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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 12 Dec 2012

Vol. 786 No. 2

Confidence in the Government: Motion (Resumed) [Private Members]

The following motion was moved on Tuesday, 11 December 2012:
That Dáil Éireann has no confidence in the Fine Gael and Labour coalition Government which has failed to fulfil its obligations to make political decisions and choices which benefit the citizens of this State.
- (Deputy Pearse Doherty).
Debate resumed on amendment No. 1:
To delete all words after “Dáil Éireann” and substitute the following:
“has confidence in the Government as it deals with the current economic crisis in as fair a manner as possible, while prioritising economic recovery and job creation.”
- (Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform).

I wish to share my time with Deputies Catherine Murphy, Luke Flanagan, Shane Ross and Mattie McGrath.

The Labour Party has absolutely no mandate for the policies it is pursuing - policies which make a blunt and brutal assault on middle and lower income families, children, the elderly, social welfare recipients and the working poor. On taking office last year there was a deliberate, shocking and cynical U-turn by the Labour Party. One should remember that it was to be "Labour's way or Frankfurt's way", that the poor and vulnerable were to be protected and the banks were not to receive another cent. What we have now is a savage assault on low and middle income families. This brings shame on the Labour Party.

The trade union movement, particularly the unions affiliated to the Labour Party, has a responsibility to stand up to the party and the policies it is pursuing. The unions must take responsibility because the ability of the Labour Party to pretend it represents the interests of workers is being supported by them. They must disaffiliate immediately from the Labour Party and start creating a new party of labour, as occurred in Clonmel in 1912 when James Connolly and Jim Larkin established the Labour Party. Unfortunately, that party has now turned its back on its founders, members and the general public. The leaders of the trade unions, including the bigger unions and those affiliated to the Labour Party, must take responsibility for this. They must disaffiliate from the party and start creating a new party of labour. If they do not do so, they will be as much responsible for the attacks on their members and the public as the Labour Party. They should do so immediately.

The benchmark against which the Government will be measured is what it committed to prior to the general election. It will also be benchmarked against three big issues, namely, debt, job creation and reform. The very fact that a figure of €8.1 billion is included in the budget to service the national debt is testament to the failure to negotiate a reduction or writing-off of some of the debt we should never have been responsible for assuming. Let me put this in context. When the Maastricht treaty was negotiated - I believe Mr. Albert Reynolds was Taoiseach at the time - the negotiators came back with £7.2 billion that was to transform the country. It was to be paid over five years. We are paying €8.1 billion next year in interest alone on the national debt. This obviously reduces the prospects for stimulating the economy and creating jobs. We have no strategic investment bank and the five point plan seems to have disappeared.

With regard to reform, there was an expectation that the political and public service systems would be radically reformed. I acknowledge that reform takes time, but under the Government, we have seen a series of box ticking exercises and minor changes that just tinker at the edges. It is not what the people bought into. If the Government is to continue what it is doing and does not do what is was elected to do, it should go.

At this stage even the Christians do not believe we should have confidence in the Government. I am not a Christian - I am agnostic - but I understand Fine Gael is meant to be a Christian democratic party. I received a letter from a priest today. It includes a sermon in which reference is made to the "wilderness" carers have been in since the last budget. The priest asked me to represent their cause in any way I could. The sermon states:

A Voice Cries in the Wilderness. Second Sunday of Advent.

There are many forms of wilderness. There is the personal and also the communal:

The wilderness of doubt, uncertainty, fear, breakdown, break-up, sickness, illness, unemployment, recession, debt, bereavement, enforced emigration ... the list is endless. The Church also has experienced a wilderness over the past number of years.

It could be said that Europe is in a financial wilderness ... and that Ireland is also swamped by this wilderness and the debt crisis that overshadows us all as a nation.

The Budget last Wednesday has generated a lot of comment. We all are aware of the challenging task that the Government has in reducing the spiralling national debt. We are also aware of the solemn pre-election promises that they made NOT to remove any grant or respite allowance that carers relied on.

One has to ask was this a promise made to dupe carers for a cynical grab for power?

I want to link the Advent theme of spiritual wilderness with various conversations I had on my First Friday Communion Calls - where I met people in long-term care and their carers who feel let down, dismissed and betrayed by the cut in the respite care grant.

Anyone who is sick or ill is vulnerable. They require the very best of care - not as a handout - but by right. The respite grant enabled both the cared for and the carer to literally have some respite from the constant demands that a carer's job entails. […]

This cut is unfair, unjust and unpatriotic.

This letter is from a Christian, which the Members opposite claim to be. They do not sound very Christian any more, do they?

If we had an audience here of the great powers of Europe - the Central Bank, the IMF, European banks and Irish bankers - perhaps the motion of confidence might be passed. There are those who applaud the Government and those great outside powers to whose tune the Government is dancing. Ms Merkel salivates every time the Taoiseach arrives in Berlin with a bouquet of roses. He goes as a puppet to dance to her tune. The Central Bank is very happy and the Department of Finance is delighted with the Minister for Finance, as we can see. The IMF and others that have lent us money are also pleased. It is very difficult, however, to say the Government has acted in the interests of the people of Ireland rather than those of external forces. That is the main problem I have with the direction in which it is moving. It is external forces that are driving the Irish economy and wagon.

The Government is not different from its predecessor. The Government which so obviously promised to differ from Fianna Fáil is, however, different in certain respects. It has certainly done fewer things that are so obviously corrupt, unethical and unacceptable and has a more honest appearance, but its economic performance is as bad, if not worse, because it had other options and refused to take them. I will vote to express no confidence in the Government because it has refused to differentiate itself from the economics of Fianna Fáil and the Green Party.

I, too, welcome the Taoiseach to the debate and want to take up where Deputy Shane Ross left off. He said the Government had options. Of course it did but, worse, it made so many promises. On entering office, the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and all of their colleagues, including the Ministers of State at the Departments of Finance and Health, Deputies Brian Hayes and Alex White, respectively, had the relevant books and papers, knew the state the country was in and did not have to promise anything. The last Government was to be banished from office because of grievous mistakes. The Taoiseach may laugh if he likes - bí ag gáire - but, like me, the public are tired. I put him on notice that the public are tired of his shenanigans in Brussels. They are tired of his trips and the "Heil Hitler". He is bound to Angela and giving her a kiss on the lips or fingers. The public are tired of this. What the Taoiseach needs to grow is a pair of you-know-what and tell Angela that we are a sovereign people, that we are in trouble and will not take any more of this penury and misery. The Taoiseach is an honourable man-----

It is Angela, with a hard "g".

I would say "Angera" is the right word. I do not know whether the Taoiseach talks in Irish, English or Latin to her, but when I hear that parish priests are writing to Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan, it is time for the Taoiseach and his colleagues to wake up and smell the coffee.

They should get out of town because the public are coming for them in droves. I wish the Taoiseach well; as he knows, I do not bear him any ill will. However, he should look behind him; his colleagues are not safe either. They are not saying in public what they are saying to him in private. Therefore, bí cúramach, make haste slowly. The next election is coming.

I call the Taoiseach who I understand is sharing time with the Tánaiste, Deputy Eamon Gilmore; Deputy Paschal Donohoe; and the Ministers of State, Deputies Brian Hayes and Alex White. Is that correct?

That is correct.

I welcome the opportunity to come to the House to defend the Government's record against this ill-founded and nonsensical motion. The motion, tabled by Sinn Féin, represents nothing more than a politically opportunistic act by a party that has nothing to offer in the national debate, except easy options and damaging policies. Sinn Féin's pre-budget submission was a con-job to avoid answering the most basic of questions about how it would manage the economy. It admits its wealth tax proposal was not costed by the Department of Finance and, incredibly, claimed that it would raise €800 million. The truth is that its policies would tax the country back into recession. Furthermore, the Government will not accept lectures from a hypocritical party which implements tax increases and spending cuts north of the Border, while opposing every such similar policy down here.

