunately, that hope and expectation is being cruelly crushed by the activities of an individual for whom I once had great respect, Robert Mugabe. Unfortunately, he has turned into a power-grabbing megalomaniac. He has brutalised his own people and turned his political movement into an instrument of oppression in his own country. We are all aware of the current situation. The outcome of the first round of the presidential election is unknown. A tally of the posted figures across the country do not square with the subsequent posted figures of the electoral commission.

Where do we stand now? Notionally, there is to be a second round. After much debate, the Movement for Democratic Change and its candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, have indicated they are willing to participate in the second round but there are those who believe there will be no second round. Yesterday, we saw the Zimbabwean justice Minister extend the limit for the second round of presidential voting until 31 July, overruling the limit set by Zimbabwe's electoral Act. There are many who believe that the constant delay in announcing the result in the first place and the pushing back of the second round is allowing a regime of oppression to rob the election and not allow the true opinion of the Zimbabwean people as to who should be the president to be heard and fully vindicated.

The international community has a responsibility to ensure the will of the Zimbabwean people is heard. Deputy Higgins referred to observation and the need to examine the whole registration process from start to voting, rather than sending people in a few days before the election. That must be done in a structured way. We must expend energies as a parliament, with colleagues in the EU and Africa, in achieving proper oversight of elections.

In the earlier debate on Burma we discussed the fundamental issue of the extent to which national sovereignty overrules the rights of the international community to vindicate human rights. While we respect the national sovereignty of every country, it was respect for national sovereignty that allowed totalitarianism to develop on our Continent. We need international rules and the post world war structures of the UN have hopefully set us on another course where international law will apply.

We must make it clear that those who are perpetrating atrocities will be held to account, that there will be no impunity, that the International Criminal Court will apply and that those who are acting against their people will be held to account in the court of international justice.

My colleague previously spoke about the land issue — I wish I had time to deal with that. I acknowledge the role Trócaire played in the Lancaster House talks process. The issue of land distribution, which was not concluded in the Lancaster House talks and was to be funded on the basis of the willing buyer, willing seller principle agreed at Lancaster House, was never funded by Britain. This has caused some of the issues that oppress us.

We have a unique opportunity as a country that was not a coloniser to set moral standards and build allies to ensure that the wonderful Zimbabwean people have their rights vindicated and that the cruel tyranny of recent times is lifted from their shoulders.

I propose to share time with Deputy Mary White.

There is an urgent need for the Zimbabwean electoral commission to set a date for the presidential run-off vote. The role of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, is crucial to ensuring pressure is put on the Zimbabwean Government to hold the election within weeks rather than months. The last time we discussed Zimbabwe was six months ago. At that time I stated that inflation was 1,700% and unemployment was 80%. Within the past six months, inflation has risen to 150,000% and unemployment to 92%. Matters have become dramatically worse within the past six months and there are major concerns.

I am concerned that the deputy information Minister, Bright Matonga, has said that under the Electoral Act the election could be delayed for up to 12 months for logistical reasons. That sets the alarm bells ringing. The escalation in violence is a cause of great concern and UN spokesperson Michelle Montas has warned that the increase in incidences of violence could soon reach crisis levels. The Zimbabwean Association of Doctors for Human Rights has reported 22 deaths and widespread torture within the past four weeks. Human Rights Watch has called it state-sponsored violence and the military has been involved directly and indirectly through the provision of arms and transport.

The key phrase comes from the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, who has called for the next phases of Zimbabwe's election to be free and fair. These terms are crucial to the next weeks and months. I am concerned about reports of attacks on farmers and their workers in the past month. The inherited knowledge of husbandry of the farmland of Zimbabwe is being lost within a short period. It was lost 20 years ago but within the past year the violence, riots and seizing of land has meant the loss of established farm practices, a note of major concern to us all. In addition, the fast-track land resettlement programme implemented by the Government of Zimbabwe post-2000 has led to serious human rights violations.

An extract from the Human Rights Watch report of 2002 stated:

Once some sort of stability has been restored, and violence ended, the competing claims of commercial farmers, farm workers, new settlers, and the state to land must be arbitrated by an impartial tribunal with authority to adjudicate disputes over land and allocate title fairly. The international donor community should give generous assistance to efforts to ensure a sustainable settlement to the land question in Zimbabwe.

On this island there is a precedent for the allocation of land. Throughout the 20th century the Land Commission operated and it allocated land to the less well-off in Ireland in a fair and impartial manner. We can look back on a relatively honourable and trustworthy body's history in resolving the challenge of a post-colonial era. Ireland can bring its knowledge of the Land Commission to Zimbabwe. As one post-colonial country to another, I hope we can find a role to give the knowledge and extend the hand of friendship through the Department of Foreign Affairs. I hope the new Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs with responsibility for overseas development aid, Deputy Peter Power, will use his skills and talent to bring the knowledge we have in Ireland to Zimbabwe. The new conflict resolution unit is up and running and could play a role in assisting him to allow Ireland to play a strong role in leading Zimbabwe to peace once more.

