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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 24 Mar 2015

Vol. 872 No. 1

Topical Issue Debate

Foreign Conflicts

The Minister of State and I will both agree that Syria is in a terrible situation with 3.3 million refugees, 5.5 million displaced within the country and another 3 million who have left the country to look for work. This amounts to approximately 12 million people in total. The people are starving with four out of five people said to be living in dire poverty and suffering hunger.

It is very difficult to know what Ireland can do but one thing we should encourage is the realisation that there will not be a military solution to the crisis. All the turmoil started out of the bombing of Iraq beginning in 2003 which in turn led to civil war in Iraq between Sunni and Shia and the creation of ISIS. The recent bombing campaign by the US in Iraq and Syria is unlikely to help the situation. The flow of arms from western allies and from the Saudis through Turkey into Syria will not help things. There will not be a military solution. We must encourage the US to sit down with the Russians and the Iranians to stop the massacre and the violence because it is too horrific for words. Those parties are the most powerful and they can make a difference. The work must be towards securing a truce.

While work towards achieving a truce in Syria is worthwhile, the flow of arms to Israel must stop and Palestine must be recognised as a state in its own right. Much of the trouble in the Middle East emanates from the problems in Palestine and these problems will continue until justice is achieved for the Palestinians.

It is difficult to speak in two minutes about the unending horror being faced by people in Syria. We tabled this topical issue on the fourth anniversary of the start of the conflict because after four years of unrelenting struggle, desolation reigns and there is no end in sight for the country's citizens. It is not that Syrian people support one political faction or another but that they are simply exhausted and war-weary. Millions are living in refugee camps where their basic needs are not met, while others starve. More than 200,000 people have been killed, yet nobody remembers the dead because there are no morgues and no functioning state to register their deaths. The economy has shrunk, poverty is everywhere and ISIS holds sway in large parts of the north and east of the country. Syria is in an unmitigated humanitarian disaster.

While it is necessary to look forward, we must also look back. When President Obama decided to arm the Syrian opposition Deputy Wallace and I argued in this Chamber that his decision would make matters worse rather than better. I do not feel good making that statement but it is true. Two years ago, Oxfam issued a statement in which it pointed out that sending arms to the Syrian opposition would not "create a level playing field." It continued:

Instead, it risks further fuelling an arms free-for-all where the victims are the civilians of Syria. Our experience from other conflict zones tells us that this crisis will only drag on for far longer if more and more arms are poured into the country.

This militarisation of the conflict is the nub of the issue. Military support by external forces, including bombing raids, must stop to create a space amid the desolation that would allow Syrians to try to grapple with a solution. As a neutral country, Ireland should be spearheading this call.

I welcome the opportunity to reflect on the appalling tragedy which unfolds daily in Syria. I fully concur with the Deputies' analysis of the extent of the tragedy in Syria and the terrible loss of life that has occurred. This issue has been raised to coincide with the fourth anniversary of the start of the conflict. On 15 March 2011, brave young Syrians began to protest against the corruption of the Assad regime, calling for reform and better government. The leadership of the Syrian regime chose to refuse these demands and acted to suppress the popular protests by murdering and torturing civilians, thereby initiating a fight against its own people.

The horrific conflict that ensued has led to the deaths of more than 200,000 Syrians and almost 4 million refugees have fled to neighbouring countries. Of the 7.5 million people displaced inside Syria, more than half are children who have been traumatised by the violence they have witnessed. Life expectancy in Syria has fallen by a scarcely believable 24 years since the beginning of the conflict, proof, if it were needed, of the horrific hardship and suffering borne by the Syrian population.

Ireland stands with its international partners in supporting a political solution which draws on the principles set out in the 2012 Geneva communiqué, namely, an end to violence, the formation of an inclusive transitional governing body with executive powers and the initiation of a constitutional process for a democratic Syria which preserves Syria's multiethnic and multi-religious character.

Ireland's humanitarian assistance for the people of Syria since 2011 has already reached €31 million. Working with trusted non-governmental organisation partners, United Nations agencies and the Red Cross, our support has met a range of emergency needs, including food, water and sanitation, shelter and other forms of protection. Humanitarian access within Syria remains hampered by regime restrictions on aid agencies, the disunity of the armed opposition and the intensity of the conflict. I repeat the Government's call for safe and unhindered humanitarian access.