The truth is that the Government has been very hard at work clearing the economic wreckage left by the former Fianna Fáil Administration which left the country with a humiliating IMF bailout programme, massive bank debts saddled on the taxpayer, record numbers of Irish people unemployed and the highest deficit in Europe. That was its legacy and record. The current leader of the party opposite who sat in the Cabinet throughout all of those ruinous years chooses to come into the House to criticise the work and record of the Government in sorting out the problem. The date 9 March 2011 marked a fresh start for the country. The 12 months previous to that date were rocked by instability and crisis of leadership, while the country continued to sleepwalk deeper into crisis. Fast forward to today and the country, while still in a very challenging position with a fragile economy, is on a solid path towards recovery. We have made a start in tackling the country's problems and in getting Ireland working again.

Our first priority in government was to restore economic, financial and political stability and rebuild the international reputation of the country, in which every Minister, including the Tánaiste and everybody else, has played his or her part. Central to this was the commitment to deliver on our promise to engage constructively with the troika to re-engineer aspects of the bailout programme to give Ireland the best chance of emerging from the programme in 2013. Despite the constant wave of negativity from some of the parties opposite and other quarters that said it could not be done and that the Government was failing to secure agreement, we delivered on serious aspects of our promises. We secured agreement on reducing Ireland's programme loan interest rates and extending loan maturities which cut the cost of the IMF-EU bailout loans by more than €9 billion. We also secured agreement on the restoration of the minimum wage. We further secured agreement on keeping a large portion of the proceeds from the sale of State assets. We have secured agreement, in principle, to break the link between bank debt and sovereign debt.

I recognise that the burden on taxpayers is still very onerous. I will travel to Brussels tomorrow to continue the discussions on the framework for a single European bank regulator. Separately, Irish officials continue to work with the European institutions on a solution to the promissory note issue. I am hopeful progress will be made in the coming weeks and months as we continue to work to make Ireland's recovery stronger and more sustainable.

The focus of the Government is and has to be on providing more jobs. I do not accept that we have to be saddled indefinitely with current high rates of unemployment, slow growth and a squeeze on disposable incomes. These are neither inevitable nor tolerable. Our ambition is to move beyond the level of progress achieved to date and tackle these key issues head on. For this reason, we have deliberately focused on job creation and are committed to ensuring our policies support strong and sustainable employment growth into the future. We are committed to adding 100,000 jobs to the economy by 2016 and have 2 million people in employment by 2020. To achieve this, as I have said on many occasions, I want Ireland to be recognised as the best small country in the world in which to do business by 2016.

In our first 100 days in office we introduced the jobs initiative, with a range of tax supports to help job intensive industries such as the tourism and hospitality sectors, in which employment has grown in the past year. The 2012 budget had a real focus on encouraging the foreign direct investment sector to expand further in Ireland and help Irish companies to expand further abroad. Throughout the course of the year we have had a series of major investment and jobs announcements by both indigenous and foreign companies, including the Kerry Group, Paypal, Apple, Mylan, Voxpro, Paddy Power, EA Games, Arvato Finance and so on. Last year saw exports reach new heights, with a record figure of €173 billion, 10% higher than in 2007, the highest pre-crisis figure. A good export performance is expected again this year and nobody can deny the importance of this. Earlier this year we launched the comprehensive and detailed Action Plan for Jobs. The plan is about taking incremental and necessary action right across government to support enterprises to grow and create and retain jobs. In tandem with this, we launched the Pathways to Work scheme which represents a complete restructuring and fundamental reform of welfare services and the way we support jobseekers and treat them as individuals who can make a real contribution to a company, not just as statistics.

We have looked to maximise private investment in much needed infrastructure. Last year we announced the establishment of NewERA and a strategic investment fund. To improve the availability of credit for business, the credit guarantee scheme commenced in October this year. Initially, the scheme will facilitate the provision of up to €150 million in additional lending per annum for SMEs, in addition to the lending targets set for the pillar banks. A microfinance scheme also opened for business in October. While unemployment is still unacceptably high and its effects are felt far too wide, the most recent quarterly figures show that the position on employment has stabilised. The pro-job measures included in the budget last week were aimed at building on these first steps to encourage greater job creation and investment. People should be aware that in the three years prior to the Government taking office 250,000 jobs had been lost in the private sector in Ireland and that 20,000 new private sector jobs have been created in the past 12 months. The package of initiatives included in the budget announced last week aimed specifically and without apology at the small and medium enterprise sector hold real possibilities for job expansion in the future. The budget is a building block in the transition from the old failed economic plan based on property speculation and debt to a new competitive economy for the future.

Fixing the national finances and putting them back on a sound footing is a prerequisite for job creation and economic growth. I make no apology for supporting the vital need to reduce the national deficit to more sustainable levels. To this end, we are fully committed to meeting the 2013 deficit ceiling of 7.5% of GDP and reducing it to below 3% by 2015. This is not an easy budget for Ireland or its people. We never said the mandate given to us or the responsibility taken on by the Government would be easy or that we had turned a corner, seen green shoots and so on. We always said this would be the most challenging budget in the lifetime of the Administration and that the Government had taken on an unprecedentedly difficult task in accepting the mandate of the people to sort out the country's problems. We inherited an Ireland in a bailout programme, shut off from the international funding markets and reliant on funding support from our international partners. Today we are in a position where we have begun to borrow in international markets again and the interest rate on ten-year Irish bonds is down to 4.6% compared to a rate of more than 15% last year. The banks and utilities are able to access the markets once again for funding for investment and we remain on course to exit from the programme successfully in 2013.

I appreciate the patience, co-operation and sacrifice of the people as we make these tough decisions in the interests of the country and all the people. Where changes have been introduced in the past two years, we can see the benefit, with the changes beginning to produce real results in job creation and investment.

The Fianna Fáil Party, now absent from the Chamber, implemented across the board cuts to basic core welfare rates for carers and the blind. It signed up for a property tax when in government, only to state it does not want it now.

Sinn Féin, a party with uncosted economic plans, would tax the country back deep into recession, while trying to reconcile its severe split personality problem as it continues to implement cuts and increased property taxes north of the Border. How hypocritical of speaker after speaker to say that. Notwithstanding these facts, the Government stands on its own record.

Where is the Labour Party?

Take it easy, Mattie.

Every day I speak to people who understand tough decisions must be made in these difficult economic circumstances.

Will the Labour Party be here at 9 p.m?

They ask us to keep on this path in as fair and equitable a way as we can. We will get the country back to work, emerge from the bailout programme, restore our economic sovereignty and offer hope, inspiration, comfort and motivation to the people by creating wealth and job opportunities in the time ahead.

And peace and quiet.

The Government was elected to resolve the deep crisis inflicted on the country. This is a crisis with its roots in the greed and recklessness of the banks and the developer class, as well as the irresponsibility and political opportunism of the party opposite that they supported. For too many of the people, the crisis is about surviving. It is about surviving the loss of a job, with a business intact, providing for their children, keeping their home and keeping going. What they really want to know - the question they ask of every Member - is what we are doing to fix the problem.

That is what we are asking the Tánaiste tonight.

What are we doing by our actions to leave the country in a better position than we found it? That is what every single Member was elected to do, not to exploit the problem but to fix it. The motion tabled by Sinn Féin is about exploiting the problem. It is not an attempt to be constructive or about offering an alternative approach. It is sheer political opportunism, which is nothing new for Sinn Féin.

Ask Deputy Pat Rabbitte about opportunism.

Only three weeks ago, out of the blue, it had a sudden conversion to legislating for the judgment in the X case because a tragic case had pushed it to the top of the news.

We made our case then.

Please, let the Tánaiste continue.

Yet when the report of the expert group on the ABC judgment was published, a report which outlines the options to achieve a clearer, safer legal framework for pregnant women, Sinn Féin Deputies were nowhere to be found.

We had already made our case.

The Tánaiste did not do anything.

Only three Sinn Féin Members bothered to speak on the report in the House. Then they asked for the time allocated to that debate to be cut short. It seems that party's passion only lasts as long as the next news cycle. There is no interest in solutions, just soundbites.

That is a bit rich coming from the expert on soundbites.

The Government was elected by the people on a single promise and with a single purpose - to solve the crisis and to do so in a way that was fair and balanced.

Is this Frankfurt talking?

The Labour Party made a hundred promises at the last general election.