I am delighted and privileged to speak in the House. Over many years when I was a student we had family and friendship ties to Africa. Many of us who have experienced those ties have developed a deep friendship with African people. It is with a sense of great sadness that I speak on this motion. I spent many years as a bookseller, reading books about Africa, particularly the great novels of Karen Blixen who described the wonderful African people of Zimbabwe, Kenya and Uganda. I also read Thomas Pakenham's book The Scramble for Africa, which tells the bloody history of colonisation and what happened to proud people under that colonisation. The current political situation is of major concern to us in the House. The recent decision to allow the presidential run-off to occur as late as 31 July is worrying, as are comments by the deputy information Minister that under its Electoral Act there is leeway to delay the election for a further 12 months for logistical reasons. The world is watching and waiting for Zimbabwe to embrace more open and democratic processes. The world is impatient for this to happen.

The Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, EISA, which works for fair elections, human rights and good governance, sent observers to monitor the elections on 29 March. It stated that the unnecessary and inexplicable delay of the announcement of the presidential poll results has led to frustration, suspicion and anxiety among the contesting parties. We know this is a fact; we know also that voters and people watching are in a state of simmering tension.

It is apparent that the lack of transparency and escalation of politically motivated incidents of violence and intimidation in the post-election phase may not be conducive to a peaceful atmosphere ahead of any run-off. It is stated that the unexplained closure of the ZEC national command centre before the announcement of the presidential results raises serious concerns regarding the credibility of the tabulation process, the integrity of the election materials and, the reliability of the results.

We acknowledge that progress has been made in some areas regarding a more peaceful environment for elections in Zimbabwe to take place, spearheaded by SADC and the South African President Thabo Mbeki. I support the motion which calls on SADC to lead international pressure on Zimbabwe to complete the electoral process fairly and to resolve the current crisis peacefully.

I will conclude with the following quotation:

Once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide. This is Zimbabwe's moment to pursue the path of democracy and to show the world that Zimbabwe can choose an open and democratic way forward.

I, too, am glad to have an opportunity to speak on this important and pertinent issue which has engaged the world community for some considerable time. Despite this engagement, however, little or nothing has happened. In fact, Zimbabwe has slipped further into the mire in terms of the shackles it has imposed upon itself.

It is sad that a man like Robert Mugabe, who set out with such high ideals and aspirations and who captured the imagination of his people, has allowed his vision to become blurred with the passage of time. This is not the first time in history this has happened: it has happened to many other people and in many democracies. Much can be learned from these experiences.

I agree with Members who referred to the possible corollary with the Irish situation in terms of land distribution. The structures introduced here in post-colonial era could be usefully applied in Zimbabwe. However, they may not work because for reasons of political expediency it was felt there could be but one outcome. It is tragic that wealth and resources have been squandered in such a way as to leave people hungry and a country vulnerable. The moral of the story of course is that one can destroy all one's resources on the basis that those who have them should not have them and thus render them no good to anybody, in which case everybody starves.

I speak today in the presence of Deputy Michael D. Higgins who having been around the track several times is now an expert on these issues. How many times have we spoken on such subjects in this House? We have, during my time in this House, bemoaned what has happened and led protests nationally and internationally in this regard. However, nobody in the countries concerned cares. There are several examples of this.

If the internal situation takes on an impetus of its own and it is recognised that outside intervention is unlikely to occur or, that if it does occur, it will be of negligible impact, it will not be possible to get overall agreement. A classic comparison is Slobodan Milosevic. His strength lay in the fact that he knew there could be no unity of purpose among his neighbours in terms of how to deal with him. He knew that the UN was helpless and could do nothing in that situation and that he was in full control. The same situation applies in respect of Zimbabwe. Everybody knows that despite the best will in the world including, in the African Union countries, nobody has been able to force President Mugabe to recognise that the manner in which he was leading his country was wrong. No one could persuade him that the way in which he was heading was the wrong way to go and that it could bring only disaster for his people, black and white.

Several members spoke about international intervention by way of a peace corps supported by a Chad-like group. This proposal should be favourably considered. If nothing happens, the situation will degenerate to such an extent it will result in even more open conflict which in turn will lead to outright civil war and prolonged slaughter as has happened in several other countries. A resolution will at the end of the day be found and peace will be restored. It is sad that this is how things work. In the opinion of many, the world has not made much progress in terms of how we address these issues.

I do not know how effective aid can be particularly if we cannot get the aid to the people for whom it is intended. If we cannot divert aid to those for whom it is intended, then of what benefit is it? On the other hand, we cannot withhold aid until such time as there is in place a structure that will deliver it in the manner we want. We are caught; we have a problem.

Deputy Brendan Howlin and others referred to the health situation in Africa in general. We must bear in mind the need for proper, organised and co-ordinated health support systems. By whom these systems are delivered is becoming more important as time goes on. We all continue to table parliamentary questions in respect of issues in Africa in general. It is a particularly sensitive spot in terms of denial of simple and basic human rights. As time passes, this denial can often develop to the extent that the perpetrators of injustice become completely impervious to international opinion and it in turn becomes totally paralysed by virtue of the fact that without direct and controversial intervention nothing can happen. There the whole tableau stands.

