Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 25 Jan 2011

Vol. 727 No. 3

Order of Business

It is proposed to take No. a9, motion re sittings and business of the Dáil; No. b9, Finance Bill 2011 — allocation of time motion for Committee Stage; No. c9, motion re proposed approval by Dáil Éireann of the proposal that section 17A of the Diseases of Animals Act 1966 continue in force for the period ending on 8 March 2011; and No. 4, Finance Bill 2011 — Order for Second Stage, Second and Remaining Stages.

It is proposed, notwithstanding anything in standing Orders, that Nos. a9, b9 and c9 shall be decided without debate; Second Stage of No. 4 shall be taken today and the proceedings thereon shall, if not previously concluded, be brought to a conclusion at 12 p.m. tomorrow; the Financial Resolutions in relation to the Finance Bill 2011 shall be taken on Wednesday, 26 January 2011 on the conclusion of Second Stage, shall be decided without debate and any divisions demanded thereon shall be taken forthwith; the Financial Resolutions shall be moved together and decided by one question which shall be put from the Chair; subject to the agreement of Second Stage of No. 4, Committee Stage shall be taken on the conclusion of Second Stage or the Financial Resolutions, as appropriate, and shall if not previously concluded be brought to a conclusion at 11 a.m. on Thursday; any Financial Resolutions proposed in respect of Report Stage of No. 4 shall be taken on the conclusion of Committee Stage, shall be decided without debate, any division demanded on them shall be taken forthwith and they shall be moved together and decided by one question which shall be put from the Chair; Report Stage of No. 4 shall be taken on the conclusion of Committee Stage or the Financial Resolutions as appropriate and shall if not previously concluded be brought to a conclusion at 5 p.m. on Thursday, 27 January 2011; and the Dáil on its rising on Thursday, 27 January 2011 shall adjourn until 8 p.m. on Saturday, 29 January 2011 and business shall be interrupted not later than 10 p.m. on that night.

There are seven proposals to be put to the House. Is the proposal for dealing with Nos. a9, b9 and c9 without debate agreed?

I have never before attended a Dáil with such a depleted number of Ministers on the Government benches. I have never before faced a group of Ministers with such enormous constitutional responsibilities on their shoulders. It appears that the Minister of State, Deputy Roche, just missed the cut on this occasion.

I agree with the motion that was moved by the Minister of State, Deputy Curran. The other seven matters result from an initiative that was taken by the Green Party when it contacted Fine Gael in the context of its exit from the Government. Its decision to do so resulted in cross-party discussions about the opportunity for the Government to enact the Finance Bill 2011 in accordance with the budget that the Government and its supporters passed prior to Christmas. The Government has an opportunity to bring clarity and definition to the international confusion about the capacity of the Irish Parliament to do its legislative and constitutional work.

Obviously, there are different opinions about the measures contained in the Finance Bill to give legal effect to the budget. It is the Government's responsibility to ensure the opportunity now being presented to it, on the initiative taken by the Green Party in contacting Fine Gael and in accordance with the discussions of the Labour Party and all parties in Opposition, is implemented with sufficient capacity and resolve. The seven items mentioned by the Taoiseach are in accordance with the schedule worked out at a cross-party meeting with the Minister for Finance yesterday and, from that perspective — although Fine Gael has clear views about elements of the Finance Bill — we will afford the Government the opportunity to implement the Bill, although we reserve the right to have our views on elements of it.

This is an unusual Order of Business. It brings the business of the Thirtieth Dáil to an end, in effect, the day after tomorrow, and it will bring to an end a dysfunctional and now diminished Government by the end of this week. It sets a timeframe for the holding of a general election, which people all over the country are anxious to have, and which will enable them to make decisions about the future leadership of this country. It brings to an end a period of uncertainty and instability for our country and provides an opportunity for the country and its people to make a fresh start and move on from the recession and the political chaos that we have seen in recent times.