Unlike others, the parties in the Government have not promised fairy-tale solutions to the complex problems the country faces. This is a three-pronged crisis - there is a banking crisis, a fiscal crisis and an unemployment crisis. We have to tackle all three and do not have the luxury of picking and choosing our fights.

The Labour Party got away with it.

The Labour Party went to the people and entered Government with the same mandate.

Labour's way or Frankfurt's way.

(Interruptions).

Deputy Mattie McGrath is just a loudmouth.

Labour's way or Frankfurt's way.

(Interruptions).

We promised to fix the banks at the lowest possible cost and are doing so.

Labour's way or Frankfurt's way.

Deputies

Be quiet.

(Interruptions).

Deputy Mattie McGrath, will you keep your mouth shut?

If he would just keep quiet, he might learn something.

He is a serial interrupter.

The people who sent us here expect us to be serious. If there are Members who want to act the clown, let them go off and act it somewhere else.

Economic treason.

There is no one solution, such as defaulting on our debts, which would only rebound on our children and their children. There is no one tax that someone else always pays that will make our problems go away. Instead, the Labour Party was honest with the people. We said it would be difficult and that every single person would have to play his or her part and that every aspect of public spending would be on the table.

Tell the people that.

Like cutting child benefit.

Those who can afford to bear a greater share of the burden will do so. In this and the last budget it was the Government's priority to protect the incomes of low and middle income households, while also making the necessary decisions to continue fixing the public finances, as well as helping to encourage job creation. Yes, we have had to cut expenditure and there is no easy way to do this. Between them, the areas of social welfare, health and education account for 80% of Government spending. It is simply wrong to pretend they can be sheltered from all cuts.

The approach of the Government has been realistic and fair. The social protection budget accounts for 40% of public spending, but it only accounts for 10% of the €3.5 billion adjustment. We have protected the most important payments for those who depend on social welfare.

What about carers?

Like cutting child benefit.

Their weekly rates are unchanged. We found the money to reduce the amount asked for from the Departments of Health and Social Protection by €150 million each. We have protected class sizes for primary schools, special needs and disadvantaged schools, protected household benefits for older people and, as far as possible, the aid we give to the world's poorest people. We have restored the budget for home helps and home care packages. We have reinvested €30 million in 6,000 child care places for low income parents, school meals, tackling child poverty in the most deprived communities and10,000 extra training places for people out of work.

The Government took it out of their pockets.

This is a farce.

We have done so in a way which raises more than €500 million from the assets and income of the highest earners, wealth that is not captured by the PAYE system, into which the majority of people pay, such as large pension pots, multiple properties, rental income, share dividends, the buying and selling of assets or private income streams.

And the sale of VEC sites.

That is a €500 million contribution from real wealth that has up to now been lightly taxed, if at all. Unlike the Deputies opposite, members of the Government actually want to solve the problem.

The Government is making it worse.

We do not pull magic figures out of thin air like Sinn Féin and its pretend wealth tax that excludes pension pots, family mansions, farms and whatever else might lose the party votes.

Has the Government even tried to introduce a wealth tax?

Even Deputy Pearse Doherty has admitted he cannot say how much such a tax would raise. Sinn Féin's tax proposals have more holes than its leader's biography.

(Interruptions).

As for Fianna Fáil, its approach to the budget has been a tour de force of cynicism. When the country was high on receipts from a property bubble that was rapidly overheating-----

The Tánaiste is overheating.

-----it was all down to Fianna Fáil's economic genius. When that bubble burst, taking the banks and the economy down with it, it was all the fault of Lehman Brothers.

The parties opposite wanted greater spending at the time.

Now Fianna Fáil is in opposition, it is the fault of the Government elected to clean up its mess.

The parties opposite wanted more.

In Fianna Fáil's scramble to distance itself from promises it had made to the troika such as a property tax, it has left the last scraps of its dignity behind, exposing the full breadth of its naked self-interest. The Government - every one of the Members who sit on these benches - is in this fight for a reason. We are moving forward, day by day, taking the steps that will stabilise the finances, get the economy moving, businesses hiring and us out of the bailout programme. The alternative proposed would have us moving backwards. We are taking the decisions that will stop the Exchequer haemorrhaging money. The parties opposite are bottling it. We are laying the foundations for a recovery that will last. The parties opposite are playing a short-term political game.

The Government is punishing carers and women. Well done, Tánaiste.

In the past 20 months the Government has made significant progress.

It has stopped the rot in the banks and got credit moving again, with new initiatives, where necessary. It has restored our international reputation with foreign investors and jobs are returning.

While people are suffering.

While they are emigrating.

Exports are growing again. We are turning our energies to helping people get off the dole and into jobs, to gain work experience or take up training. A stimulus package focused on job creation, health and education has been introduced. We are taking a balanced approach to spending, while protecting those who need it most and getting more from public services.

For God's sake, this is propaganda.

We know the sharp end of the crisis is being felt every day in households in every town, village and suburb. We will not exaggerate our achievements, but the end is in sight. We will win this fight and say goodbye to the troika at the end of next year.

The Government will be saying "How high?" to the troika then.

When the economy is sound and healthy, and more jobs and opportunities are being created, it will be the men and women of the Government alone who will be able to say we stood shoulder to shoulder with the people at the country's darkest hour.

How dare the Tánaiste say that? I did not see him standing shoulder to shoulder with carers outside Leinster House yesterday.

We will be able to say we did not falter because the task was too hard.

Deputy Pearse Doherty, please sit down.

(Interruptions).

The Tánaiste is making a mockery of the people.

How dare the Tánaiste say that? He did not stand shoulder to shoulder with carers or those who lost child benefit.

The country has had enough of bullying tactics from Sinn Féin, and we are not going to listen to their fairy-tale economics on top of that. The Government is solving the country's economic problems. We are going to continue with that mandate and we are not going stop it.

Go back to the people, then.

The Government is cutting child benefit.

(Interruptions).

Can I ask all Deputies to show respect? Deputy Byrne and Deputy Ferris, please.

A little less of Sinn Féin's histrionics.

(Interruptions).

Deputy Ferris and Deputy Byrne, please show some respect to each other, if not to the House, and let the speakers make their speeches properly. Deputy Paschal Donohoe has three minutes.

(Interruptions).

The Sinn Féin general election manifesto simply states that Sinn Féin is committed to no further drawing down of the EU-IMF loan. It goes on to say that for the remainder of 2011 resources from the National Pensions Reserve Fund and Exchequer funding from the Central Bank should be used to run the State. This is very simple. Having campaigned on a platform of telling the troika to go home, those in Sinn Féin would now come in here and happily troop up to meet them every 12 weeks.

What is he talking about?

Their performance in the 31st Dáil has been an exercise in studied and deliberate cynicism. Their agenda is simple: to replace another party as Leader of the Opposition.

Fine Gael has done that. It is all right.

Their view is that nothing can be allowed to get in the way of this, not even the truth. The truth is perfectly simple: our country, due to the efforts of our people, is slowly but steadily fighting our way out of bankruptcy. The people are faced with choices that are neither of their making nor of the making of this Government. The truth is that Sinn Féin has taken the mantle of Fianna Fáil. That party, whose members are absent this evening, proudly proclaimed when in government that when it had money it would spend it. We still do not have the money but those in Sinn Féin still want to spend it.

The Government is spending it on bailing out the banks.

Their explanation of where this money is coming from shows the real depths of their cynicism. As the Government works to stabilise our banks and get deposits back in order that can be lent out to Irish businesses and families, Sinn Féin wants to impose a wealth tax on them. Such a wealth tax would get the same deposits to move out of the country, further weakening the banks and condemning our people to another cycle of bank runs and bank bailouts.

It would go to other parts of Europe.

We need not pore over the leaflets printed by Deputy Ó Snodaigh to see what Sinn Féin does in Ireland, because its role in the Northern Ireland Assembly already makes it clear. It is implementing a property tax up there while it opposes one here.

I was aware that Sinn Féin was advocating a two-state solution for the Middle East but I did not realise it was advocating the same solution for our economic crisis here. It is a case of partition when it suits Sinn Féin.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Due to the solidarity and support of the people, the Government has succeeded in creating an environment in which growth can return. There are some signs of stability, lower borrowing and jobs being created after years of job losses.