Ireland has a particular expertise, knowledge and history of involvement in peacekeeping and, in more recent times, peace enforcement. It is generally recognised outside of this country that we have an expertise above and beyond that which is available elsewhere. We must recognise this and try to develop our resources in this area with a view to getting involved. Ministers for Foreign Affairs have repeatedly stated that whenever they receive a request they always consider it favourably. I fully accept this.

Mention was made of stability, which is important. I do not know how stability can be achieved in a situation such as this. Reference was also made to the UN. I do not know to what extent the UN is likely to be influential in organising recognition of authority or world opinion. I do not believe anything will happen there.

The next question is who else matters. Controversially, the EU is accused in some quarters of becoming militaristic, bureaucratic and colonialist in its outlook. I reject that entirely. However, the European Union collectively and its member states individually have an important role to play. It is a modern society with a population of approximately 500 million and that is a considerable lobby in anybody's book. It can and should use its influence collectively and if it does, it will have an impact. It has been brought to the attention of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, of which I am Chairman, that the European Union has responsibility in this area and should use its influence.

Developing countries where human rights abuses are taking place, notwithstanding their particular situations and the fact that no country wants to encourage intrusion by others, should recognise and observe the moral authority of the international community. When the international community puts up its hand, it is for a good reason. This reason has been well and truly established and I hope this debate will have a beneficial effect and the European Union and the UN or a combination of all will be able to become positively involved.

I welcome the opportunity to make a brief contribution to what I consider to be an important debate. I acknowledge the presence of the Minister of State, Deputy Tony Killeen, and I wish him well with his new duties.

Reference was made by Deputy Brendan Howlin to AWEPA, the body of European parliamentarians who support Africa, of which he is vice-president and of which I am proud to be a council member. It is important to put on record the approach AWEPA has taken on this issue. Not only has it been active on other issues relating to the African Continent, but in the past six months it has taken a particular interest in the crisis in Zimbabwe.

I wish the new Minister of State, Deputy Andrews, well in his role. He took the lead on our behalf in the discussion we had on this matter in the Dáil in December, when a number of Deputies raised concerns about what is clearly a serious issue. Matters have deteriorated since then.

It is right that we pay particular attention to matters in Africa. All of us in the House have issues and problems in our constituencies and our own challenges as far as the national debate is concerned. Ireland has always taken a particular interest in the African Continent. I have often stated that I come from a generation in which I had no idea where Africa was, but I always brought the penny into the nuns at the school I attended nearby on Clarendon Street. Those days were a long time ago, but I had a notion of what was going on without understanding and I have kept this interest throughout my community and political life.

I had the opportunity to visit Zimbabwe twice 13 or 14 years ago when I saw the situation for myself in what was a different era. I also remember corresponding with the then Prime Minister of Rhodesia in 1964, making remarks even in my young days about the country as I saw it. I received a great deal of propaganda from his office and department on the issues I raised. Here we are, a couple of generations later and, as other Deputies, including the previous speaker, stated, matters are not improving but are getting worse for the poor people of Zimbabwe.

Deputy Michael Kitt paid particular attention to all these issues in his short term at the Department of Foreign Affairs. Yesterday, his successor, Deputy Peter Power, made the point that urgent humanitarian crises such as those in Zimbabwe and other places would be top of his agenda. I was glad to hear that. The subject matter of our previous debate this morning was Burma and the situation there upsets me very much.

What is happening in Zimbabwe is worthy of the attention we are paying it. There is no question that all of us understand democracy. Three years ago, I had the opportunity to be an election monitor in Ethiopia with the former Senator Fergal Browne. We saw people almost fighting for their votes. They were up first thing in the morning, queued in sweltering heat and went without food and water for hours on end. I came home believing this was a major lesson for me and for all of us. In many democracies, and Ireland is no different, people take their democratic rights somewhat for granted. Perhaps on a day like this we should consider focusing on this.

The people in Zimbabwe are being denied many of their democratic rights. It beggars belief that several weeks after the presidential elections, the situation has been allowed to deteriorate. We now know that not only are the ordinary poor people of Zimbabwe suffering but last Sunday The Observer reported that the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights stated 22 people died and 900 were tortured during the past four weeks. The main opposition party, the MDC, claims that more than 30 of its supporters have been killed over the election period.

I cannot get my head around this. The abuse of human rights in Zimbabwe must be strongly condemned by the international community. I do not want to upset any other democracy but we should point fingers at other African nations. South Africa, through its administration and relationship with Zimbabwe, should be more proactive in trying to solve these problems.

Reference was made to the role Ireland can and does play. Ireland's reputation in African countries is such that we should take a strong and proactive role as far as the crisis is concerned. We should be insistent with South Africa and other countries which benefit from Irish Aid, such as Zambia, where I visited, Malawi, Mozambique, Lesotho and Tanzania. I hope the Minister of State will convey this sentiment to the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Micheál Martin.