Since before Christmas, the Labour Party has been clear that this is what was required. I said here on the day the Dáil broke up for the Christmas recess that the Labour Party was agreeable to coming back in January and sitting until the end of that month to deal with the provisions of the Finance Bill, and that a general election should then be held in line with the commitment given by the Green Party when it announced its intended withdrawal from the Government in November that such an election would be called by the end of January. When it became clear, when we returned to the Dáil after Christmas, that it was not the Government's intention to comply with that timetable, I made it clear on behalf of the Labour Party that if the Government did not provide a timeframe allowing for a general election to be called by the end of this month, we would put the issue to the test by tabling a motion of no confidence in the Government. We tabled such a motion on 14 January this year. The Government refused to give time for that motion to be debated last week and it was due to be debated here this evening and tomorrow evening. I am glad that in response, a timeframe has now been set down which will bring to an end the life of this Dáil — although effectively on Thursday rather than tomorrow night — and through which we can be assured that a general election will be held and that the people will have the opportunity of deciding the future of the country.

The Labour Party is opposed to the Finance Bill, as we have made abundantly clear. However, we have been consistent in saying that we would be prepared to allow time for it to be debated in the Dáil and for the membership of the Dáil to make its decision on it, while stating that the Finance Bill itself, or any other measure, could not be used to further delay and drag out the holding of the general election and the provision of an opportunity to the people to make a decision about the future of this country. People all over the country want things to move on. We want to have a fresh start and get rid of the difficulties, despair and despondency we have seen for far too long. We want to recover hope and confidence and the sense of a new future. This Order of Business sets the timeframe. It is going to be done this week and the Labour Party accepts that this is the way it should be done, with a clear timeframe, an end to this Dáil and Government and a general election so the people can decide.

On 22 November last the Green Party decided it could no longer continue in Government and that it was an absolute necessity that the country had a general election early in the new year. In our very strong view, the people in this country felt betrayed and misled about the intervention of the IMF, and we believed that a fresh start was required. We also felt an enormous burden of responsibility and believed it was necessary to do the right thing by the country. That is why we agreed to go forward with a budget which was unpalatable but absolutely necessary, and we needed a Finance Bill to give effect to that budget. That was our undertaking and it is what we have done.

I will not go through the circumstances surrounding why we have to leave Government prematurely, but I welcome the fact that a modicum of common sense has broken out in this Chamber. At least we now have a temporary little consensus, if I may call it that, which will enable us to get through our business in the coming days. I welcome the co-operation of some of the Opposition parties, but it is important to recognise that it is also politically advantageous for them to go through this legislation as quickly as possible. They say they are facilitating this legislation, but they are also saying very clearly that they are going to vote against it. I believe consistency demands that at the very least they should abstain on that legislation. No less a person than Commissioner Olli Rehn has said that if this legislation does not go through, it will sent political shock waves not just through this country, but throughout Europe.

Therefore, I ask them to ensure they act responsibly, and follow through on this commitment to facilitate the legislation. They should do that and act responsibly now in the national interest. Let us face it, a Cheann Comhairle, the last thing they want to do as two parties going into Government is to face into the difficulties of a Finance Bill. That simply is the reality and it is important that I put it on the record of the House because we are embarking on an election campaign where people will give many false promises, I believe. There is one thing worse than giving no hope and that is giving false hope. People will tell the electorate that they are going to reverse cuts, and I do not believe they will. Let us have an honest debate about this Finance Bill, and an honest election.

I wish to put on the record that there is no consensus here whatsoever, temporary, little or otherwise. What Deputy Gormley is referring to is quite remarkable. What we see here today is yet another choreographed act in the farce that this Thirtieth Dáil has become. The Fianna Fáil-Green Party coalition has absolutely disintegrated. This Fianna Fáil Taoiseach is no longer leader of his party, having been caught out trying to carry off another masterful stroke here with the political process.

This facilitation of the Finance Bill is absolutely crude and objectionable. What the Minister of State, Deputy John Curran, proposed at the outset was that the Order of Business would be taken at the commencement of business. We have no issue with that and would always be of the view that the Order of Business should be taken first on any day, irrespective of anything else. What he did not read into the record of the House is that——

We are getting away from the brief comment provided for under the Order of Business.