There are lower wages too.

As Sinn Féin is consumed by getting its numbers up in the opinion polls, we are driven by getting the numbers down on the live register and down on our monthly borrowing needs.

That is due to emigration.

The Sinn Féin finance spokesperson said: "[I]t is my firm belief that in the second half of 2013 Ireland will be unable to return to the markets and will need additional financial intervention by the EU and IMF." We are back in the markets now. This is typical of the gospel of despair and the Sinn Féin agenda of anger. It is an indictment of all it stands for that when our country is back at work and when we wave goodbye to the troika, the only people that will still be disappointed and angry will be those in be Sinn Féin.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to make some remarks. What is absolutely clear in this debate is that those in the Sinn Féin Party would say anything, do anything and lie about anything as a means of taking control in Ireland.

He should ask the Minister, Deputy Pat Rabbitte, about that.

What about the Labour Party manifesto?

I did not interrupt the Deputy yesterday. I notice that every time the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste inform the House of a jobs announcement on a Wednesday or a Thursday and every time they give the House information which is important for the people, the heads drop across the floor because they do not want to hear the good news.

A Deputy

Hear, hear.

Sinn Féin's tactic has always been to maximise its own political ends, as we know well from Northern Ireland. Those in Sinn Féin have no interest in the future or in getting the country back to work because it does not suit their political agenda. The Sinn Féin tactic has been exposed, particularly in its most recent pre-budget submission. Only two weeks ago Deputy McDonald and I debated on national television. It was clear that she did not know the Sinn Féin pre-budget submission, but I do not blame her for that because it changes every 12 hours. The Sinn Féin position changed suddenly. After the election Deputy Doherty said they would get rid of the universal social charge. As Deputy Donohoe reminded the House recently, the first motion in the House from Sinn Féin sought to get rid of it. Where stands the Sinn Féin commitment on that now?

Some 286,000 people would get out of the universal social charge under our pre-budget submission.

No interruptions, please. Deputy Brian Hayes.

I see the angry young man is back with us. The same decibels will not work.

It is fascinating. When one examines all of Sinn Féin's promises on VAT, the universal social charge and, as the Tánaiste noted, on wealth, the numbers do not add up. The Sinn Féin objective of getting €800 million from a wealth tax was based on a reply to one parliamentary question from the Department of Finance. That is brilliant. If ever there was an example of North Korean economics and a go-it-alone approach, it was from our colleagues opposite.

(Interruptions).

There is a good deal of similarity between the United Kingdom Independence Party in Britain and Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin and the UKIP are both anti-European parties, both ultra-nationalist parties and they both want their countries to fail.

So says the Fine Gael Tory boy.

The most recent antics of Sinn Féin's pre-budget submission and the antics with regard to the motion in the House this evening have shown that they have nothing to offer the people and they have been badly exposed.

I call the Minister of State at the Department of Health, Deputy Alex White. There are only three minutes left in the slot.

There has been much talk about choice in this debate. It is true that there are some limited choices because of the constraints the Government and the State are facing, but there are choices nevertheless.

Ask Deputy Róisín Shortall about that.

The motion is premised on the notion that there is an altogether different way of addressing the crisis we are in and that a grand plan is available, a better plan with an alternative strategy, which, if the Government would only yield to it, would solve all our problems. That is a manifest falsehood. No other combination of parties or Deputies in this House has advanced such a plan. No other combination of parties or Deputies in the House could form a credible government or a government that could even begin to address the problems faced by the people in anything like a fair and balanced way, as we are doing. One need only look around. What other combination of Deputies could achieve a majority in this House? Certainly, no government involving the Fianna Fáil party could command even the minimum level of support or respect from the people, given what it is responsible for. As for those in the Sinn Féin party that tabled the motion, they are perpetrating a fraud on the people. To demonstrate this one need only take a cursory glance at their submission. I am referring directly to their submission; it is not an idle attack from anywhere. They have chalked down €800 million in revenue from a wealth tax, a tax that excludes working farms expressly and not by implication. Can they define working farms?

It is not rocket science.

It refers to business assets. Does that include all such assets? It refers to pension pots. Does that include all pension pots? Up to 20% of the family home is also left out. What remains? What would Sinn Féin tax to get a revenue of €800 million from this so-called wealth tax? Who is it fooling?

By the way, we will be discussing the property tax on Friday. We now know that Sinn Féin is in favour of taxing 80% of the family home. That was the balance, last time I looked, between 20% and 100%. Now it would appear Sinn Féin is 80% in favour of a property tax.

It is utterly false to suggest we have not protected the weak in this difficult budget. That is precisely what we have done. It is false to say that we have not taxed wealth or that the wealthy elite have escaped, as Deputy Ó Caoláin was suggesting earlier, although that was a point lost on Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn last night. He announced to the Dáil that his party was opposed to the DIRT proposals contained in the budget measures and that it would vote against them. Check the record.

That is a tax on wealth.

He relented some minutes later, presumably out of sheer embarrassment, having heard Deputy Fleming praise the measure as "taxation on people with large amounts of money sitting in the bank". It then dawned on the Sinn Féin party that this was perhaps a measure taxing wealth.

I accept that the Labour Party has not been able to do everything it advocated in the manifesto it put to the Irish people. We obtained 19% of the vote and had 37 Deputies elected. It was not realistic for us to form a Labour Party Government. No party was in a position to form a Government on that occasion.

Labour's way or Frankfurt's way.

There had to be compromise and there has been. I have no doubt there were difficult negotiations leading up to this budget. The people of Ireland expect the parties in government to work together in a coherent way.

They expect honesty.

Who is up or down and which policy was or was not implemented is not important. This is about the serious business of government. Fine Gael and the Labour Party is the only combination of parties that can deliver that.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The next speaker is Deputy Mary Lou McDonald, who I understand is sharing time with Deputies O'Brien, Tóibín and Stanley. Deputy McDonald has ten minutes, Deputies O'Brien and Tóibín have five minutes and Deputy Stanley has ten minutes.

On the first day this Dáil met we were urged by two young first-time Government Deputies to hang out our brightest colours to welcome the election of Deputy Kenny and Deputy Gilmore as Taoiseach and Tánaiste, respectively, and to embrace the historic moment that the Fine Gael-Labour Party union represented. While the naivety of those Deputies is one thing, the calculated cynicism of their senior colleagues is quite another. Twenty months on and two budgets later, that cynicism is writ large. The promise of the democratic revolution was patent nonsense. So many of the promises made during the last election and on the formation of Government have been dumped as the Labour and Fine Gael parties adopt the failed policies of their predecessors. We now realise that this Government is actually Fianna Fáil in all but name. Different personalities, but the same bad political choices; different voices, but the same message. Following the Taoiseach's statement that we will not have the word "defaulter" written across our foreheads, the bondholders have been paid in full, the banks and bankers have been propped up, there is no deal on the debt and no deal on the Anglo Irish Bank promissory note. The Government of tough decisions meekly submits to the will of the big boys at EU level and the troika. High rollers in the public sector, high earners across the economy and the wealthy are all unashamedly and unapologetically protected. Same old, same old Fianna Fáil.

The middle classes have been abandoned by this Government, left struggling with unmanageable debt, loss of income and loss of hope. The Government, it seems, could not be bothered to shape policy and budget decisions in favour of middle Ireland. That was too much trouble. Its promise of jobs has come to nothing. This Government continues to kill off confidence and demand in the domestic economy. The low-paid fare no better. The changes to the PRSI income disregard in the latest budget screams out the Government approach: protect the rich and screw the rest. Same old, same old Fianna Fáil. Deficit reduction is to be achieved by hammering citizens of modest means and cutting the meagre supports that are afforded to the sick, the elderly, the disabled and children. The Taoiseach, echoed by the Tánaiste, makes no apology for this. This is toxic stuff. It is by any stretch maladministration. It is incompetence. It is the Labour Party and Fine Gael echo of same old, same old Fianna Fáil.