I believe the Minister will take a keen interest in these matters because Ireland is no longer isolated as far as these issues are concerned. We should send a clear message to these administrations that we expect them to do more than they are doing. I do not believe they should stand idly by and allow what is happening in Zimbabwe to continue. President Mugabe will not lose any sleep because of me criticising him or challenging him to do something. We should be clear in condemning what it is happening because it should not be permitted in a democracy in this day and age. The poor people of countries like Zimbabwe suffer and this must be addressed.

I examined many of the issues in Zimbabwe in recent days. Many reports have circulated about post-election political violence in Harare and other areas. This should be not be tolerated by the international community and the squeeze should be put on those who should be doing something about this. As Deputy Durkan said, I hope this is not a toothless debate and I hope what we are doing here will be duplicated in other democracies. We should send a strong message that not only are we discussing this problem, we want action taken. If action is not forthcoming in the short term, I hope our Government and other European governments will outline what they will do while trying to balance the action they are prepared to take with the understanding that the poor people of Zimbabwe must be their top priority. The Minister for Foreign Affairs should discuss this with his EU colleagues. Where human rights abuses and difficulties with food supply are established, they should be addressed.

All those who have contributed are sending a clear message that this situation is no longer sustainable. The international community should not tolerate what is happening in Zimbabwe. I call for urgent action and an end to this. I hope that clear message will emanate from this Parliament and that other democracies will follow the Irish example and speak out about what is happening while seeking effective action.

I welcome the motion, which Sinn Féin will support, and I congratulate the Members who put the issue on the Dáil agenda. My party welcomes the acknowledgement of the importance of the African Union and the South African Development Community taking a lead in the search for a peaceful solution. Zimbabwe's history of colonisation and oppression at the hands of Britain means it is all too easy for the Mugabe regime to opportunistically represent protests from European or American governments or organisations as "western imperialism". Zimbabweans have suffered at the hands of western imperialism for long enough.

They are still suffering.

However, I am disappointed no room was found in the motion to commend the efforts of ordinary workers in South Africa and Mozambique on their actions in support of human rights in Zimbabwe. Dock workers in the South African Transport and Allied Workers Union refused to unload a weapons shipment bound for Zimbabwe at the end of April and the International Transport Workers Federation was decisive in preventing Mozambique being used as an alternate destination. More than 3 million rounds of ammunition and thousands of rockets and mortar bombs contained on a Chinese container ship would have ended up on the streets of Harare and other towns being used against members of the political opposition or innocent civilians. Knowing this, low paid dock workers chose to take a stand in solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe and they should be recognised for it.

I support the call by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions for the immediate release of the president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, Mr. Lovemore Motombo, and the secretary general, Mr. Wellington Chibebe. The release of all people who have been imprisoned for non-violent political activity should be part of what the Dáil demands. The attempted arms delivery is all the more ominous in the context of increasing levels of violence and oppression.

In recent weeks raids were carried out on the headquarters of the Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, and the Zimbabwe Elections Support Network, which deployed local observers during the recent elections. Children aged as young as 11 were caught up in the raids. The MDC stated 32 of its supporters have been killed in post-election violence, with eight dying in the past few days. The UN stated earlier this week that "incidences of violence are occurring in the communal, farming and urban areas and there are indications that the level of violence is escalating in all these areas and could reach crisis levels". Yesterday diplomats from a number of countries were stopped by police at a roadblock on the edge of the capital, Harare, on their way to visit hospitals where victims of the violence were receiving medical treatment. Police threatened diplomatic staff during the stand-off.

We need to provide what support we can to the African Union and the other organisations mentioned in the motion to ensure a peaceful outcome. I welcome the acknowledgment in the motion of the work being done by Irish Aid in Zimbabwe. Sinn Féin particularly welcomes the suggestion that we should look to aid the reconstruction of Zimbabwe's institutions and the protection of its economic assets. I recall Deputy Barry Andrews, who has since been appointed a Minister of State, making a similar point a number of weeks ago at an event in Dublin to mark Zimbabwean independence. He stated, "The EU needs to have some sort of Marshall Plan ready for Zimbabwe" once the political situation is calmer.

I agree with him but I would like to sound a note of warning. We have witnessed in recent years examples of aid being distributed by wealthier nations in the aftermath of both natural and man made disasters. In a number of cases, for example, in the aftermath of the Asian tsunami in 2004 and the rebuilding of Lebanon following the defeated Israeli invasion in 2006, these disasters were used to push an economic agenda. IMF aid to Lebanon was dependent on changes to the country's social security and energy sectors. All parties in the House will agree we have no wish for strings like this to be attached to any aid to Zimbabwe.

The human rights violations highlighted in the motion take place against a backdrop of extreme economic hardship for ordinary working class Zimbabweans. Credible estimates put inflation at 14,000% at the end of 2007. Compulsory school fees have been increased a number of times, thus denying children their right to education. Underfunded health services were struggling to deal with demand long before the latest outbreaks of violence. Staple foods such as rice and maize are in short supply and the World Food Programme estimates 4 million Zimbabweans are in need of food aid, which is almost the equivalent to the population of this State. This estimate was made prior to recent rapid increases in food prices in the developing world. There have also been reports of food being used as a political weapon by Mugabe supporters. In the run up to the first round of elections, areas perceived to be supporting the opposition were discriminated against in accessing cheaper maize controlled by the state-run grain marketing board.