Ireland will continue to provide humanitarian assistance in response to ongoing needs in Syria and neighbouring countries hosting Syrian refugees. We have already provided €1.8 million to support the work of UN agencies in 2015, most of which targets the needs of children. My colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Sean Sherlock, will attend a pledging conference for Syria in Kuwait next week, at which he will set out how Ireland intends to support the Syrian people in 2015 and will pledge further funding.

I repeat Ireland's condemnation of the multiple war crimes suffered by the Syrian people at the hands of all parties to the conflict. I also reiterate our call on the Security Council to refer the position in Syria to the International Criminal Court.

Ireland is also working on the implementation of measures to address terrorism and violent extremism, which are a threat to the peoples and countries of the Middle East and Europe. We are committed to protecting all victims of violent and extremist ideology and determined to respond to these threats, while strengthening the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms. With our international partners, Ireland remains fully committed to doing everything in its power to end the terrible suffering of the Syrian people.

The Minister and I agree that both sides in the Syrian conflict have been guilty of horrific crimes. The use of arms and bombing by both sides is not helping matters. When Pol Pot started his campaign he had an army of 5,000 men, yet within four years the actions of President Nixon and his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, through the use of B52 bombers, had increased this figure to 200,000. ISIS is similar to Pol Pot's crowd in that its members are also a bad shower that has grown out of the violence in the region. We need to stop this violence and advocate for the bombing campaign in Syria and Iraq to stop. ISIS will not be beaten by bombing them from 30,000 ft. The bombing campaign does not solve the problem as it causes even greater misery for the citizens who must live under it. We must call on everyone to stop supplying arms and munitions to Syria.

The Minister of State is dead right; Assad is an animal. However, when people took to the streets in Bahrain the Saudis, using US munitions and arms, stopped the protests because the Bahraini Government could not handle them.

While we could all sign up to the aspirations set out in the Geneva communiqué of 2012, they are a million miles away from the reality on the ground in Syria. The communiqué refers to a constitutional process and calls for a democratic Syria, yet it is no longer certain that Syria exists as a country. It is certainly not multiethnic or multi-religious in character and is falling apart in the most traumatic way. One year after the communiqué was issued, the United States and other countries decided to arm the Syrian opposition, including jihadists. This decision contributed to the problems being experienced by the country and I expect that, in retrospect, the countries in question regret their decision given the crisis it helped to spawn. This vindicates our point that one cannot hope for good to come from external military intervention in such conflicts. Only bad things come from such an approach, of which the mushrooming of ISIS has been a by-product. Therefore, I strongly support the call that Ireland, as a supposedly neutral country, should be arguing for an end to both the arms that are going in from external sources and the bombs that are being dropped, as well as a facilitation of peace on the ground.

There is broad agreement that the only possible future to what is the most dangerous and destabilising crisis in the Middle East, given the number of people who have been displaced or killed, is work that will deliver de-escalation. To that end, the United Nations special envoy, Staffan de Mistura, is working to attempt the extremely difficult task of promoting a graduated de-escalation proposal based on local conflict freezes, almost to break off pieces of the conflict to ascertain whether they can be addressed. It is hoped this will create conditions for political negotiations that may lead to ending the conflict. However, the Deputy is correct. This initiative is proving extremely difficult to implement on the ground in the face of military actions by all parties now concerned. The aspirations of the communiqué are a million miles away from what is happening on the ground and the collapse of the legitimacy and authority of state institutions across much of Syria, just as happened previously in Iraq, has created conditions that have allowed for the emergence of radical non-state groups and in particular the violent extremist Sunni groups known as ISIS or ISIL. One must hope that Staffan de Mistura can achieve his ambition. There was significant discussion on the matter recently at the Foreign Affairs Council, as well as support for his ambition to try to create these conflict-free zones to allow some attempt at conflict negotiation.