Sinn Féin moved this motion of no confidence in the Government because confidence in this Administration has run out. This Government should go. Never mind the reshuffle signalled by An Taoiseach; this Government should reshuffle itself out of office and allow a fresh election in which the electorate will have the chance to return a Government that will actually protect the common good, defend the collective interest, stand up for citizens and lead from the front. Twenty months on, it is clear this Government is incapable of doing any of this.

The Government slaps itself on the back for dealing with the economic crisis in, to borrow the words of the self-congratulatory amendment tabled by it to this motion, "as fair a manner as possible". Listening to the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Howlin, and the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, Deputy Varadkar, extol the virtues of this Government was pretty nauseating. The boys are clearly not in touch with reality. The truth is that this Government is not interested in fairness. That is what all the evidence indicates. The Government lives in a bubble. It occupies a parallel universe and has a truly distorted sense of reality. This Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition is a coalition of the heartless leading the gutless. The self-righteous bleating of Fine Gael is rivalled only by the snivelling submission of the Labour Party.

Senior Ministers make all the noises about fairness, understanding the hardship endured by carers, the pressures that parents are under and, of course, the rights of children. The Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Burton, did so last night as she introduced the welfare cutbacks. All noise and empty rhetoric which means nothing. When it comes to it, this Government has no problem punishing carers by rushing through a cut to the respite grant. When it comes to it, all the solemn promises made to children mean nothing. The Government has cut child benefit and the back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance again. The family does not really matter to the bleeding heart of the Labour Party or conservative Fine Gael. Protection of families and family values can be invoked and dispensed with as this Government deems appropriate and politically advantageous. That is how this Government operates. Sinn Féin is on to it. Parents, carers, mothers and the women of Ireland see this Government as it really is, and it is not a pretty sight - a grey cabal of pompous ego-trippers who beat their chests and lecture us about the tough decisions they have to make. This Government comprises people with no clue of what it takes to care for and love a chronically sick or profoundly disabled child. It has no respect for carers and no regard for what the loss of €325 means to a carer. It has imposed cuts to jobseeker's benefit, a tax on maternity benefit and cuts in services, has heaped charges on the ordinary citizen and has brazenly defended the very well-off. This Government is not worthy to govern because it is hopelessly out of touch.

Last Friday, while listening to an interview with the parent of a child with spina bifida, I was reminded of the utter disgust and despair engendered by the previous Government. This woman, who cares for her beloved child 24-7, and in doing so does a service to her family and this State, cried bitter tears of frustration, impotence and anger on the steps of Parliament. When the mother of a child with spina bifida is reduced and degraded to tears outside this Parliament that is the clearest evidence that this Government must go. Thus far and no further; enough is enough. The Government has pledged to protect the strong and punish the weak. The motion clearly states that this is not acceptable, not only to Sinn Féin and those it represents but to those who gave the coalition parties a mandate to govern. The Government's time is up. It should do the decent thing and go.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

There is a certain irony in our being lectured by partitionist politicians on the importance of country.

Naturally, I will be supporting this motion tonight because I, like tens of thousands of fellow citizens, have lost all confidence in this Government's ability to carry out the mandate which it was given in February of last year. I do not have confidence in this Government to deal with unemployment or to stem the tide of emigration, particularly when a Minister describes it as a "lifestyle choice". I do not have confidence in this Government to protect the most vulnerable in our society or to allow the elderly of this State, who have given a lifetime of service, to live their final years with dignity, free from stress and financial worries.

On 10 November last, the people of this State voted to enshrine the rights of children in the Constitution in what the Government described as an important, if not one of the most important results of any referendum. Just four short weeks later, the same Government that talked the talk about children's rights failed to walk the walk when it came to budget 2013. The Government launched an all-out attack on children in this budget and in doing so, it continues the failed and bankrupt economic policies of those who went before it, who also happily targeted those in society who do not have, while protecting and shielding the wealthy and the golden circles in Irish society. Cuts to child benefit, the back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance, not to mention the despicable cut to the respite care grant are just three of the cuts contained in budget 2013.

Every day since I was elected to this Chamber I have heard the Taoiseach and various Ministers point out - and rightly - the hypocrisy and the double standards of the current Fianna Fáil position in opposing measures such as the tax on the family home, the increase in the student contribution and the attacks on carers. However, what this Government is doing is exactly what Fianna Fáil did when it was in power and what Fianna Fáil is doing now is exactly what members of the current Government did in opposition. If one is a hypocrite, then all are hypocrites. Fine Gael and the Labour Party are doing what Fianna Fáil did in government and Fianna Fáil is doing what Fine Gael and the Labour Party did in opposition.

This Government was elected on a mandate of change, a mandate of renewed hope, a fresh start or, to use the words of the Taoiseach, on the promise of bringing about a "democratic revolution". Of course, it was also elected on the back of various promises and pledges made to the Irish people. What of those promises now? What of the promise not to cut child benefit or increase the student contribution? What of the promise to protect children and those with disabilities? What of those promises? I will tell the House what of those promises. They are out of sight, stuffed down the back of the cushy ministerial couches that people like Deputies Gilmore, Rabbitte, Burton, Quinn and Howlin now enjoy resting their backsides on. They so desperately wanted those couches that they sold their souls and betrayed the people who entrusted their vote and their hope in them. All in exchange for a lousy blue shirt and a hefty pension.

What of the citizens who trusted and believed in those promises which were made by the Labour Party and Fine Gael before the last election? What do they get for entrusting this Government with their hopes and their dreams or for believing that this Government would be different from and less cynical than the previous one? All they are left with is empty political rhetoric about how this Government is making tough decisions in the interests of the State and its people. Maybe someone from this Government can tell the carers who were outside Leinster House yesterday and who will be there again tomorrow how tough a decision it actually was to cut €325 from the respite grant and not take a brass copper from their own salaries. How tough a decision was that, Deputy Sherlock? Maybe someone from this Government can explain the comments of Deputy Burton last week, when she told people, having cut the back-to-school clothing and footwear allowance, to shop around. In all fairness. How tough a decision is it for those parents who will struggle next July to send their children back to school?

I have no confidence in this Government and if there was a shred of decency left on the Labour Party backbenches, those Deputies would stand by the carers, the sick, the disabled and the most vulnerable in this State by supporting this motion. If they fail to do so, they are standing by the Labour Party leadership, whose only interest is self interest.

There is a chasm between what this Government thinks is happening and the reality in our society. What the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach said earlier is so different from the reality. Ireland has lost more jobs in the last four years than any other western society since the Great Depression. More than 87,000 people have emigrated in the last year, the highest figure since the 1800s and a third of a million have emigrated in the last four years. There has been a net reduction of 20,000 people working in this State since this Government came into office and year-on-year, every single growth projection made by the Government is reduced in hindsight. The Government has said that we take delight in what is happening but we take no delight in the fact that our families and friends are being pushed into poverty, into unemployment and into emigration. However, we would take delight in roll-over Gilmore standing up for his pre-election manifesto. We would take delight in the Government doing the job it was elected to do and would delight in it leaving office if it does not do that job.

Having listened to the earlier speeches, one would expect that the Irish people would be glad to see the Government doing what it is doing. In that context, I will read a letter from a constituent, addressed to Fine Gael and Labour Party TDs and copied to me. The writer says:

I would like you to know that I, for one, am grateful to your party. Grateful for the chance you have given me to learn to value every penny I haven't got in my battered old purse. I am grateful to be unemployed, as it has given me the opportunity to rear my own children and rejoice in their brilliance. I am so grateful for you as you are showing our young people what not to do when they gain power. I am grateful that we have no oil to heat our bedrooms as it draws us, as a family, around the open fire and improves communication among us. I am grateful for the day that we ran out of bread and had no money to buy any because it gave me an opportunity to learn to bake my own.