I pay tribute to the actions of organisations in Zimbabwe such as Women of Zimbabwe Arise, which have peacefully taken to the streets to protest against these kinds of economic hardships and the political chaos that contributes to it. Men and women in Zimbabwe who stand up for their political and economic rights in the face of a brutal police force and a controlled media display a rare courage in doing so. I regret that, in applauding the work of governments and NGOs in opposing human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, no space could be found to commend those Zimbabweans who face these human rights abuses every day of their lives and continue to stand up for their people. Many lose their liberty for it and all too many lose their lives.

The Government and Irish Aid will continue to play the positive role they have played to date but more could be done. For example, there would be merit in taking the cross-party consensus we have achieved in the House on the motion to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. I propose the committee give serious consideration to inviting human rights organisations such as Amnesty International or representatives from Irish Aid or other aid organisations on the ground in Zimbabwe to give us the benefit of their advice on what we can practically do to assist the people of Zimbabwe. Perhaps the new Minister for Foreign Affairs would undertake to consider the report of such a meeting. With the support of all parties here today, this motion will undoubtedly pass. However, I am sure those here with me will agree that fine speeches and the passing of motions should be accompanied by action and I suggest that action is needed now.

I wish Deputy Micheál Martin well in his new position in Government as Minister for Foreign Affairs. I also congratulate Deputy Peter Power and wish him well on his appointment as Minister of State with responsibility for overseas development at the Department of Foreign Affairs.

The motion we are discussing today is very timely and I am delighted to have the opportunity to comment on it. Many Members have already outlined the violence and abuse of human rights that has occurred and continues to occur in Zimbabwe at the moment. Under no circumstances could anybody but agree with the sentiments that have been expressed by all sides in the House.

I would like to have a quick look at the history of Zimbabwe. In 1880, which is close to when Cecil Rhodes arrived in Zimbabwe, Ireland was at a position where the Land League under Michael Davitt was looking to have the Three F's — fixity of tenure, fair rent and free sale — put in place. In 1880, the boycott of the Erne estate at Lough Mask in Mayo occurred. The word "boycott" comes from the ostracising of Captain Boycott that occurred at that time.

It was not until six years after this event that Cecil Rhodes, having amassed a fortune in the diamond mines in Kimberley on the back of cheap black labour, saw that the conquering of the whole of east Africa would be to his advantage. By a trick involving a treaty, he effectively took control of the area now known as Zimbabwe — southern Rhodesia — as well as other areas.

It was not until the early 1900s, after Queen Victoria gave him the right to allocate land, that the large commercial farms were taken by white men. Effectively, this is in the living memory of some people alive today. That is how recent is the initial history of the land problem in Zimbabwe.

One cannot but sympathise with the Zimbabwean people, the colleagues of Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai and all of the people who support them in respect of the difficulties they have faced and are facing, particularly since 1980. There is no way that we in Ireland can expect the level of sophistication for a democracy, respect for human rights and the republican principles of justice, equality and fraternity that we take for granted in Ireland. Time is needed to develop these so that they become more sophisticated over the years.

There is a need for a change in attitude in US foreign policy in respect of Zimbabwe. Robert Mugabe had Communist tendencies in the early 1980s and wished for a single party government in Zimbabwe. However, one must recognise that there have been elections in Zimbabwe, that there were elections in the recent past and there will be finalisation of these elections in the near future albeit that violence and abuse of human rights that are unacceptable as far as European standards are concerned are taking place at present.

On its website, the US Department of State has a section on Zimbabwe. On 11 March 2008, the website said that Zimbabwe had a population of approximately 11.6 million. I understand that the World Bank and the IMF believe that the population is over 13 million at the moment. The website said that:

Zimbabwe, with a population of approximately 11.6 million, is constitutionally a republic, but the government, dominated by President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) since independence, was not freely elected and is authoritarian. The last two national elections, the presidential election in 2002 and the parliamentary elections in March 2005, were not free and fair. Although the constitution allows for multiple parties, the ruling party and security forces intimidated and committed abuses against opposition parties and their supporters and obstructed their activities. Civilian authorities generally maintained control of the security forces, but often used them to control opposition to the ruling party. The government engaged in the pervasive and systematic abuse of human rights, which increased significantly during the year. The ruling party's dominant control and manipulation of the political process through intimidation and corruption effectively negated the right of citizens to change their government.

This is contained in the US Department of State's website. I do not believe that President Mugabe was wrong when he responded by saying that President Bush has much to atone for and little to lecture him on in respect of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Mugabe said that "his hands drip with blood of many innocent nationalities, and today with the blood of the Iraqis". Mugabe dwelt on the US detention facility at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba. He said that:

At that concentration camp international law does not apply. The national laws of the people there do not apply. Laws of the United States of America do not apply. Only Bush's law applies.