Garda Stations

I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, to confirm the opening hours status of Boyle Garda station and to provide an update on the matter. There has been local speculation about changes to Boyle Garda station's opening times and I ask the Minister of State to provide reassurance and clarity in this regard. I am aware that the chief superintendent of the Longford-Roscommon Garda division has moved to allay concerns by stating these changes are not a retrograde step and will help make more gardaí visible in the community out on patrol and will ensure they are mounting more checkpoints. I also am glad to note the chief superintendent stated there would be no reduction in the number of front-line gardaí. All Members agree that it is vital to have a visible and effective police service on which families, businesses and communities can rely. All Members are aware that An Garda Síochána is undergoing reform and central to this reform is that the operational strategy is aimed at freeing up more gardaí from desk duties, increasing the number of patrols and enhancing visibility in rural areas in particular on a 24-7 basis. This allows gardaí to respond even faster to incidents and especially in the more remote areas, this must be welcomed.

The question must be asked as to whether this strategy is working. As the Minister of State probably will note, the evidence indicates it is working extremely well in County Roscommon. The data for 2014 indicate that Roscommon is the safest county in the country, with crime rates that are 53% below the national average. In comparison, the crime rate in Dublin is four times that of Roscommon, which has the lowest rate in the country at just 234 crimes recorded per 10,000 of population. While these figures are extremely positive, the sterling work of the Garda in Roscommon, as in every county, must continue on a daily basis to protect communities.

As for what the people seek, they are deeply concerned that the lack of opening times may affect people's access to Boyle Garda station. The Minister of State should relay this point to the Garda authorities to try to ensure its opening times remain the same. Two years ago, a commitment was given by the superintendent that the station's opening times would remain the same and the Garda should look into this and should live up to its commitment. Regarding the expectations of a 21st century police service, I make the point that it must retain the trust and confidence of the public and I believe it has done this to a great extent. Again, I understand that the Garda district in which Boyle was the main station amalgamated with Castlerea and there has been much speculation over the past two or three years that this might undermine people's security in rural areas. I am aware that many Garda stations have been closed in other areas and this has not had a negative impact on crime but has helped to reduce crime in those areas. I am not one of those politicians who will shout for the sake of shouting. I am not one of those politicians who will go about putting the fear of God into everybody. I understand that change must be made but on this occasion, I really believe that reducing the opening hours of Boyle Garda station is a drastic step. I believe the reduction from being open on a 24-hour basis to being open for six hours on one day and for two hours in the evenings is far too much. I ask the Minister of State to talk to the superintendent and to the Garda authorities to try to ensure they will consider this issue to allay the fears of the people on the ground.

While he is at it, he might find out whether the former Commissioner was sacked.

The Minister, Deputy Fitzgerald, has asked me to thank Deputy Feighan for raising this matter and to acknowledge his concern and measured approach in these matters. Members will be aware that decisions in respect of the allocation of resources, including station opening hours, are a matter for the Garda Commissioner in the context of her operational requirements and that the Minister has no direct function in this matter. The Minister has been advised that the Garda authorities continue to identify and achieve organisational and operational efficiencies with a view to maintaining a robust and flexible organisation designed to meet existing and emerging policing challenges. Accordingly, decisions in respect of the allocation of resources are subject to ongoing analysis and review by the Commissioner and her senior management team to ensure the best use is made of available Garda resources. In this context, the Garda authorities completed a comprehensive review of their district and station network in 2013. The review was undertaken by An Garda Síochána to identify opportunities to introduce strategic reform to enhance service delivery and to increase operational efficiencies across the organisation.

The revised structures continue to support the Garda's community policing philosophy through the clustering of services at policing hubs. In a point made by the Deputy in his contribution, the centralisation of services facilitates the introduction of an enhanced patrolling system that is operational and intelligence-led. This patrol system will ensure that a high visibility and community oriented policing service continues to be delivered nationwide. It is designed to ensure there will be increased Garda visibility and patrolling hours, as well as increased mobility and flexibility within an area, resulting in an improved policing service to the public. In addition, the system will facilitate an enhanced co-ordination of Garda activity resulting in greater visibility and presence in communities, more effective use of the limited resources across a wider area and hopefully a continued Garda presence in communities.

