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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 28 Jan 2015

Vol. 865 No. 2

Redress for Women Resident in Certain Institutions Bill 2014: Second Stage

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I am pleased to present the Redress for Women Resident in Certain Institutions Bill 2014, the purpose of which is to provide for health services to be made available without charge to women who were resident in Magdalen laundries and similar institutions. The Bill provides that these women will not be required to pay the statutory charge for public acute hospital inpatient services and that the ex gratia payments being made, including top-up pension payments, will not be included in the financial assessment of means under the Nursing Homes Support Scheme Act 2009. As Deputies will be aware, this Bill is one part of a wider package of supports for these women.

Before I go into detail about this legislation, I will briefly give the background to it and to the other supports the Government is providing to the women concerned. Deputies will be very familiar with the details of this background, including the establishment in June 2011 of an inquiry to establish the facts of the State's involvement with the Magdalen laundries. The inquiry in question, which was chaired by the then Senator Martin McAleese, published a 1,000-page report in 2013. This clear, detailed and objective exposition of the facts regarding the ten Magdalen laundries found that just over 10,000 women had spent time in Magdalen laundries since the founding of the State. The way that women found themselves in these laundries varied considerably. Many referrals were made by the women themselves. Other referrals were made by families, priests or clergy. Some referrals were also made by the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, the Red Cross and the Samaritans. Approximately 27% of referrals were made by or facilitated by the State.

The McAleese report makes the point that in today's world, it is difficult to understand the circumstances which in the past led to daughters, sisters and mothers being placed in these laundries. It may be equally difficult to understand the apparent acceptance by families of instructions from people in positions of authority, such as the clergy, in relation to family matters. The report goes on to say it would be unfair to judge these cases or the people concerned by applying today's standards and societal norms. The report points out that because of the general life expectancy in society at the time, it was common for one or both parents of the girls or women in question to be deceased. It needs to be emphasised that many girls or women ended up in these institutions because they did not have anyone in a position to look after them. In many cases, referrals to Magdalen laundries were used as temporary measures in the absence of more appropriate services which simply did not exist at the time. The Magdalen laundries were described by the McAleese report as often the only door open to these women. Many women and girls worked in the laundries for long periods. Approximately half of the women were in the laundries for periods of more than three years.

The referrals from State agencies came about in a variety of ways: from industrial and reform schools; from the health and social services, including the then existing county homes; and from psychiatric hospitals. There were also referrals from the criminal justice system including referrals of people on remand, referrals as a condition of probation, other less formalised referrals facilitated by the courts, referrals from prison and referrals by An Garda Síochána. As a result of the lack of more appropriate services, many case studies clearly demonstrate widespread acceptance of practices that would be repugnant to us today. The McAleese report makes it clear that "many of these case-studies and patterns are accordingly of their own times and [unfortunately] demonstrate some of the prevailing attitudes in Ireland across the years since 1922". Of course the new commission will take up many of the issues in relation to the experience of women in vulnerable circumstances in Ireland in the period from 1922 to a later time. The case studies illustrate that alternative social care arrangements for these women were often not available at the time.

The report refers to the mistaken public perception that the women who were referred to these institutions were predominately unmarried mothers, or lone parents as we would call them today. This perception does not reflect the reality in most cases. The report found that placements of girls or women in Magdalen laundries were made for a wide variety of reasons. It is hard to credit nowadays that in some cases, referrals were seen as a means of disciplining young girls. In other cases, referrals were made to provide for girls or women with physical disabilities or with mental or psychiatric illnesses. Some of them had intellectual disabilities and special needs, while others were referred because of advanced age. In other cases, girls or women were placed in Magdalen laundries by their families following family disputes, or as a result of abuse or neglect in the home. Only in a minority of cases did referrals relate to girls or women rejected by their families for having a child outside marriage. Everybody here will agree that the case studies are sad and harrowing accounts of a traumatic time in the lives of these girls and women. At the most vulnerable time in their lives, these women experienced a very traumatic removal from their homes and communities, often followed by a prolonged and extreme level of societal exclusion and ostracisation.

I thank Martin McAleese for the work he did. As a result of his report, the Government decided that a non-adversarial scheme for women who worked in Magdalen laundries or similar institutions should be introduced. Mr. Justice Quirke was asked by the Government to make recommendations. He reported in May 2013. All of his recommendations were accepted in principle by the Government in June of that year. My Department started work immediately on setting up a scheme and publicised the scheme widely in this country and abroad.