Mugabe accuses Great Britain and the US of pursuing a relentless campaign of "destabilising and vilifying my country". He said the two nations have sponsored surrogate forces to challenge lawful authority in his country. Obviously, there is a divergence of opinion between the US in particular and Great Britain and Zimbabwe as to the right of Zimbabwe to carry on the way it is going.

Nobody who respects democracy and republican values agrees with what is happening in Zimbabwe at present but surely we must give every country time to get over its troubles and find its own way in the democratic process and the way it is run. It is accepted by the government in Zimbabwe that democracy and fair elections are the way to go. If or when the MDC comes into power in Zimbabwe, how much more different will it be from Zanu-PF? How much more different will the friends and cronies of the people in power be unless, as has been stated earlier, there is significant help and assistance from the EU in particular and Ireland, particularly because we are increasing the amount of money we will put into overseas development aid?

There is an imperative on the EU. We should in some way act as a lead country in a major stabilisation and reconstruction package for this democracy. Zimbabwe has a GDP of approximately €300per capita. Ireland has a GDP of €41,000 per head of population, yet we still expect from Zimbabwe the standards of politics that apply in Ireland. That is not possible, unless we put every effort into assisting the political process in Zimbabwe through a type of Marshall Plan, as suggested by Deputies Morgan and Andrews. Such a plan should be put in place as soon as the election of the new President has been completed.

I commend the motion to the House and I am delighted the initiative was taken. I hope Zimbabwe will be at peace in the near future.

I am very pleased to be given the opportunity to speak on this all-party motion on the democratic process, or lack thereof, in Zimbabwe. This issue was discussed at length in the House approximately six months ago and, if anything, the situation has deteriorated further since then. The Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs has discussed the ongoing terrible situation in what could be a prosperous country, certainly by African standards.

While I do not want to criticise a colleague, I take issue with Deputy Ardagh's question as to whether the MDC would be any different from Zanu-PF. I hold out great hope that Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai and his supporters, who have gone to extraordinary lengths and shown extraordinary courage in opposing Mr. Mugabe and his regime, will have a positive impact on Zimbabwe, should they be permitted to take office.

There is no question that the blame for the destruction of Zimbabwe lies mainly at the door of President Robert Mugabe and the ruling party, Zanu-PF. Mr. Mugabe has torn apart a country that was in the past, post independence from Britain, a very good example of how all citizens could work together for the common good. In African terms the manner in which black and white Zimbabweans were able to work with each other immediately after the fall of Ian Smith's government held out great hope for the future of the country.

Alas, Mugabe and his cohorts have raped and plundered this once relatively prosperous country, a country that had great promise, for their own selfish gains. This was shown very clearly in his land redistribution policies, begun in 2000, which saw viable farms torn asunder and split up by so-called veterans of the fight for independence. Agricultural production in the country has plummeted since this ludicrous policy was initiated — I use the word policy carefully here. The same applies to the so-called economic policy, which appears to be non-existent. Mr. Mugabe has created a country where 85% of the adult population is unemployed and over two thirds of Zimbabweans face food shortages. The situation is extremely serious and on top of that, there is an ongoing AIDS and HIV epidemic. Over 1.8 million people in Zimbabwe live with HIV and AIDS but are not receiving the medical support and treatment they so urgently require.

It saddens me to say that the international community's response to the crisis, which has been ongoing for over ten years, has been very weak and ineffective. If there was one regime in the world that should have been overthrown with international support it was, and is, this regime. I cannot understand how the international community can stand by and watch for over ten years as Mugabe plunders his own country and throws millions of his countrymen into abject poverty, where over 85% of the population is unemployed, two thirds of Zimbabweans do not know where their next meal is coming from and inflation is soaring at over 100,000%. The response of the international community, the UN and the African Union has been nothing short of pathetic and weak in the extreme.

The elections held in March this year were clearly won by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC. The results of these elections in a supposedly democratic country were overseen by an electoral commission appointed by President Robert Mugabe and filled by members of the Zanu-PF party. Free and fair elections are not possible in such a context. The commission's ruling that a run-off between Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai was required was nothing short of a corrupt and partisan decision.

I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the courage and leadership shown by Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai in persevering with the struggle against Zanu-PF and President Mugabe, a struggle which has been lonely and dangerous. This debate will not improve the situation in Zimbabwe. However, it gives me an opportunity to express my disgust with the regime in Zimbabwe and the inept response by the international community as well as allowing me to express the abhorrence of my constituents in Dublin North for the situation in Zimbabwe. It is simply not acceptable that the world has stood by and watched while the people of Zimbabwe suffer.

Regarding South Africa's role in this crisis, I am extremely critical of President Tabo Mbeki's performance as a supposed honest broker between Zanu-PF and the MDC. He has taken a pro-Mugabe position and even recently refuted the fact that Zimbabwe is in crisis. I note with some trepidation that Mr. Tsvangirai has decided he will contest the run-off election against President Mugabe. This is a brave decision. However, I have grave concerns that the election results will again be fixed and President Mugabe will find a way to cling on to power. The international community must ensure that international observers are in place to monitor the election, if not to actually run it, if needs be.