The Minister has been informed that local Garda management has reviewed the hours during which Boyle Garda station currently is open to the public. In the context of providing an enhanced policing service to the newly enlarged district of Castlerea, these arrangements are designed to free up Garda personnel for outdoor policing duties who otherwise would be engaged in keeping the station open to the public. It is important to note the Minister has been assured that Boyle Garda station will remain a fully functioning station with Garda members providing a 24-hour service seven days a week.

There will be no reduction in the number of Garda personnel assigned to the station. The same level of resources and Garda patrols will continue to be deployed in the area. In addition, the Minister has been informed that the new times during which the station is open to the public will continue to be reviewed to ensure the revised arrangements are delivering an enhanced policing service.

The Minister has been informed by the Garda authorities that the new public opening hours for Boyle Garda station will take effect from Monday, 6 April. They are set out in the table which I have circulated. The Minister has been informed by the Garda authorities that they are satisfied that a comprehensive policing service will continue to be delivered in the area concerned and that the proposed structures will ensure the delivery of an effective and efficient policing service to the community.

I thank the Minister of State for his reply. I take some consolation from the fact that there will be a fully functioning Garda station 24 hours a day, seven days a week, and also that there will be no reduction in the number of frontline gardaí. I will be keeping an eye on the opening hours at Boyle Garda station, which are open to review. As a community we can work closely together to ensure that we get the best possible result from this.

I come from a community that is very proud of its gardaí. My grandfather, James Feehily, was one of the first gardaí to join the new force at the foundation of this State. I come from a family and a community that has utter respect for the work, professionalism and integrity of the Garda Síochána.

Sometimes, however, I find it difficult to accept that gardaí can be an easy target in difficult times. We must remember that the Garda Síochána has defended the institutions of the State. Its members defended the country when there was a threat to the security of the State. I, for one, will always support the gardaí in their work. I understand there have been some difficult situations over the years and I am delighted that they have been addressed. As a politician, I will not take cheap shots at the men and women who protect this State.

Fine Gael is the party of law and order that has always tried to maintain the institutions of the State. I reiterate my total respect for and thanks to the hard-working, courageous men and women of An Garda Síochána.

I strongly share Deputy Feighan's sentiments concerning the support we need to give to our gardaí who do a very difficult job on our behalf. It is sometimes a thankless task. We are lucky to be well served in this country by our gardaí. The Garda Síochána is internationally recognised as being an excellent police force, particularly in how its members engage in community policing, reaching the fabric of Irish life at all levels.

These matters will continue to be kept under review both locally and nationally by Garda management. As I said, Boyle Garda station's opening hours have been examined with the express view of improving policing services in the area. The proposed new arrangements will free up gardaí for operational purposes. There will be no reduction in the number of Garda personnel assigned to the station. The same level of resources and Garda patrols will continue to be deployed in the area. That is a fluid situation which will be reviewed on an ongoing basis. The Minister has been informed by the Garda authorities that they are satisfied a comprehensive policing service will continue to be delivered in the area concerned and that the proposed structures will ensure the delivery of an effective and efficient policing service for all of the community.

Industrial Disputes

I compliment the Minister of State, Deputy Nash, on the good work he has been doing in this general area over a period of time. The particular issue I am addressing is a serious one. A date for strike action has been agreed for 2 April by Mandate after every effort was exhausted to try to bring Dunnes Stores to the table to negotiate and use the industrial relations machinery.

I request the Minister of State to use his good offices in whatever way he can to try to persuade Dunnes Stores management to address the issues of conflict between the parties, come to the Labour Court and enter into what would be regarded as normal industrial relations discussions. That is the nub of the matter and it is not unprecedented. Over the last 20 years, Dunnes Stores has been before the Labour Court six times. Therefore, while the company is reluctant to do so at the present time, nevertheless there is a precedent.

The workers at Dunnes Stores are campaigning on four key issues. They are seeking secure hours and incomes, which they do not have at present. Virtually everything is precarious, given the number of hours involved, including zero hour contracts and low pay. They are seeking secure jobs, fair pay and the right to be represented by their trade union. Unfortunately, none of these elements is available at present. The precarious nature of their employment makes it impossible for employees to earn enough for a decent standard of living or to plan for their families' future.