I am grateful that the children's allowance is cut by €30 for my family every month as it will motivate me to find further night-time work. And hey, let's not forget to be grateful for the property tax, because it reminds me that I am so so lucky to have a house which will give my son, who has a disability, a roof over his head long after I'm gone, so he won't be a burden on the State. I am also grateful for what's left of the respite grant, as it will pay for the property tax, not like last year, when it paid for a break for us all. I am grateful for my car, as it helps me get my son to all his hospital appointments and for the hundred euros that I conjure out of thin air every week, as that is what it now costs me to keep my car on the road. I am delighted that, despite my lack of employment, I am able to contribute to the economy by paying the Government 57 cent for every euro I put in my petrol tank as I now feel I am more than paying my way. I am grateful that I had enough petrol in my tank on Monday night to drive my son an hour's drive to casualty when he fell for the seventh time that day and for the lovely nurse and doctor who, despite their long shift and awful working conditions, were able to staple him back together. I am also grateful to our local mechanic who, luckily, fixed my car only that morning and is letting me pay in instalments.

I am grateful that my home support hours, which were sanctioned as necessary by every social worker that assessed us are now all gone, because if I was angry about it it would blacken my heart and make me bitter. I am grateful to my parents who are very proud to have reared an honest girl and I can look them in the eye, knowing I am true to my word and haven't lied to get to where I am today. I am glad that I gave your party a vote at the last election, as now I am very clear on who not to vote for at the next one and clarity can only be a good thing. Finally, it would be helpful if you could think about how the cuts your party has designed are going to impact on the vulnerable people of our society because I can't guarantee that I will be standing next year if something isn't reversed and how much do you think the collapse of all the carers in Ireland will cost the State?

Kind regards,

Pauline,

Oldcastle, County Meath.

How will the Government putting its hand into this woman's near-empty pocket cure Ireland's debt crisis while at the same time it stuffs the pockets of the bondholders with billions of our euro?

Tá áthas orm deis a bheith agam labhairt ar an rún tábhachtach seo. Last week the Dáil heard that, despite everything we see around us, the economy is getting better. It is certainly not getting better for the ordinary working person. We were told hard choices had to be made. It seems the hardest choice faced by the Members opposite was how far to go with their waffle about seeking change or taking the risk of opposing unfair measures. The Cabinet certainly did not make hard choices in the run-up to this budget, and the naive hope that Labour Party Deputies would oppose the budget was quickly dashed. The Government chose to target those who do what it seems to be incapable of doing, namely, those who care, who think not of themselves but of the people they have dedicated to serve and who give dignity and love to no matter how hard it may be. These carers make hard choices every day. They have been through it. Meanwhile, the Deputies who wrangle over their supposed difficulties with these cuts will saunter through the halls of the "Tá" lobby like well-dressed and overpaid sheep.

James Connolly wrote in The Re-conquest of Ireland that those who are not driven by greed are the most exploited in society. He was writing about women but he could easily have been writing about carers. His words were written under British rule in the Ireland of 1915, but he remains relevant today. He went on to write that the Irish woman was a cheap slave to the Irish capitalist. It is galling to see the words written by the founder of the Labour Party ringing so true about that party's current policies. Carers were exploited for their kindness and love to save the State some money and now they are being used as a scapegoat. The people are told that the Government had no choice. The arrogance of this Government and its members is shocking. We raise real issues about the effects of these cuts but the only response is deflection and dismissal. I am sick and tired of being told that impressing the troika is the big issue, that serving its interests is paramount and that the only way to succeed is by making cuts to the most vulnerable. Maintaining any semblance of society or community is irrelevant as long as we are the best boys in Europe for going along with a terrible deal nobody else would accept.

I met a woman at the carers' protest who has six children, of whom two have intellectual disabilities. This woman will lose €98 per month from her children's allowance. A survey by the Irish League of Credit Unions found that 1.8 million people are left with €100 or less at the end of the month. I can guarantee this woman is in that group. Where does she stand now? The Government is throwing people into poverty and grinding down those who are already there. When we challenge Ministers and Government Members on these unfair cuts, they simply respond that it was a choice between respite care and core pay, as if there is no untaxed wealth in this State other than in the accounts of the low-paid or as if social welfare payments are the only expense to the State. Sinn Féin put forward costed measures which add up, despite the lies of this Government. I am sure the backbenchers learned their memo on how to attack our budget proposals but I doubt many of them actually read our submission. Unfortunately, we had to read the Government's budget, and it made for scary reading for anyone who has any understanding of justice. We put forward fair and progressive measures that would have generated many times more revenue for the State than the paltry €26 million cut from carers, but the Government did not listen. I know that the poor, the disabled, the young, the old, the unemployed and the debt-ridden are its targets, but it is still jarring when this is presented so clearly in the budget.

I am disappointed by the Labour Party members with whom I have worked on Dublin City Council and who still call themselves socialists. Are they slaves to their middle-aged, out-of-touch leaders who have mulled over their wine for too long and have bedded themselves in a lust for power? They have betrayed their cause, their people and their legacy as members of the party of James Connolly in its centenary year. The Tánaiste famously stated that it was Labour's way or Frankfurt's way, but he did not even believe it when he said it. It is time he recognised that the people did not vote for the Labour Party we see today. The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Rabbitte, admitted that lying is what he does in an election because anything goes to get into power and there are no principles. Is that what Labour Party backbenchers believe? If so, they do not deserve our confidence. The time for dancing was when the band was playing. Now it is time for the Labour Party to stand up in support of this motion.

Is that the Government?

I apologise that I did not hear the debate because I have only now returned to Leinster House. I suspect I know the song very well, however.

Does Deputy Rabbitte know the song "Liar, Liar, Pants on Fire"?

I am glad to see that Deputy Tóibín is back with us.

Present and reporting for duty.

He never went away, you know.

I am sorry I missed Deputy McDonald, in particular, but I think I know the text very well.

Sinn Féin clearly had a number of eager little beavers with social science degrees working away on scripts over the last two days for this parliamentary farce that they know very well is going nowhere.

Does Deputy Rabbitte practice his pomposity?

Sinn Féin knows what it is about, I know what it is about and it knows that I know what it is about.

What are you about?

It is exploiting the circumstances for any advantage it can garner. This has nothing to do with governance, bringing forward solutions, putting people back to work or protecting sections of the community. It produces endless rhetoric without a single policy to be found. There is a soundbite for everything and a policy for nothing.

Is the Minister speaking about himself?

The policies it has published have more holes than a colander.

We heard that one before.

I watched Deputy McDonald on television with the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Brian Hayes, when she could not account for the missing €750 million. It does not matter that her party cannot produce an alternative budget, however, because its aim is to exploit the mood of the people for electoral advantage.

Deputy Rabbitte did that before the election. He has no principles whatsoever. He is a political somersaulter.

It tried to do the same thing with the fiscal treaty so that it could get 50% of the coverage. It learned a lesson from the experience.

We learned how pompous Deputy Rabbitte can be.

At the end of the process it was exposed as not having a single positive proposal to offer the Irish people. If the people had followed Sinn Féin's example on the fiscal treaty, where would we be now?

They are emigrating now.

We would be in worse circumstances than the unfortunate people of Greece. That is the fundamental division in this House. In the current economic climate, Sinn Féin has embarked on creating as much mayhem as it can in the hope it will get some support for that. I do not believe it will.

Some 300 businesses are closing on a weekly basis. That is what is called mayhem.

The fact of the matter is that everybody with a titter of wit knows the state of the economy we inherited. They know the dysfunctional circumstances into which the country was plunged.

The Labour Party broke its promises.

They know now that stability has been restored to the governance of this country. They know that the reputation of this country has been restored. We have a thriving export sector.

Exporting people, through emigration.

We have the healthiest IDA pipeline we have ever had. Last year, we had the best year we have had for ten years in terms of foreign direct investment. We have difficulties in the consumer economy, but it is not difficult to understand why that should be the case. We are addressing these issues, and against all the odds have managed to bring home a budget under constraints. This is the sixth time the people have had to endure cutbacks because of the gap between our spending and our revenue.

We will never return to having 17% of the population involved in construction. Any normal economy has approximately 8% involved in construction. Right now, we have only 3% involved in construction, and we must try to increase this. The challenge is to recast the entire economy, and that is what we are working towards.

The challenge is not to be so pompous towards women and children.