When I met the advocacy group some months ago, it suggested that we use our embassies and particular magazines to advertise the scheme's continued existence. I have since taken up that suggestion so as to ensure that more women know about the scheme.

The primary support that we have given comprises ex gratia payments to women who were in these institutions. Under the scheme, applicants do not need to prove that they suffered any abuse or damage. The manner of their referral - I have outlined the various ways - is also not considered relevant. All that has to be established is that a woman was admitted to and worked in a relevant institution. For this reason, it should be recognised that the scheme represents an appropriate and caring provision by the State to the women in respect of what was inevitably a traumatic experience in their lives.

Under the scheme, a woman is eligible for a payment of between €11,500 and €100,000, depending on the length of stay. As recommended by Mr. Justice Quirke, the balance of lump sums in excess of €50,000 is being paid by weekly instalments in order to provide an income spread over a longer period. To date, my Department has made decisions on 86% of the 776 applications received so far, and a total of €18 million has been paid out to the women. Many members of the public will be pleased to see that, even at this point when many of the women in question are older, this money has been paid to them in recompense for the trauma they underwent. The remaining applications are at various stages of the process. Some have only been received recently and some require further information, further investigation or verification. We are progressing work on all of these cases as quickly as possible.

One of the points the advocacy group made to me concerned the positive feedback it had received from the women regarding how they were dealt with by the staff of the Department of Justice and Equality. The team working on their cases has been extremely proactive and responsive when engaging on the issues that have been raised. The scheme remains open and I anticipate that a small number of further applications will be received.

The processing of all applications starts on the premise that the testimony of the applicant is correct and the officers processing the application then seek to verify it by checking appropriate records. Where the records of an institution are incomplete, as they are in a small number of cases, we have agreed to set up an interview process with the applicant and are making every effort to corroborate the women's information with other documentation or information held by other elements of the State - for example, the Department of Social Protection, work records, etc.

The Quirke report also recommended that the ex gratia payments should include top-up pension payments of up to €100 for women under the age of 66 years and up to €230.30 for those aged 66 years or over. These payments are being made by the Department of Social Protection. I thank the Tánaiste and Minister for Social Protection for her assistance in that regard.

Mr. Justice Quirke recommended that legislation be introduced to give effect to his recommendation on the provision of health services. Before outlining that, it is worth noting that Mr. Justice Quirke reported that 91% of the women surveyed during the course of his work already held a medical or general practitioner visit card. In his report, he was of the opinion that Magdalen women should be provided with access to a comprehensive suite of health services. He specified GP services; prescribed drugs; medicines; aids and appliances; dental, ophthalmic and aural services; home support; home nursing; counselling; and chiropody and physiotherapy services. He also advised that this entitlement should operate in a statutory manner. His recommendation that the women receive medical services equivalent to those provided to the holder of a Health (Amendment) Act 1996, HAA, card is being given effect in this Bill. As set out in his report, he also advised that not all of the services described in the hepatitis C guide might be directly relevant to the Magdalen women, and any comparable guide for the Magdalen women would require suitable adaptation.

I thank the Minister for Health, with whose Department we have had significant engagement, for his assistance in regard to the provision of medical services. The health services set out in section 2 of the Bill provide entitlements to benefits that are comprehensive and greater than those of a straightforward medical card. Deputies will note that the range of health services being made available without charge are those services listed in section 2 of the Health (Amendment) Act 1996, which provides for persons affected by hepatitis C. This comprehensive list of services includes all of the health services identified by Mr. Justice Quirke: GP, medical and surgical services; drugs, medicines and surgical appliances; nursing services; home help services; dental, ophthalmic and aural services; counselling services; chiropody services; and physiotherapy services. The Bill will exempt the women from charges for acute inpatient services. It will also provide that ex gratia payments made to these women under the scheme will not be included in any financial assessment of means under the Nursing Homes Support Scheme Act 2009. Some NGOs have incorrectly stated that the Bill will not provide for these services. The only service that is not included in the Bill relates to "alternative therapies". Deputies will be aware of recent investigations into spending on alternative therapies by the support group for hepatitis C, which has been the subject of comment in recent times. The Bill does not make any provision for the therapies of homoeopathy, angel healing and aromatherapy, as they have no proven medical benefits.