Some 70% of Dunnes Stores' employees are women. Earlier today, we had a meeting with the workers and their Mandate trade union. They informed Members of this House about the issues at stake. One of the women said that of the 69 people working in her Dunnes Stores premises, only one had a permanent contract. All the others are on part-time, low-hours or zero hour contracts. It is incredible in this day and age that there is that level of uncertainty about the work place in a major outlet. We are talking about a huge workforce comprising 10,000 employees in 122 stores in the Republic of Ireland. It is an Irish company that has roughly 24% of the market in this country. The company should be exemplary in showing the way forward on pay, working conditions and industrial relations.

I am bringing these issues to the Minister of State's attention to see how best we can address them. The decision to embark on industrial action was taken as a last resort when Mandate balloted its members. Some 67% of the members voted in the ballot, of which 67% voted for strike action. Therefore, this industrial action has strong support among the workforce which mainly comprises women. In that sense there is a further gender gap in low pay that needs to be addressed.

I acknowledge the Minister of State's work in the area of precarious employment, including zero hour and low hour contracts. He has established the Low Pay Commission to deal with minimum pay. In addition, the Cabinet has agreed to ensure that legislation on collective bargaining mechanisms will be introduced.

All of these come together as regards what we are talking about today. Specifically, we need to ensure that every effort is made in order that Dunnes Stores would come to the negotiating table and that there would be a satisfactory solution without having to embark on industrial action. Certainly, if there is industrial action on this issue with this cohort of people, I do not see any reason everybody in this House should not be in favour of the workforce.

I thank Deputy Costello for raising this important matter and articulating very clearly the experiences of some of the employees, which he outlined earlier. A presentation was made to Oireachtas colleagues today by members of the Mandate trade union, many of whom are working in Dunnes Stores. I also want to acknowledge the Deputy's recognition of the work I have carried out with Government colleagues in terms of the dignity at work and dignity of work agenda, enhancing employment rights and making sure that work always pays.

I understand that the current dispute revolves around a range of issues, including the introduction of banded hours contracts, individual and collective representational rights and a review of the use of temporary contracts. Mandate trade union is seeking to engage with the company on these issues and the matter was referred by the union to the Labour Court under section 20(1) of the Industrial Relations Act 1969 in October of last year.

The company was not represented at the Labour Court hearing. In this regard, the court found it regrettable that the company declined to participate in the investigation of the dispute or to put forward its position on the union's claims. In its recommendations of 14 November 2014, the Labour Court reaffirmed earlier recommendations it had made by noting that the company and the union were parties to a collective agreement signed in 1996 which provides a procedural framework within which industrial relations disputes and differences arising between the parties can be resolved by negotiation and dialogue. The Labour Court pointed out that the dictates of good industrial relations practice requires parties to honour their collective agreements in both spirit and intent.

I am disappointed that the company decided against attending the Labour Court hearing, contrary to good industrial relations practice. In my view, the experience and expertise of the Labour Court offers the most appropriate and effective avenue for resolving such issues. I urge both parties to avail of the services of the State's industrial relations machinery, which remains available to assist the parties if requested. It is my opinion that engagement with the State's industrial relations machinery offers the best way whereby the parties involved in this dispute can hope to resolve their differences. As the Deputy knows, neither the Labour Court nor the Minister can compel a company to comply with such recommendations. Ultimately, responsibility for the settlement of a trade dispute rests with the parties to the dispute. However, I would like to see an early and fair settlement to this dispute.

As regards zero hour contracts, in accordance with the statement of Government priorities, the Deputy will be aware and has acknowledged that I recently commissioned the University of Limerick, UL, to carry out a study into the prevalence of zero hour and low hour contracts and the impact of such contracts on employees. The appointment of UL follows a competitive tendering process. This is the first time that any Government has taken such a keen interest in this area. Without pre-empting the outcomes of the report, if there is a need to legislate to address issues raised, we will do so.