Is it not strange that this is the first interruption? A Cheann Comhairle, he did not read into the record of the House the full proposition. What it seeks to do here is to deal with the sittings of 25, 26, 27 and 29 January. Oral questions, Leaders' Questions and Private Members' business, etc., shall not be taken. This amounts to a facilitation of no accountability while the Dáil is actually supposed to be in session. There is no accountability of this Taoiseach or Government, which is now reduced to the absolute minimum in terms of numbers of Cabinet post-holders at seven. There is no question that this is absolutely unacceptable.

What should happen is not a facilitation of the passage of the Finance Bill but the collective Opposition and other voices should be saying that the Finance Bill can wait and that the Taoiseach no longer has a mandate, even from his own party. He should go to the park and there should be a general election immediately, with the people passing judgment on the key points to be addressed. The passage of this Bill has been facilitated by other Opposition parties in this House and it will give legislative effect to all of the measures in the 2011 budget introduced here on 7 December. It will copperfasten the cuts in social welfare, the extra burden on ordinary families and the sell-out deal with the IMF and the EU.

Deputy Ó Caoláin will have ample opportunity to make all these points later in the debate.

That is what we are being asked to pass. I am making the point that the Sinn Féin Deputies can have no hand, act or part in facilitating the passage of this Bill. It is a point of great regret to us that other parties, including Fine Gael, the Labour Party and the Green Party, are all a party to seeing the Bill passed, irrespective of how they vote. This is a facilitation and there should be no facilitation that allows the measures contained in the 2011 budget and all that has happened since to be copperfastened through the passage of legislation. That is not our business. We object outright and will oppose this proposal. We will also oppose the Finance Bill at every opportunity open to us.

I wish to reply before putting the Order of Business. As we have stated all along, it is important that the Finance Bill is passed. We believe it is very important that this is done. That is a matter for the House to consider, taking up its responsibilities. Those supporting the Government will be voting in favour of the Finance Bill. I understand the Green Party will do likewise and others will consider the situation as we progress. I hope there is sufficient support in the House for the passing and enactment of the Bill.

It was suggested by Deputy Kenny that there is some confusion about Ireland's capacity to do its parliamentary and constitutional work. There is not; we are here to pass the Finance Bill during the course of the week at the insistence of the Opposition parties. The shortening of the timeframe for the consideration of the legislation has been accommodated through the discussions yesterday that took place between the Minister for Finance and the finance spokespersons.

The suggestion by Deputy Gilmore that the Government is not in a position to function is incorrect. We can confirm that the obligations undertaken in respect of the EU-IMF package for the first quarter of this year will be completed. The structural reforms required in the first quarter will be completed. Today, we had a Cabinet meeting that considered Committee Stage amendments, which will be put to the House in due course. Despite the fact that we are reduced in number, the workload of the Government is being taken on board by its members. Albeit for a relatively short period of time, it is important to let it be known that this Government is functioning as required by putting this legislation, by seeking to have the legislation carried and by carrying out our international obligations. Were people minded to do so, we have also indicated there is other legislation, including the NAMA (amendment) Bill, that could be taken before the House rises for the purpose of an election. That would be a positive signal sent by this House and the country to the effect that we are serious about our purpose and prepared to work with others should they be so minded to do so, parallel to this legislation. That is a matter that has not heard sufficient support. When people talk about the need to maintain our international reputation, completing this parliamentary work is an important factor in confirming and validating that fact.

There is also a suggestion of ending a period of instability. Certainly there have been political developments in the past week which have been significant but, first, I thank members of the Green Party for the work they have done during the course of our Administration. This is my first opportunity to do so now that the Green Party has made its decision to leave the Government while supporting the passage of the Finance Bill. I worked very closely with all of its members in their various capacities and it would be remiss of me not to articulate here my appreciation, as Taoiseach, since I became Taoiseach and before then as Minister for Finance, for their work and I wish them well for the future. I will not allow political differences to interfere with my personal relationships with the Deputies with whom I worked so closely.