We now have the real prospect, if stability returns to the eurozone, of faster growth in this economy than in similar economies elsewhere. Sinn Féin is playing parliamentary games and one-upmanship in the context of whether this motion would create more damage than would the continuation of the budget debate or the debate on the X case. If creating mayhem with a motion of no confidence would create more disruption, then it will go for that. The fact of the matter is that Sinn Féin is having no impact with this motion. Everybody recognises that it is a joke and will see through it for the joke it is. There is serious business confronting this Parliament that must be done and Sinn Féin is simply-----

We know what the Government plans to do in a couple of hours.

Order, please. The Minister's time is up.

I want to welcome Deputy Doherty back. He was kept under wraps for three or four months. I have never been able to find out why. He is a very energetic young man and I do not know why he has been kept under wraps. With the bleating from him and his colleagues-----

The Minister should define what the serious business he has mentioned is.

-----one would think they were keeping the Society of St. Vincent de Paul in business.

I greatly regret that, because I was only getting started.

We greatly regret it too, because the Minister is the best of craic.

The Minister has just left, but I wanted to tell him that the reason Deputy Doherty was not around was that he buried his father over the summer. I ask the Minister's colleagues to please convey that information to him.

When the Government came to power, the Taoiseach proclaimed we would have a democratic revolution. I could use many words to describe the Taoiseach, but he is certainly not the leader of a democratic revolution. Over the past 20 months, what we have seen is not a democratic revolution but a seamless transition of power from Fianna Fáil to Fine Gael and the Labour Party. There is very little difference between the National Recovery Plan 2011-2014, produced by Fianna Fáil in the dying days of the last government, and the programme being rolled out by the two parties in government currently. I checked the Fianna Fáil programme in recent days and was amazed by the similarities between it and the current programme.

Fine Gael and the Labour Party are happily implementing the policies contained in the old Fianna Fáil programme. They are introducing water meters, water charges and a household charge of €100 per annum, which will from next year, as a property tax, bring in €500 million per annum. All of these measures were invented by Fianna Fáil but are being implemented by the current Government. Fianna Fáil committed to cutting staffing levels in the public service. Fine Gael and the Labour Party have gone further.

The Labour Party has failed those who voted for it. It has failed to introduce the transformative change the Tánaiste promised before it came into power. Particular issues that have met fierce resistance are the proposed water charges and household tax. In case Labour Party members have forgotten what they stated in their manifesto last year, they said that the Labour Party does not favour water charges while the immediate needs of those who currently receive intermittent or poor water supplies are not addressed. However, now that the party is in government, things are different. It now proposes to use the National Pensions Reserve Fund to install water meters for each household so that households can be charged for water. In reality, the Labour Party has been willing to support two budgets that have been regressive, divisive and unjust.

In commenting on last year's budget, the ESRI stated that a combination of taxes and welfare changes imposed greater losses on those on lower incomes. According to groups commenting this year, the same is due to happen again. Promises not to cut child benefit were trampled on in the rush to get around the Cabinet table. Meanwhile, this year's budget has brought further cuts and pain for the low- and middle-income households.

A Labour Party member, former councillor Bronwyn Maher, addressing a party meeting in Liberty Hall last Saturday, said: "The budget was not fair or equal, and has disproportionately affected the lower paid." I could not have put it better myself. In a desperate attempt to reclaim some dignity, some Labour Party Deputies are writing to constituents saying that it was a priority to ensure the budget was as fair as possible under the economic circumstances, and that those who have the most will pay the most. That is not how it has turned out. It has turned out the very opposite. In all seriousness, one could hardly remain straight-faced saying that. It is a desperate attempt by a desperate Government to try spin its way out of trouble.

The uncomfortable truth those on the Government benches must own up to is that the cuts in budget 2013 are there for all to see. Jobseeker's allowance has been cut to nine months. Respite care, child benefit, back-to-school clothing allowance and farm assist payments for the lowest-income farmers have all been cut. Educational allowances for those returning to education have also been cut. Cuts have also been made to exceptional needs payments, telephone and gas allowances, funding for third level education and funding for VECs, which are currently operating on a shoestring. PRSI has increased for the low-paid and increases have been announced in college fees, motor tax and VRT. All of these cuts and increased charges punish low- and middle-income groups.

Under the Labour Party and Fine Gael, no one earning less than €100,000 was supposed to pay more income tax. This Labour Party election promise has been shredded. Next year, those earning the least will have to pay more from their incomes because of increased PRSI. This will place a huge burden on low-income households. The combination of cuts and increased taxes will put a huge burden on people, particularly those in rural areas. People in urban areas already feel the pinch because they have been hit with increased transport costs. I call on the Government to sit up and take note of what it is doing, as it is very difficult for us to have confidence when we see what is happening.

Let me highlight one issue under the remit of a Labour Party Minister which is causing difficulties: SUSI, which deals with the allocation and administration of third level grants. Sinn Féin has been trying to phone the Oireachtas helpline with regard to this issue. This helpline is not the one used by the general public, so things must be much worse for them. We have spent the past three or four days trying to ring the helpline, but we cannot get an answer. The mailbox is full and we cannot send mail. We can get no answers on an issue as basic as this. The previous system was administered by county councils and VECs and although it was not perfect and needed improvement, it functioned. Now there is total failure. We cannot get a response on the phone, the mailbox is full, and the first term is almost over for students.

We cannot have confidence in the Government when it has failed to deal with bank debt and the mortgage crisis and to implement a strategy for jobs and sustainable growth. The Government has passed its sell-by date.

I was just listening to the Minister, Deputy Rabbitte, late of Sinn Féin, Official Sinn Féin, Sinn Féin - The Workers' Party, The Workers' Party, New Agenda, Democratic Left and now the Labour Party. He and his party leader have destroyed every party they were ever part of, with the exception of Sinn Féin. That is a warning for the Minister of State, Deputy Sherlock.

The Deputy is revising his party's history slightly.

The Deputy is too young to remember.

I am old enough.

Tonight, families are sitting back to count and try to calculate how much they have. They are trying to work out which bills they can pay and which bills they cannot pay. They are looking at their grocery bills and wondering what they can and cannot afford. The Government does not care. It has done its calculations and it knows how much money it is picking from the pockets of its citizens. Despite the claims of the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste that they are in favour of open, transparent and accountable government, I do not think they want a proper debate on the despicable budget they have introduced. The people elected them last year because of the clear pledges and the promises they had made. They said they would not give another red cent to the banks. Instead, they have given €20 billion to the banks. They said they would protect child benefit and cut prescription charges. The Labour Party and Fine Gael said they would protect the elderly and vulnerable and sort out the health service. They have failed on all of these counts and more. They said they would tell our European partners that the EU-IMF deal is bad for this State, but one of the first things they did was pay a €3.1 billion promissory note instalment to the zombie bank Anglo. They should not be asking the citizens to shoulder this unsustainable banking debt as they are having to do.

The Government told us in June that the European Stability Mechanism would deal with legacy bank debt. The Tánaiste said firmly on more than one occasion that it would be Labour's way or Frankfurt's way, but instead he went Fianna Fáil's way. Fine Gael said it would impose burden-sharing on bondholders, before it somersaulted and protected bondholders, even in toxic banks like Anglo Irish Bank. The Taoiseach made it clear today that the Government will not reverse the cut in the respite care grant. These big men can be tough on the sick, the disabled and the elderly - that is no problem to them - but it is another story when it comes to the high salaries and pensions of Minister and senior civil servants. They have no problem breaking their own salary ceiling for special advisers, but they cannot find more money for home help care. They have no problem signing off on obscenely high salaries for the bankers who created this mess, along with Fianna Fáil and others, and are now employed in banks owned by the State, but they cannot find money to help mothers trying to buy clothes for their children as they go back to school. Last week's budget attacked carers, the sick, the elderly, children and families.

I thought this was a confidence motion.

If Deputy Adams wants us out, why is he not presenting an alternative?

Perhaps the Minister of State gets bored very easily, but he should listen.

I am bored already.

We are bored already.

In that case, the Ministers of State should leave like the rest of the Government Deputies have done.

Where are the ideas coming from Sinn Féin?

Sinn Féin does not do ideas.

The budget does not include any ideas on how to-----

I have been here for half an hour and I have not heard any proposals.

-----reduce unemployment or get the economy off the ropes.