The key objectives of the study are to fill the gap in knowledge that currently exists in terms of the data and information that is available concerning the prevalence of zero hour and low hour contracts, to assess the impact of zero hour and low hour contracts on employees and to enable me as Minister of State to make any evidence-based policy recommendations to Government considered necessary on foot of the study. The study will have a broad scope, covering both public and private sectors, with a particular focus on the retail, hospitality, education and health sectors. The study will also consider recent developments in other jurisdictions, including the UK in particular. The study will also identify how the information gap might be addressed in future.

Unlike the position in the UK, section 18 of the Organisation of Working Time Act 1997 provides that where employees on zero hour contracts suffer a loss by not being given the hours they were requested to work or be available for work, they can be compensated for 25% of the time or 15 hours, whichever is less. There is no equivalent provision in the UK, where employees on zero hour contracts are only paid for time spent working and if they are not given hours by their employer, they receive no compensation.

It is worth noting that while the proportion of Irish workers who are on temporary contracts rose slightly during the recession, reaching 10.5% in 2011, it has since fallen back to the pre-recession level of 9.5% and remains significantly below the EU average of 14.4%. The Central Statistics Office data for February 2015 indicates that the share of casual and part-time workers on the live register was down by over 11% when compared to February 2014, equivalent of over 9,000 workers. The cumulative decrease is 17,625 workers since February 2013. Of the jobs that were created last year, 94% were full-time jobs.

The Deputy will appreciate that I cannot anticipate the outcome of the study or the Government's consideration of the study's findings.

I thank the Minister of State for his reply and am delighted he has indicated he is pressurising both sides to come together in so far as he can, to attend the Labour Court and resolve their difficulties and the gap between them as quickly as possible and in a fair manner.

The message that should be coming tonight is that there is excellent industrial relations machinery here that can resolve virtually any situation if it is adhered to by the companies involved and if they participate properly. On this occasion, Dunnes Stores has refused to go to the Labour Court despite the criticism by the Labour Court of its refusal to do so. It is not too late to do it - there is until 2 April and I urge Dunnes Stores strongly to attend the Labour Court and to seek a resolution to the matter. The alternative is industrial action or strike that could go on for a considerable period and put in jeopardy employment prospects for the future. Recognising the fact that 76% of the workers in Dunnes Stores are on either part-time or flexible contracts throughout the country, there is clearly an issue to be addressed.

There is the immediate issue and then the broader issue of low pay and I am delighted the Minister of State is addressing that in a comprehensive fashion. The situation that arises is totally unacceptable because it means that so many people in the workforce are vulnerable. They are vulnerable to bullying, threats, intimidation and loss of hours. They cannot have the proper dignity of the workplace if they can be called in to work but are paid nothing and sent home if there is no work there, or if there is variation in work from day to day and week to week. It is an inhumane fashion of treating people and it is high time there was a proper structure put in place to ensure that people are treated in a reasonable and dignified fashion and that they can have a career in the retail industry that allows them a living wage with decent conditions.

In these types of circumstances, of course the question will be asked as to how the Government can help to address a situation like this where an employer refuses to engage with its workforce. It is to address these very kinds of circumstances that I am drafting new collective bargaining legislation which we will enact as a Government in mid-2015. Deputy Costello will be only too well aware that this is a key commitment of the Labour Party and indeed Fine Gael in government, which was reflected again in the Taoiseach's and Tánaiste's statement of priorities as recently as last July.

I will legislate for an improved framework for workers who seek to improve their terms and conditions where there are no arrangements in place with their employers to do so through a collective bargaining system. This new system will give confidence to workers in employment where there is no collective bargaining. They will have a robust and effective legal system that will ensure they can air their grievances about pay, terms and conditions and have these determined based on comparators with relevant and similar companies and, crucially, where they cannot and will not be victimised for doing so. I understand the Labour Court, a key labour relations institution in this State which we all know commands the respect of employers, trade unions and the public, made this point as recently as last November:

"The Company, contrary to the terms of the 1996 Collective Agreement, has refused to engage with the Union on those grievances either in direct talks, through the LRC or at the Labour Court."