The people of Zimbabwe deserve better. They voted in massive numbers in the election in March at great personal risk. What support have they got from the UN and the international community? Precious little, I contend. How can we ensure their democratic vote is upheld? We must seriously consider a boots on the ground policy from the UN to ensure the election run-off vote is fully counted and that the decision of the citizens of Zimbabwe is upheld. The UN must take effective action to administer the country and ensure the democratic voice of the people is heard and the regime in Zimbabwe is changed.

I do not hold out much hope unfortunately. I read an article in the Guardian newspaper recently which recounted the type of intimidation and threats faced by citizens in the election in March. The article clearly demonstrates what Mr. Mugabe is about and what lengths he will go to hold onto power. A section of it reads as follows:

The patients at Louisa Guidotti hospital said there were eight men, one carrying a shotgun, another with an AK-47, others with pistols, and they went from bed to bed forcing out anyone who could walk.

Nurses were dragged away from the sick. Motorists driving by the hospital, 87 miles north-east of Harare, were stopped and taken from their cars.

About 70 people were gathered in the grounds. Then the lecture began. "This is your last chance," said one of the armed men. "You messed up when you voted. Next time you vote you must get it right or you will die."

This is a life and death situation. The international community must act now to save lives. South Africa, as the closest neighbour, must become a real independent broker. Ireland and this Parliament have a role to play. We have a good reputation in Africa and we could play a significant role in ensuring an improvement in the lives of the people of Zimbabwe. I agree with the statements made by a number of speakers that a type of Marshall plan needs to be put in place when Mugabe is removed from his current post as president, which it is hoped will be soon. If elections are rigged again, it is my view that the UN must step in and remove this dictator for the good of the people of Zimbabwe and the millions of Zimbabwaen refugees who have been displaced to neighbouring countries.

This is a sad occasion in that we are talking about the situation in Zimbabwe, the lack of democracy in that country and the brutal regime which governs it. I note the report today of the issue of a new Zimbabwean dollar banknote of Z$500 million by the Zimbabwean central bank with a value of US$2. This is an attempt to ease cash shortages in an economy with the highest rate of inflation in the world. The previous highest denomination note was for Z$250 million, issued ten days ago. The annual inflation rate is 165,000% and one economist said prices now double every week. The move comes as Zimbabwe waits for a date to be announced for a run-off in the presidential election between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai. Mr. Tsvangirai's opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, has condemned the government's move to delay the election, possibly until July.

It is part of a programme to give Mugabe and his ruling party, Zanu-PF, time to torment and continue a campaign of violence on the MDC. It is difficult to believe in this day and age that the people who run Zimbabwe cannot look into their own hearts, have a conscience and realise that we all have to live with the three plain principles of faith, hope and charity, of which they have none. There must surely be somebody in the Zimbabwean Cabinet who has some compassion, charity or love in them. I am reminded of the saying: "Do unto others as you would like to be done to yourself".

Amid the economic crisis, Mr. Tsvangirai gained more votes than President Mugabe but, according to the official results, did not pass the 50% threshold to be elected. At this stage nobody believes anything coming out of there. Mr. Tsvangirai says he was cheated of victory. Prices are now doubling every week. It is difficult to see how anyone or the country can survive even to the end of June or how an election will be feasible at all if things continue to deteriorate at this pace.

This is the fourth set of new banknotes to be introduced this year. In 1980, one Zimbabwe dollar was worth more than US$1. There has been a sad decline from independence in 1980 to the present day. Few people can live off the fat of the land. Just one in five of the adult population is believed to have a formal job and some three million people have left the country for a new life in South Africa. The economy has been in trouble for several years, with supplies of basic foodstuffs, cooking oil and petrol all running low.

The election run-off was due to be held by 23 May, 21 days after the results of the first round were announced, but the government has issued an emergency law to give it 90 days to organise the new poll. The electoral commission said it was not possible to hold the run-off so quickly. These people might be fooling somebody but I think they are only fooling themselves. Any government has a duty and responsibility to its people and this situation should not be allowed continue. How can people say it is not possible to hold a run-off so quickly?

The MDC says about 30 of its activists have been killed in a campaign of violence around the country aimed at securing victory for Mr. Mugabe. Meanwhile, the justice minister has proposed establishing cross-party teams to probe acts of political violence. He said that whenever there is a claim of an act of politically motivated violence being committed, they should form joint teams made up of Zanu-PF and MDC in order to establish the veracity of these claims. The MDC had threatened to boycott the second round of voting after accusing Zanu-PF of trying to rig it but over the weekend Mr. Tsvangirai said he would take part. He has been in neighbouring countries since the first round because of alleged threats to his life, but the MDC says Mr. Tsvangirai will return to address a rally in Bulawayo on Sunday. I wish him well.

