I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."
I commend my colleague, Deputy Seán Ó Fearghaíl, on putting forward this Bill and the Ceann Comhairle on facilitating this morning's change. On behalf of Deputy Ó Fearghaíl I rise to speak on this timely measure to address a serious anachronism in how the Oireachtas operates and to highlight a broader, deeper issue at the heart of Irish political life. Simply put, the aim of this Bill is to provide maternity leave for female members of the Houses of the Oireachtas.
The merit of the Bill is reflected in the general acceptance by the Government of the Bill, and I appreciate the contact made by the Minister, Deputy Shatter, through the Whips in order to discuss the arrangements for moving on the Bill. The bipartisan spirit of the Bill and its appeal across the floor is a measure of the desire among the Members of the Oireachtas to change how we do business and the pressing need to throw open the doors of Leinster house to all citizens regardless of gender.
This Bill is a simple measure to address an historic Oireachtas oversight but it touches upon a far more profound and important issue of widening participation in the political process. At the very heart of a democratic state is the ideal that all citizens, regardless of class, creed, colour and gender are equally entitled to participate in shaping the collective decisions which bind us all. Bunreacht na hÉireann reflects this aspiration, declaring that "every citizen without distinction of sex" will be eligible for election to Dáil Éireann. In order to breathe life into these words we need to organise the business of governing in an open, accessible manner for both men and women. A system that inhibits full participation by over half of the population cannot be said in any meaningful way to be a democratic state. A society that alienates the majority of its people from the process by which it makes collectively binding decisions cannot lay claim to being genuinely democratic.
A cursory glance over the benches of this House on all sides reveals that those democratic aspirations have not been realised in Ireland. The call of the Proclamation to both “Irish men and Irish women” has not been answered. Despite the seminal election of Constance Markievicz in 1918 as the first female MP in the British Isles, the oldest parliament in the world, Ireland has failed to meet the promise of that election. Over the course of its history, only 91 women Deputies have been elected since the foundation of the State. Ireland currently has one of the worst gender balances in the free world in its Parliament. Following the 2011 general election, women held 25 seats out of 166 in the 31st Dáil and the Meath East by–election in March improved that to 26 out of 166 Deputies, representing a figure of 15.66%. Some 21 of our 43 constituencies did not elect a single female Deputy in 2011, largely as a result of a lack of female candidates on the ballot paper. My party does not have a female Deputy in the Chamber.
Although low by international standards, the 2011 election was a record high for the number of women elected in a general election in Ireland. Progress in Dáil Éireann has been excruciatingly limited over recent years. The notable strides forward taken between 1977 and 1992, where the percentage of female Deputies increased from 4.1% to 12%, have petered out. Progress since has slipped into stagnation, with just five more women Deputies elected in 2011 than had been in 1992.
This abysmally low record must be confronted if we are to fully embody our democratic principles. The case for greater female representation is clear and, broken down, it centres on three propositions: greater female representation would improve the quality of political decision making, it would deliver more effective representation for women voters, and gender equality is an essential requirement of social justice. The oft-cited five Cs remain the major barriers to the full participation of women in political life. These are candidate selection, confidence, culture, cash and child care, and they collectively hinder free access to the political process.
We have taken small but important steps to confront some of these problems. The introduction of gender quotas, defined as a hard legislative measure, was a welcome move. Quotas however, as even their most ardent advocates recognise, can only be one part of the solution, and this Bill is part of the necessary response to the other factors in a solution and the challenges presented by the five Cs.
Considering the culture problem faced by women and the thrust of this Bill, the 2010 CSO Women and Men in Ireland report indicated that while the employment rate by gender was similar for those without children, at 85.7% for males and 86.3% for females, it drops dramatically for women once they have children. Whereas 80.2% of men whose youngest child is aged three or under are in employment, the respective figure for women falls to 56%. Many women balance work and family life by taking up part-time employment. Women represent approximately three quarters of those who worked up to 29 hours per week in paid employment in 2010, which partly explains the dogged persistence of the gender wage gap. Women earn just under 70% of the average male income, and this increases to 90% when one adjusts for average hours worked. This underlines one of the cold, hard facts preventing strong female participation levels in political life, which is time and money.
A survey of women Oireachtas Members by Yvonne Galligan in 2000 illustrates this enduring problem. Some 67% of those surveyed felt that "family care responsibilities" had been the biggest personal source of difficulty in achieving political office.
Child care responsibilities can continue to pose a problem for women with young children once they are elected to the Oireachtas, especially those living outside of the greater Dublin area. The large number of female Deputies centred in proximity to Leinster House, 19 out of 26, or some 73%, and representing a constituency in Dublin or Leinster, bears this out. For many women a political life is incompatible with a family life.
Drawing on extensive international experience, discussions at the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women and within parliamentary associations such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union, we have considered methods in which parliaments can better accommodate women. Options range from parliaments reorganising their work to become more gender sensitive by, for example, instituting family friendly hours, ending parliamentary business at a reasonable time, reorganising work schedules to allow for family days or spreading parliamentary business over a number of shorter days. This is something that all members, regardless of gender, should welcome. While family friendly changes to how the Oireachtas works would help both women and men, women are more likely to benefit and would be more likely to want to join this House, as the CSO report illustrates, due to the fact that they continue to spend more time than men providing care.
Across the globe some of the countries with a higher proportion of women parliamentarians have made family friendly changes to the way parliament works. For example, Sweden’s parliamentary calendar is prepared one year in advance with sittings scheduled Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays, commencing in October and ending in June. The Scottish and Welsh assemblies reflect a similar focus on family friendly operating procedures. This morning’s legislation mirrors that commitment to gender equality.
This Bill seeks to take a small step towards ameliorating the sacrifices imposed by a political life. Facilitating maternity leave will ensure that women are not penalised by a work regime that reflects an archaic male-centred set of work practices. The current oversight is indicative of a completely outdated approach to the business of the Oireachtas. It is one minor Bill that must form part of a broader holistic approach to widen political participation.
Challenging the five Cs will require a fundamental culture shift in which the Oireachtas has a central role to play in delivering a blend of soft and hard measures to heighten female engagement. Today’s Bill is a small but welcome part of that process. The Government’s support for the spirit of the legislation, however, must be broadened out into a meaningful suite of fundamental political reforms if we are to throw open the doors of Leinster House to men and women alike.
I look forward to hearing the thoughts of other Deputies on the Bill and any suggested improvements, and its ultimate passage through the Oireachtas. I hope today’s legislation is but one of a series of measures to prise open the political system for all citizens and to initiate further debate on making it more family and gender friendly.