I understand that Mandate trade union has referred matters concerning the effective non-utilisation of what is now a 20 year old agreement to the court on several occasions in the past five years or so. What has occurred does not serve the interest of anybody. It certainly does not serve the interests of society or the economy or serve the promotion of harmonious industrial relations broadly where any party to any dispute of any description, regardless of whether it is an employer or trade union, might run the risk of being accused of treating the State's highly developed industrial relations institutions in a cavalier fashion. The Deputy will agree with me that nobody takes lightly a decision to take industrial action, and certainly strike action. Strike action hurts both workers and businesses and it is a decision of last resort. I can understand the frustration of the workers involved and their trade union representatives.

This dispute can certainly be avoided. I would like to see it avoided, as would everybody, but it should be in everyone's interest to seek an early, just and fair resolution to it through the professional, respected and trusted industrial relations machinery of the State. The institutions of the State that deal with industrial relations stand available to engage with the parties involved to assist in the delivery of such an outcome.

Road Safety Data

The Minister will be familiar with the survey released today that demonstrates road users are more likely to lose their lives in counties where the fewest penalty points are issued. County Monaghan, for example, has one of the lowest rates of penalty point issuance in the State but it is had more fatal accidents than any other county, with 13 per 100,000. County Kerry has had relatively few penalty points issued but its roads are among the most dangerous. There were nine fatal accidents per 100,000. There is a similar pattern in County Donegal. The Minister and I are well aware that speeding is by far the most common cause of the issuing of penalty points, and it is usually at the root of death and injury on the roads. The Road Safety Authority was unable to comment on the figures. I hope the Minister will be able to shed some light on them.

The county I am most familiar with, County Clare, is the one where penalty points are most likely to be issued to motorists. As a result, it has one of the lowest rates of death and injury on the roads. The figures suggest that a falling off in Garda enforcement in recent years is the main reason behind the statistics that have been put forward. AA Roadwatch is also of the view that there has been a reduction in the level of enforcement.

The Minister is very familiar with the interest group PARC, which has done excellent work highlighting the concerns of citizens, particularly those affected by death and injury on the roads. It continues to make the point that the falling off in Garda numbers, particularly in the traffic corps, is affecting significantly the rate of death and injury on the roads. The latest figures from the Garda suggest there was a 7% decrease between 2013 and 2014 in the size of the traffic corps. There has been an overall decrease of approximately 21% since 2011. That sets the stage for what is happening.

The survey brings into very clear focus a correlation between the issuance of penalty points and a reduced rate of death and injury on the roads. That was always expected to happen. It is the reason the Gatso vans were introduced initially, and then the GoSafe vans. It was a way of bolstering or increasing the level of detection. It was not meant to be the only method of detecting poor driver behaviour: it is meant to work in conjunction with an effective traffic corps as part of the work of the Garda.

While the GoSafe vans are working reasonably well in some counties, there are issues. The Minister is familiar with them, including those associated with the application of penalty points and the fact that, in some instances, District Court judges are interpreting the law in a particular manner, resulting in many of the cases being thrown out. If one considers the issues associated with the GoSafe vans and the associated litigation, in addition to the reduction in the size on the traffic corps, one realises they are leading to circumstances in which the Government will have to intervene, both by bolstering the law from the perspective of the GoSafe vans and by increasing the level of enforcement. An increase in the size of the traffic corps is warranted at this stage. I am anxious to hear the Minister's views on how he believes the matter can be addressed.

I thank Deputy Dooley for raising this matter. I will address each of his points in turn, having regard to the very valuable research published today in The Irish Times by Carl O'Brien. I read it this morning. I will answer some of the questions the Deputy has put to me on the resources available to An Garda Síochána and other bodies concerned with road safety. Before doing so, I will set out the context.

The penalty points system has worked well since its introduction in 2002. As the Deputy will be aware, over 70% of those who receive a fixed-charge notice pay the specified amount within 28 days. The main objective of the system is not to penalise people but to make them more aware of unsafe driving behaviour and to influence and change their behaviour. The year 2012 marked the tenth anniversary of the system. The review of the system at that landmark point resulted in the making of recommendations for the introduction of new offences and for changes to the number of penalty points to be applied to certain road traffic offences. When the review was completed, it was forwarded to the Joint Committee on Transport and Communications. This led to some very important and helpful changes, which were signed into law last year through the Road Traffic Act 2014. The penalty points proposals in the Act represent the product of significant consideration and input from a wide variety of people and organisations. The offences for which penalty points were increased include speeding, driving while holding a mobile phone and dangerous overtaking.