Sinn Féin did not even go to the Department of Finance with its proposals.

Deputy Sherlock, the speaker has the floor.

Deputy Adams should give me some ideas.

I can give the Minister of State our document if he wants to read it.

It looks like a chess board.

The Deputies opposite do not want to hear. I ask them to listen so they might learn something.

I do not think so.

Deputy Adams should give us some ideas.

This punitive and cruel budget will increase financial hardship and poverty for tens of thousands of families. Child benefit is a universal payment that is made to the children of the State. The men and women of 1916, including the man who founded the Labour Party, of whom it has been said that when he went into the GPO, the Labour Party never came out again, signed up-----

The Deputy and his colleagues wrote one or two people out of history in their time.

-----to a Proclamation that said the Republic would cherish "all the children of the nation equally". The Democratic Programme of the First Dáil, which was drafted by Thomas Johnson, who was another leader of the Labour Party, said "it shall be the first duty of the Government of the Republic to make provision for the physical, mental and spiritual well-being of the children, to secure that no child shall suffer hunger or cold from lack of food, clothing, or shelter". That should be Labour's way, but patently it is not. The Tánaiste said that child benefit was a red-line issue for the Labour Party. The party's candidates advised people to vote for them if they wanted to protect child benefit. That is the mandate they were given. Therefore, they no longer have a mandate. That is the basis of tonight's vote of no confidence in the Government. It does not have a mandate for what it is doing. The Labour Party promised to end political cronyism. Fine Gael promised to bring about a democratic revolution. Since then, the Minister, Deputy Reilly - another millionaire Minister - has fixed the primary care list-----

The Deputy is not badly off himself.

-----to include two locations in his constituency and has closed public nursing home beds while engaged in the business of private nursing home industry. What about the election pledge that the Minister, Deputy Quinn, gave to students? That is the kind of stroke politics that the Fianna Fáil leadership was renowned for.

The Deputy is not bad at that himself.

When the former Minister of State, Deputy Shortall, drew attention to a scandal involving the Minister for Health, the Labour Party leadership looked the other way. I hope the Ministers of State who are in attendance do not mind me raising the big issue of the North, the peace process and the need to implement the Good Friday Agreement fully. Most of the Government's commentary on this issue in the Chamber has been reduced to heckles as Ministers and backbenchers seek to distract attention from the bad decisions and policies they are pursuing. As we have seen this week, the peace process is too important to be treated in this way. It would be better for the Government to work in an intelligent, strategic and consistent manner for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and the other agreements as it is obliged to do. It would be better for the Government to work with Sinn Féin and others to bring about Irish unity, as they are constitutionally bound to do.

I invite the Deputy to come to my Department for a briefing on InterTradeIreland and the work we are doing on North-South trade links.

I ask the Minister of State to allow Deputy Adams to continue.

We are working in that area.

We know all about InterTradeIreland. It is fine.

I will give Deputy Adams a personal briefing.

InterTradeIreland has not received any increase in its funding.

Deputy Adams said we are doing nothing on it.

The Deputy should show some manners.

The speaker has two minutes left and I ask that he be allowed to complete his contribution uninterrupted.

The Tánaiste today expressed his admiration for David Cameron's "determination to get to the truth" about Pat Finucane. I remind the House that the de Silva report was about stopping the Finucane family from getting the truth. The members of the family made that plain today. This Government's cynical attitude towards the promises it made and towards its own electorate - if we forget about the Sinn Féin or Fianna Fáil electorates for a moment - was best summed up and illustrated by the Minister, Deputy Rabbitte, on Sunday night. When he was pressed about all the promises his party made during last year's election campaign, he simply asked "isn't that what you tend to do during an election?". The Government should go for all these reasons. In addition, it is simply not competent. Its incompetence on many levels should not be under-estimated. I ask the Deputies opposite to do the patriotic thing.

They should take a hike.

They should take the patriotic choice, which is to take a walk - go - in the interests of the people.

That ended with a whimper.

Amendment put:
The Dáil divided: Tá, 88; Níl, 51.

  • Bannon, James.
  • Barry, Tom.
  • Burton, Joan.
  • Butler, Ray.
  • Buttimer, Jerry.
  • Byrne, Eric.
  • Byrne, Catherine.
  • Carey, Joe.
  • Coffey, Paudie.
  • Conaghan, Michael.
  • Conlan, Seán.
  • Connaughton, Paul J.
  • Conway, Ciara.
  • Coonan, Noel.
  • Corcoran Kennedy, Marcella.
  • Coveney, Simon.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Daly, Jim.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • Deering, Pat.
  • Doherty, Regina.
  • Donohoe, Paschal.
  • Dowds, Robert.
  • English, Damien.
  • Farrell, Alan.
  • Feighan, Frank.
  • Fitzgerald, Frances.
  • Fitzpatrick, Peter.
  • Flanagan, Charles.
  • Gilmore, Eamon.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Hannigan, Dominic.
  • Harrington, Noel.
  • Harris, Simon.
  • Hayes, Tom.
  • Hayes, Brian.
  • Heydon, Martin.
  • Hogan, Phil.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Humphreys, Kevin.
  • Humphreys, Heather.
  • Keating, Derek.
  • Keaveney, Colm.
  • Kehoe, Paul.
  • Kelly, Alan.
  • Kenny, Seán.
  • Kyne, Seán.
  • Lawlor, Anthony.
  • Lynch, Ciarán.
  • Lynch, Kathleen.
  • Lyons, John.
  • Maloney, Eamonn.
  • Mathews, Peter.
  • McCarthy, Michael.
  • McEntee, Shane.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McHugh, Joe.
  • McLoughlin, Tony.
  • McNamara, Michael.
  • Mitchell O'Connor, Mary.
  • Mulherin, Michelle.
  • Murphy, Dara.
  • Murphy, Eoghan.
  • Neville, Dan.
  • Nolan, Derek.
  • O'Donnell, Kieran.
  • O'Donovan, Patrick.
  • O'Mahony, John.
  • O'Reilly, Joe.
  • Ó Ríordáin, Aodhán.
  • Perry, John.
  • Phelan, John Paul.
  • Phelan, Ann.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Reilly, James.
  • Ring, Michael.
  • Ryan, Brendan.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sherlock, Sean.
  • Spring, Arthur.
  • Stagg, Emmet.
  • Stanton, David.
  • Timmins, Billy.
  • Tuffy, Joanna.
  • Varadkar, Leo.
  • Wall, Jack.
  • Walsh, Brian.
  • White, Alex.

Níl

  • Adams, Gerry.
  • Boyd Barrett, Richard.
  • Broughan, Thomas P.
  • Browne, John.
  • Calleary, Dara.
  • Collins, Niall.
  • Collins, Joan.
  • Colreavy, Michael.
  • Cowen, Barry.
  • Crowe, Seán.
  • Daly, Clare.
  • Doherty, Pearse.
  • Donnelly, Stephen S.
  • Dooley, Timmy.
  • Ellis, Dessie.
  • Ferris, Martin.
  • Flanagan, Luke 'Ming'.
  • Fleming, Tom.
  • Fleming, Sean.
  • Grealish, Noel.
  • Halligan, John.
  • Healy, Seamus.
  • Healy-Rae, Michael.
  • Kelleher, Billy.
  • Kirk, Seamus.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lowry, Michael.
  • Martin, Micheál.
  • McConalogue, Charlie.
  • McDonald, Mary Lou.
  • McGrath, Michael.
  • McGrath, Mattie.
  • McGrath, Finian.
  • McGuinness, John.
  • McLellan, Sandra.
  • Murphy, Catherine.
  • Nulty, Patrick.
  • O'Brien, Jonathan.
  • Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
  • O'Sullivan, Maureen.
  • Pringle, Thomas.
  • Ross, Shane.
  • Shortall, Róisín.
  • Smith, Brendan.
  • Stanley, Brian.
  • Tóibín, Peadar.
  • Troy, Robert.
  • Wallace, Mick.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Paul Kehoe and Emmet Stagg; Níl, Deputies Aengus Ó Snodaigh and Catherine Murphy.
Amendment declared carried.
Motion, as amended, put and declared carried.
Barr
Roinn