Second, on the question of a fresh start suggested by Deputy Gilmore and moving to new policies, the whole election campaign will have to be about the pitch on which we all have to play. The pitch on which we have to play is the economic recovery plan that has been agreed. It is not a departure from policy that is required, it is the full and effective implementation of the policy framework that has been set out for this country that is what is required domestically and internationally. It is about who has the political capacity to implement those programmes to bring this country to full recovery that is the question. There will be many in the Opposition who will speak on this, and they are entitled to do so. I am sure that will be taken up in debate and that these proceedings here today will be not held up for that purpose. I make the point that we have just embarked upon a journey this country has to complete and it will be completed only on the basis of the sort of consolidation in our public finances which is critical for not only domestic but international investment and job creation. Much of the dialogue and rhetoric we hear is about job creation and seemingly jobs being able to be created at a time when people will not face up to the need to put our public finances in order to bring growth to our economy. That is the debate we can and will have. This Government can look forward to that debate because I am glad to say that, despite incessant opposition from day one, we have stuck to a consistent path which is working and a budgetary strategy which is working and will continue to work. That is something for which this Government, and those who support it, can argue very cogently in the coming weeks.

Rather than the politics as usual of motions and opposition, what we will need to see is not a party like the party here, or the parties in government, procrastinating or seeking to cling to office. This is a Government seeking to discharge its responsibilities to the country so that we can have our election against a settled background of a clear direction for our financial and budgetary policy during this crucial financial year of 2011. Having brought forward a budget which has met the requirements of the situation, we are in a position now to give legal expression to those decisions in this Finance Bill, on which I hope everyone will reflect deeply and take responsibility before we decide to divide in the normal way as if this was a normal situation. It is not, and it is important as Taoiseach that I say so, and I say so based on the authority of the office I hold.

In regard to what Deputy Gormley said about the reasons for the decision of his party on 22 November, it was our role in government then, now and in the future to dispel whatever sense of misleading Deputy Gormley feels the public had to endure. There are many times when a Government must, in the interests of protecting its taxpayers' interests, make sure it sets out parameters for discussions to enable it to get the best possible deal in the circumstances in which it finds itself. I do not accept any such suggestion of misleading the public. I firmly believe that people — who had other interests at heart, not perhaps our essential national interests — suggested that we had begun negotiating when in fact we had not, and they sought to bounce this country into a set of negotiations before I, the Minister for Finance or the Government were in a position to be satisfied that the conduct of those discussions would have an outcome with which we could concur. Ours was the correct approach.

The confidentiality of those preparations was totally in keeping with major financial decisions that are made from time to time. When we had our own currency, people were aware of what was required when a devaluation had to take place. People will know that it is not signalled weeks, days or hours beforehand. These are matters of such importance and seriousness that they must be dealt with in an appropriate way. They were dealt with in an appropriate way by this Government.

I thank the Minister for Finance for the outstanding work he did with colleagues in government during the time in question in order to have an outcome that means we now have the time and space in which to make decisions and proceed with policies resulting in economic recovery for this country consistent with the decisions and framework we adopted from the very beginning, at which time the magnitude of this crisis determined that our country's interests must come first, regardless of party political considerations.

Deputy Ó Caoláin referred to constitutional confusion. There is no constitutional confusion. It is only in recent times that the Deputy's party has come to recognise that we do have a constitution in this Republic. Our Constitution confirms that this Government is functioning properly thereunder. This Parliament is preparing to consider the most important legislation that will be considered before or after an election this year, namely, the Finance Bill 2011.

We did not say that.

Deputy Ó Caoláin also gave a cynical interpretation of the events I have explained on a number of occasions since the failure to execute a reshuffle last Thursday. It is not about failing to facilitate accountability, as was the Deputy's contention in regard to not taking normal business this week; it was, in fact, in the interest of executing and displaying the principle of accountability that I wished to ensure those who would advocate for the Government before an election would be people who would have the opportunity to stand and defend our party's decisions in government with other partners and, equally if not more important, set out a vision as to how Fianna Fáil sees this country being run, how society will develop and how its economy can prosper again.