The number of deaths on our roads is of major concern, particularly in the context of the increase in fatalities in 2013 in 2014, which marked the first increases in fatalities since 2005. We are well aware that the main causes of road crashes are distraction, excessive and inappropriate speed, intoxication and fatigue. We are examining these areas on an ongoing basis to identify measures that can be taken to address the causes of loss of life and injury on our roads.

There is no single reason that can be identified for the increase in road deaths in the past two years. Older and younger pedestrians are the most vulnerable. According to statistics produced by the RSA, urban roads are the most dangerous, with crossing the road emerging as the most dangerous situational factor. For these reasons, we need to treat statistics in this area with some degree of care. That said, the body of analysis assembled by Mr. O'Brien in The Irish Times today is very valuable and has led to an action step. I had discussions with the Road Safety Authority on this work today.

I must point out a potential flaw in the analysis while by no means seeking to denigrate the work in any manner because it leads to some points I want to consider further. One aspect of care that we should take on board is that the points data, although broken down by county, do not correspond to where the original road traffic offences actually took place. The points data just state where the driver is domiciled. Therefore, it is not possible at this stage to state definitively that points awarded in a specific county have been incurred while committing an offence in that county.

To use the Deputy's example, a driver may have been detected committing an offence in Dublin but, because the address on his or her licence is in County Clare, where the authority originally issued the licence, the points will be attributed to County Clare.

An Garda Síochána is committed to continuing to work closely with all road safety agencies to target enforcement in areas where fatalities are more likely to occur. I spoke to the road traffic authority about the conclusions developed by Mr. O'Brien in today's edition of The Irish Times and I have asked for these to be examined further to see if there are any insights which can be used in our efforts to make our roads safer.

I am pleased the Minister has issued the clarification on where the penalty points might be obtained by a particular driver. Neither the statistics nor the report suggests that someone who is killed in a particular county is necessarily killed by someone from that county. The statistics can be over interpreted.

It is fair to say that it provides a good basis for risk profiling and it should feed into the RSA's approach to attempting to deal with the greatest risks. Where the level of penalty points issued is significantly below what the standard or mean average might be, enforcement in that county needs to be examined. When the correlation is done between an increase in deaths versus a reduced number of penalty points as a percentage basis in a county, it is worth looking at enforcement in the county rather than taking a general nationwide approach. A significant amount of work could be done in this area.

I wish to continue to support the approach taken by the Minister both in opposition and in government, which is a non-partisan approach to the issue of road safety. This should be done without getting into a political bunfight. No one has a monopoly on good ideas. However, we must look at the enforcement methodologies which are in place. This is the first time I have seen what I believe to be strong evidence linking death and injury with detection of poor driving activity by certain motorists. I hope the RSA will act on it in a manner which has the potential to be beneficial to all road users and that we will again see a gradual decline in the number of deaths and injury on the roads.

On the use of the information and the observation I made on the link between where an offence could be committed and where the person is domiciled, that observation by no means gets in the way of my saying that this is a very good piece of work and it could well lead to observations and insights that might well be of help in making our roads safer. This is why I have asked the Road Safety Authority to look at the conclusions in today's report to see if they can be used. However, the authority did not need prompting on my part. As the Deputy knows, the authority is as committed to this objective as any of us and it will do this work.

I did not answer the Deputy's question on the level of resources available to the traffic corps and An Garda Síochána. It is my expectation that the size of the traffic corps will increase as the amount of resources and number of people available to An Garda Síochána increases over time, which will happen because An Garda Síochána has recommenced recruitment. Our roads are getting busier. They will get even busier in the future. The risk of injury and loss of life exists and will increase in response to the amount of additional activity on them. As the amount of resources which are available to An Garda Síochána grows, I expect to see the availability of staff and resources to the traffic corps grow in line with this.

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