Yesterday, when speaking on the Defamation Bill, I said that freedom of the press is the very essence of our democracy. Sadly, this is not the case in Zimbabwe where all media is controlled by the government. Broadcasters transmitting from Zimbabwean soil, as well as the main newspapers, are state-run and toe the government line. The press is dominated by two pro-government dailies, the Harare-based The Herald and the Bulawayo-based The Chronicle, both tightly controlled by the information ministry. To control the press to such an extent is wrong and they know it. Everybody is entitled to know what is happening. They are doing this because they are up to no good. If they were honest, decent people running a government, they would not mind letting the world know and letting their own people know what way they were running it. Private publications, which are relatively vigorous in their criticism of the government, have come under severe pressure. A leading private daily. The Daily News, was banned after a legal battle. The remaining independent press is largely confined to two weeklies, The Standard and The Zimbabwe Independent. Another weekly, The Zimbabwean, is produced in London and distributed in Zimbabwe as an international publication. As a result of rampant inflation, cover prices have spiralled and are beyond the reach of many Zimbabweans.

Publishers have been hit by escalating printing and newsprint costs. A range of draconian laws and institutions, along with prison sentences for publishing "false" news, are used to clamp down on critical comment. Journalists who fail to register with a government body risk imprisonment. The state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation operates the country's only TV and radio stations. ZBC formerly had two TV channels; its second network was leased to private station, Joy TV, which closed in 2002. Some of its programmes were said to have ruffled government feathers. Radio is the main source of information for many Zimbabweans. Although there are no private stations, the country is targeted by overseas-based operations. The Voice of the People, set up by former ZBC staff with funding from the Soros Foundation and a Dutch organisation, operates using a leased shortwave transmitter in Madagascar. Another station, the UK based SW Radio Africa, aims to give listeners in Zimbabwe unbiased information. From the US, the government-funded Voice of America operates studio 7, a twice daily service for listeners in Zimbabwe which aims to be a source of objective and balanced news. Radio broadcasts by foreign stations are deemed hostile to the Government and have been jammed.

The army is behind the new wave of violence. Mr. Mugabe is leaving a history of only violence. Somebody, somewhere, will have to do something. I appeal to his neighbours to try to do something. The UN proposal bans the importation of all arms into Zimbabwe. Anybody connected with bringing arms into Zimbabwe should be charged because it is not right. It is wrong and is causing too many problems for decent people. We would like to see an embargo on arms all over the place but particularly in Zimbabwe.

The order of the day provides that the Minister of State shall be called upon to make a speech in reply which shall not exceed five minutes.

I welcome the strong consensus which clearly exists in the House on the situation in Zimbabwe. I reiterate once again our utter condemnation of attempts by authorities to interfere in the electoral process in Zimbabwe, including, in particular, the vicious and sometimes sadistic assaults which have been perpetrated against opposition supporters.

The second round of voting must happen quickly, in keeping with the laws of Zimbabwe, and in a context which enables people to make a free and informed choice about their future. Ireland welcomes the willingness expressed by the Southern African Development Community and the African Union to provide monitors to observe the second round of the election.

Ireland would support additional credible international monitoring of the election process, to the extent this is possible. The consent of the Zimbabwean authorities, however, is necessary in a very practical way. Deputies will appreciate that unless international monitors are granted visas to enter the country, and access to polling stations and count centres once they are there, they simply cannot observe the process properly. The Government will continue to press pragmatically to change the balance in favour of a positive and democratic outcome in Zimbabwe, a country that has suffered more than enough over the past eight years.

Irish ambassadors in the southern African region, and throughout the continent, continue to discuss the issue with our African partners when opportunities arise. We know that many of them share our concern and outrage, and our belief that African citizens deserve and demand the same standards of human rights protection and democratic accountability as we expect for the citizens of this State.

The Minister will raise the issue at the General Affairs and External Relations Council in ten days' time. Ireland will support any further action by the EU to help create space for democracy in Zimbabwe. We, and all of the international community, must act with the best interests of the Zimbabwean people in mind, whether that means strong public pressure, or intensive efforts behind the scenes. We support any further action in the UN framework which can have a beneficial effect on the ground.

We are not overlooking the dire humanitarian situation which continues to prevail and worsen in Zimbabwe. The European Union and its member states remain the most important group of donors to Zimbabwe. For our part, the Government is committed to continuing Irish Aid support to alleviate the sufferings of the people of that unfortunate country.

In this dark hour, it is difficult to be optimistic about the future. However, I greatly admire the resoluteness of the Zimbabwean people in exercising their democratic rights in the most difficult circumstances. I believe this nation has the resilience to resume the path towards development once the rule of law is restored, and responsible economic policies and governance replace the destructiveness of the current regime.

Once conditions allow, I am confident the Government will have the support of all parties in the House in offering Ireland's assistance to the Zimbabwean people in their path to recovery. What is happening in Zimbabwe is a tragedy. It is an awful tragedy to witness a country that once had all the potential of this country, with its people divided, its democratic institutions in disarray, its civilians being harassed and the democratic process being destroyed. It is a great tragedy and one on which the whole world should unite to bring to an end as soon as possible.

Question put and agreed.
Sitting suspended at 2.55 p.m. and resumed at 3.30 p.m.
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