Since the first day on which I took up and have had the privilege of holding the office of Taoiseach, my mandate has been questioned time out of number by various Opposition leaders, many of whose comments were quoted uncritically and pedalled in the media as something that had some constitutional validity. It is a vacuous, stupid statement.

The Taoiseach — be it I or any other holder of the office — derives authority from majority support in this House.

The Taoiseach should put down a motion of confidence in himself.

I know Deputy Doherty is a rookie.

An Taoiseach without interruption.

(Interruptions).

While Deputy Doherty is a rookie, the bottom line is that what I have described constitutes the basis of authority. To suggest otherwise to the Irish people is to show ignorance of one's own Constitution, as does suggesting it is only by election that a Taoiseach is elected. There are taoisigh who have held this office who have had the same authority as those who won two, three, five or ten elections. That is the position. If and when that is tested, the constitutional requirement and imperative is that the Dáil be dissolved and an election held. I am a bit tired of listening to the same old rhetoric being pedalled——

Put it to the test.

Deputy Doherty, please.

——that suggests this Taoiseach does not have a mandate in this Dáil. I have the very same mandate as others have had and hope and expect——

The Taoiseach's mandate disappeared on Sunday——

——as we come to the end of this term, that basic respect and courtesy will be accorded to me, even if it comes from the most unlikely quarters.

Question put: "That the proposal for dealing with Nos. a9, b9 and c9, without debate, be agreed to."

Will the Deputies who are claiming a division please rise?

Deputies Pearse Doherty, Martin Ferris, Finian McGrath, Arthur Morgan, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, Aengus Ó Snodaigh and Maureen O'Sullivan rose.

As fewer than ten Members have risen I declare the question carried. In accordance with Standing Order 70 the names of the Deputies dissenting will be recorded in the Journal of the Proceedings of the Dáil.

Question declared carried.

Is the proposal for dealing with No. 2, Finance Bill 2011 — Second Stage agreed to?

It is not agreed. As I indicated earlier I cannot agree to the facilitation of the Finance Bill. The provision in this proposal and the following ones——

(Interruptions).

Could we have some ciúnas please?

The proposal before the House is to facilitate the commencement of Second Stage of the Finance Bill. We have indicated we cannot support any facilitation of this Bill as it seeks to place legislatively all of the measures contained in the budget and the sell-out IMF-EU deal. There can be no doubt in anyone's mind as to the net effect of the passage of this legislation.

The Deputy has made his point; we need to move on.

I ask all parties and all Deputies in this House, who have indicated or stated at least allegedly that they are opposed to measures contained the Bill, if they are opposed to its passage. They cannot be both facilitator and opponent. I ask that all those——

We need to move on.

——who declare to be opposed——

I have five more proposals in addition to this one to put to the House.

——to the measures contained in the Finance Bill to stand in opposition to it and join the Sinn Féin Deputies in preventing its proceeding in this Chamber today.

Question put: "That the proposal for dealing with No. 2, Finance Bill 2011 — Second Stage, be agreed to."

Deputies

Vótáil.

Will the Deputies claiming a division please rise?

Deputies Pearse Doherty, Martin Ferris, Finian McGrath, Arthur Morgan, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, Aengus Ó Snodaigh and Maureen O'Sullivan rose.

It should be noted that seven Deputies opposed the proposal.

As fewer than ten Members have risen, I declare the question carried. In accordance with Standing Order 70 the names of the Deputies dissenting will be recorded in the Journal of the Proceedings of the Dáil.

Question declared carried.
Question, "That the proposal for dealing with No. 3, Finance Bill 2011 — Financial Resolutions, be agreed", put and declared carried.
Question, "That the proposal for dealing with No. 4, Finance Bill 2011 — Committee Stage, be agreed", put and declared carried.
Question, "That the proposal for dealing with No. 5, Finance Bill 2011 — Financial Resolutions re Report Stage", put and declared carried.
Question, "That the proposal for dealing with No. 6, Finance Bill 2011 — Report Stage be agreed", put and agreed to.
Question, "That the proposal for dealing with No. 7 be agreed", put and declared carried.
Barr
Roinn