The focus is firmly on the health needs of the women, and some of the services provided will be accessible through referral by a doctor or nurse. Referral will ensure that the health care provided will be co-ordinated will be the most appropriate for each participant. Importantly, there is no means test to access these services and they will be provided without charge to relevant participants in the ex gratia scheme.

All health systems around the world vary in arrangements, and each system is unique. Therefore, the Minister for Health has agreed that, given the wide variation in the organisation of countries' health systems, access to equivalent health services for participants living abroad is best dealt with on an administrative basis by the HSE. The HSE will deal with a woman residing overseas as appropriate to her specific circumstances and the health system of her country of residence. I will take this opportunity to reassure those living abroad that they will be able to access equivalent services as though they were resident in the State. Recently, I visited women in the UK. They were benefitting from the support they were receiving from the relevant organisation there and the range of services that were available to them. I am aware that the procedure for accessing services in other countries will be different. Those women living abroad will be supported in sourcing and paying for services and securing refunds to the extent that they would be entitled to under the scheme if resident in the State. There will be circumstances in which a service similar to or aligned with what they would receive in the State may not be available. The HSE will have a variety of different arrangements with such participants. A specific contact will be established in the HSE with whom the overseas participants can liaise in terms of arranging access to services and recouping costs. This dedicated point of contact will provide clarity on what exactly the participant is entitled to in line with what is available in her country of residence.

I understand there has been some comment about the lack of explicit reference in the Bill to a so-called enhanced card. I will take the opportunity to explain. It is important to clarify that neither the standard medical card nor any new card is explicitly set out in the legislation of the Health Act 1970 or this Bill. This is normal legislative practice.

It will be a matter for the HSE to decide on the practical arrangements, such as a type of card, to be put in place in order to ensure that the women can easily demonstrate their eligibility for services under this legislation. I want to make it easy for women to do so. One operational possibility, for example, is that an RWRCI card, based on the name of the legislation, would be issued to the qualifying women. It is not practice to name the type of card in the legislation. We will make provision for an enhanced card and on an administrative basis the HSE will issue the card. The type of card is clearly spelled out in the legislation but the practical details - what it looks like and what name will be on it - are for the HSE to decide.

There has been some comment suggesting that no provision is being made for women entitled to these supports who do not have the capacity to make the necessary applications or arrangements. This is simply incorrect. The women are already covered by section 21 - concerning the appointment of a care representative - under the Nursing Homes Support Scheme Act 2009. Separate legislation, which I have already brought before the Dáil, will cater for cases in which the applicant is found to lack capacity but has not been made a ward of court or where there is no enduring power of attorney. The Assisted Decision Making (Capacity) Bill 2013 provides for the appointment of a person by a court to act on behalf of the applicant in regard to his or her financial affairs, and this will include applications for ex gratia payments under the scheme. The Bill is already awaiting Committee Stage in the Dáil and I expect it to be enacted in the first half of this year.

I do understand the role of advocacy groups. I have met those working with the women who were resident in the Magdalen laundries and I want to recognise their work. I have laid out clearly today, however, how in fact the Government is meeting Mr. Justice Quirke's recommendations in full. I hope this is now clear and that no further misunderstandings will be created on this important issue for the women concerned.

There is broad support in this House for all the measures that the Government has decided to put in place for these women. In drafting the Bill the Government has been fully aware of points made by Deputies, both in their representations to me - I have met with Deputy McDonald and others - and in parliamentary questions tabled in this House.

I commend the Bill to the House. I will very much welcome the discussion with Deputies in regard to the Bill as we progress it through the House. I hope the points I have made about the card will be clearly understood, including the practical administrative arrangements for women resident in this country, and the arrangements agreed with the Department of Health for women living overseas. The latter group's entitlements will be equivalent to those of women resident here.

Fianna Fáil supports this Bill, which will provide certain health services to women who were resident in the Magdalen laundries and in similar laundries operated at St. Mary's training centre, Stanhope Street, Dublin 7, and the House of Mercy training school, Summerhill, Wexford. We welcome the fact that the Bill also provides that such women will not be required to pay the statutory charge for public acute hospital inpatient services, and that the ex gratia payments will not be included in the financial assessment of means under the Nursing Homes Support Scheme Act 2009. However, Fianna Fáil is greatly concerned that the Magdalen laundries have been excluded from the commission of investigation into mother and baby homes which the Government is establishing this week.

It has been stated, and I tend to agree, that the mother and baby homes and Magdalen laundries were both a part of Ireland's architecture of containment of so-called problem women and girls and, as such, should be investigated under the same commission of investigation. Similarly, the proposals as outlined do not fully reflect the recommendations outlined by Mr. Justice Quirke, whose proposals included full pension rights for those affected and the granting of a medical card similar to that given to State-infected hepatitis C survivors under the HAA card scheme. This is a shame, in our opinion, and, indeed, a lost opportunity. Let us not forget why this Bill is before the House today. The inhumane conditions of work, the de facto slave labour status of women, and the gross unfairness of their indefinite incarceration in the laundries mark a grave breach of the human rights and dignity of the women involved.

Evidence already in the public domain definitely reveals that the Irish State colluded in the operation of the laundries, as the justice system sent women into them and State agencies, such as hospitals, employed the laundries. The courts, too, sent women to the laundries, with some 26% of entries via the State system, while gardaí returned runaways from the institutions. The system was evidently not a voluntary mechanism. The State failed the women involved by failing to implement effective supervision of the laundries, uphold its own health and safety standards, or provide for their education and social welfare rights.

We in Fianna Fáil have already acknowledged the failures of all who participated in public life and did not act to intervene. Earlier consideration should have been given to this issue and there is no doubt that the women of the Magdalen laundries deserved earlier intervention. We have already stated that steps should have been taken earlier to give an apology such as that made by the Taoiseach.

The process outlined by the Taoiseach at the time of his apology gave great hope to the women who survived the Magdalen laundries. The publication of the report by Mr. Justice Quirke and the Government's acceptance in full of all the recommendations contained in it was greatly welcomed by survivors' groups and all parties in this House. The Government proposed that the specific proposals be discussed with the survivors and that a comprehensive package be agreed to and passed in legislation. The current legislation we are debating arises out of this process, but it is said that the legislation does not go as far as Mr. Justice Quirke recommended. The reaction to the publication of this legislation has not been an overly positive one. The Justice for Magdalenes Research, JFMR, the National Women's Council of Ireland, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, and Amnesty International (Ireland) have already called on the Government to honour the promise it made to Magdalen survivors in June 2013 and implement all of Mr. Justice Quirke's recommendations for a Magdalen restorative justice scheme. A spokesperson for JFMR criticised this legislation, saying:

The draft legislation does not meet Judge Quirke's recommendation on healthcare for Magdalene women. It is an obvious and unacceptable paring back of what the Government promised as part of the women’s redress package.

When we look at the recommendations of the Quirke report, it is clear to see that this legislation does fall short of what has been promised.

The first recommendation of the Quirke report stated:

Magdalen women should have access to the full range of services currently enjoyed by holders of the Health (Amendment) Act 1996 Card (“the HAA card”).

As an integral part of the ex gratia Scheme a card entitling its holder to health services equivalent to those provided to the holder of a HAA card should be given to each of the women who were admitted to and worked in a designated Magdalen laundry.

Instead of this, however, we see that the Bill promises the equivalent of a regular medical card. This is welcome, of course, but as I am sure the Minister is aware, most of the women already have medical cards. In this sense, the legislation does not meet Mr. Justice Quirke's recommendation on health care for Magdalen women. The Minister must outline why this is the case. It is unacceptable for the Government to say one thing on the publication of a report which shocked the country and then, when time has passed, water down the recommendations.

Those representing the survivors have stated that the Government has ignored Mr. Justice Quirke's recommendation to extend the Nursing Homes Support Scheme Act 2009 to Magdalen women who lack full capacity. An important element of the proposals was that applications to the scheme should be allowed to be made on those individuals' behalf and that their assets could be managed by a court-appointed representative in their best interests. It is our belief that those individuals need to be catered for and that this legislation should allow for the protection of women in institutionalised settings, provide independent advocates and ensure their interests are protected.

I ask that the Minister clarify this point further.

The Quirke report also recommended that each Magdalen woman of State pensionable age should receive a weekly amount from the State equivalent to the State contributory pension but taking into account any other State payments already being made; that each Magdalen woman under State pensionable age should receive a minimum weekly amount of €100 per week from the State but taking into account any other State payments already being made; and that all monetary payments should be exempt from income and other taxes and any form of means testing. I accept that payments have been made. However, as has been outlined by the groups representing these women, those who have received their lump sum compensation and pensions have promised not to sue the State in exchange for the full redress package recommended in the Quirke report. One of the most prominent campaigners on behalf of those women who suffered in the Magdalen laundries has stated:

The women who have received their lump sum compensation and pensions have promised not to sue the State in exchange for the full redress package recommended by Judge Quirke. However, this legislation is in clear breach of the women's legitimate expectations and puts those waivers on shaky ground.

It is a matter of concern that the survivors may seek to re-evaluate the agreement with the Government in light of the legislation before the House. I am sure this is an issue about which the Minister is also concerned. It is most worrying that the National Women's Council of Ireland has indicated that:

The Bill as currently proposed is a further denial of the rights of women survivors of the Magdalene Laundries. It undermines the Scheme as proposed by Judge Quirke, which provided only minimal recognition for the abuse women suffered. A particular area of concern is the denial of full pension entitlements for the women. Judge Quirke clearly recommended that the women should be treated as if they had made full pension contributions and yet the Government are refusing to back-date the pension entitlements for women. The women urgently require this compensation so as to provide a decent standard of living in their older years.

The Minister must outline how she will address the concerns that have been raised. We cannot allow another opportunity to be lost in the context of how these women are treated. If we are going to pass the legislation before us in order to address and amend the great wrong inflicted on these women, then it is important that we get it right. I implore the Minister to listen to the concerns of the survivors and do all she can to address them. We cannot allow another hurt to develop and be added to the many already visited on these women heretofore.

The Minister prefaced her description of the legislation by providing an account of how, in her eyes, the issue of the Magdalen laundries has been dealt with by the State and how it and the Government treated the victims and survivors. I take this opportunity to acknowledge that those survivors enjoyed a level of public recognition in respect of the experiences that they underwent, many of them as young girls. The Minister is correct to state that the pathways into the laundries were many and varied. It can also be stated that the experience behind the high walls with which the laundries were bounded was deeply traumatic and involved psychological and physical violence being visited upon the women and girls in question. Any attempt to discount their experience as something that happened in the dim and distant past or that was merely a consequence of the way things were at the time would be very wrong. Equally, any attempt to suggest that society at large did not know what was going on would also be wrong.

We now know that the State actively colluded with these institutions in terms of the committal and incarceration of women and girls. In many instances in which individuals made valiant efforts to escape, the State connived in returning them to the institutions in question. The Minister and I share a common analysis with regard to what happened. It is only fair that, on a personal level, I acknowledge her commitment in respect of the issues under discussion. Where she and I part company is in the context of her assertion to the effect that the McAleese report represented a comprehensive and full, fair and frank assessment of the facts relating to the laundries. The report did no such thing. I say that not by way of criticism of the former Senator McAleese but more by way of criticism of the Government that established the process by means of which he produced his report. The process in question was deliberately narrow and restrictive. In the view of victims and survivors, it led to the production of an report which was deeply flawed and which sought - deliberately or otherwise - to almost play down the scale and significance of their experiences. The criticisms levelled at the report have been echoed at the United Nations. The latter does not regard either the McAleese process or the report to which it gave rise as representing an adequate response on the part of the State to the cruel and degrading treatment meted out to these women and girls, who were arbitrarily detained and used as unpaid slave labour.

We find ourselves in something of a bizarre situation. We are dealing with legislation entitled Redress for Women Resident in Certain Institutions Bill, against the backdrop of a continuing degree of denial regarding the scale of what happened in such institutions. The assertion in the McAleese report to the effect that no sexual abuse occurred in these institutions has been the cause of deep unease and anger on the part of some survivors. Those who survive tell a different tale and indicate that examples of such abuse were not isolated or random but were, rather, consistent in nature. We are talking about redress in circumstances where the State and the Government have not yet fully recognised or measured exactly what happened within the institutions in question. Lest there be any misunderstanding, I re-emphasise the fact that neither the Minister nor the Government of which she is a member were responsible for these occurrences. I am not for one moment attempting to have a go at her or anybody else; I am merely setting out the facts as they present themselves.

Any discussion on redress, or the development of any legislation relating thereto, must begin with the firm aim of establishing the full facts. We have not yet reached that point.

Debate adjourned.
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