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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 24 Mar 2015

Vol. 872 No. 1

Water Charges: Motion [Private Members]

I move:

“That Dáil Éireann:

notes:

— that from 1 April, one week from now, the first bills for water charges will start to be sent out to householders around the country;

— that water charges are another austerity tax arising from the bailout of major banks, bondholders, developers and the European financial markets system from their disastrous gambling in the property bubble in pursuit of super profits;

— that the imposition of water charges is the beginning of a process of the market commodification of water that would, if accepted, lead to the privatisation of water distribution and supply;

— that the Labour Party was elected on a platform of opposing the imposition of water charges;

— the massive opposition to the imposition of the water charges and to any steps toward privatisation of water supply;

— that opposition to the water charges has been graphically manifested since 11 October last year in the massive national and local demonstrations calling for the abolition of the charges and of Irish Water-Uisce Éireann;

— that this opposition was forcefully manifested in the result of the Dublin South-West by-election when candidates opposed to the water charges won 60% of the vote and the candidate advocating a mass boycott of the charges was elected to Dáil Éireann;

— that widespread protests are ongoing against the installation of unwanted water meters around the country; and

— that hundreds of local campaigns against water charges have been established the length and breadth of the country;

strongly condemns:

— the arrests following an anti-water charges protest in Tallaght in November 2014; and notes the jailing of four anti-water charges activists for peaceful protests against the installation of water meters and the widespread use of the Garda Síochána against residents opposed to water meters in their communities; and

— any move by the Government to make private landlords, local authorities or voluntary housing associations into collectors of water charges for Irish Water by obliging them to deduct the charges from tenants’ deposits or increase rents in cases where tenants are boycotting the charges;

demands:

— the immediate abolition of water charges;

— progressive taxation, including on wealth, corporate profits and financial markets’ transactions, to fund the upgrading of the water supply services including remediation of the leaking national infrastructure (for example, based on an effective corporation tax rate of 11 per cent in 2013, every 1 per cent increase would yield €388 million while the European Commission estimates a financial transaction tax would yield in Ireland between €490 million and €730 million per year);

— the abolition of Irish Water-Uisce Éireann, with responsibility for water services to be vested in democratic local authority structures involving national co-ordination, and unlike previously, adequate investment in water infrastructure to meet society’s needs; and

— a major grants scheme to retrofit homes with water saving devices and technology that would save billions of litres of quality drinking water being discharged needlessly into the wastewater systems each year; and

calls for:

— mass non-payment by householders of the water charges bills when they are delivered in April and May since the Government will have proved it is not prepared to abide by the clear wish of a majority to abolish the charges;

— water charges, and the demand for water to be in public ownership, to be made central issues in the forthcoming general election if not resolved pre-election; and

— local anti-water charges campaigns to discuss standing candidates in the general election opposing the charges and austerity and based on an advocacy of mass non-payment, of actively mobilising the opposition to these charges and for a real alternative to the parties of austerity.”

I move the motion on behalf of the Deputies from the Socialist Party and the Anti-Austerity Alliance.

I will speak for ten minutes and Deputy Paul Murphy will then speak for ten minutes.

It is ten minutes followed by ten minutes, then five minutes followed by five minutes. Is that agreed? Agreed.

In moving the motion on behalf of the Anti-Austerity Alliance and the Socialist Party this evening, we are offering the Government the chance to withdraw the water charges, which are hated and reviled throughout the country. We are also offering it the chance to disband Irish Water. It is a bottomless pit which has eaten up €539 million in water meters, €85 million in consultants and millions more in other expenditure. We are offering the Government the chance to retreat in an organised fashion from this debacle and to pull back its troops, in a disciplined way, from a battle it is clearly losing.

The Government has made many mistakes. One of them, of late, is believing its own propaganda that people had accepted the discounted water charges introduced in a panic last November and that somehow the protest movement had ebbed and retreated and is now a small group. Since when has tens of thousands of people filling up O'Connell Street during a Triple Crown victory been a protest movement in retreat or dwindling?

The Minister, Deputy Kelly, yesterday claimed that people were now coming on board and that they were jumping onto the water charges train. If people are jumping on board, why did the Minister feel it necessary to push them today by issuing threats of deduction at source of the water charges, a threat which the Minister knows is idle? The water charges have become a lightning conductor for the suffering by ordinary people of six years of austerity in this country. In many ways, the charges are no worse than other austerity measures which preceded them, such as the universal social charge, the property tax and the housing and mortgage debt which has been left hanging around people's necks. However, there is one major difference with the water charges. People have control over them and we can win on this issue. People have the power to withhold payment and to engage in a mass campaign of civil disobedience, without needing the permission of anyone such as a trade union leader or anyone else.

The Minister, Deputy Kelly, spoke of fairness and said that everyone must pay and make a contribution. The water charges are a highly regressive measure. A millionaire pays the same as a minimum wage worker. How can this be considered in any way progressive? In the budget in 2015, the Government saw fit to give a tax cut of €405 million to the top 17% of earners and to levy a water charge of €290 million on the rest of us. We have tax cuts for the wealthy and water charges for the poorest. The water charges can never be fair or democratic. The Minister was out bullying and threatening today but he said something different four years ago when he opposed water charges and got elected on that basis.

People have marched. People have been demonised by this Government and have been arrested and jailed. Now people have to use the best and only way we have to win and get the water charges abolished. That is a mass collective refusal to pay the bills in one week's time. This is essential to defeat the water charges and to make Irish Water financially unviable, to deprive it of revenue and to make it politically impossible for this or a future Government to maintain the water charges.

A general election is most likely to occur in a year's time when non-payment of water charges could be at its peak. Four or five households out of every ten canvassed by Government parties might not be paying and many others might also oppose the charges. After one year of non-payment, a new Government will have to abolish the water charges. Let us be clear. Regardless of the promises of parties to the effect that they will abolish the charges, a new Government will maintain them if people have been paying. It will have its arm twisted and come under the same pressure from the troika that the current Government has for the past six years with arguments about having spent a great deal of money etc. Mass non-payment of bills will render those threats useless. There are no penalties for one year and three months of non-payment. Nothing can happen until after a full year of non-payment, by which time there will have been a general election.

At the 11th hour today, the Minister and some in the compliant media, owned by billionaires, some of whom have a vested interest in pursuing the water charges agenda, have put out the spin that new legislation is being introduced to deduct water charges at source. The water charge is a utility, not a tax. If the Government wants to deduct utility bills from people's earnings, it will have to bring major legislation through the House. Even if it does so, it will have to bring people to court and persuade judges to impose attachment orders on their wages or welfare payments. How can this or any Government bring 500,000 or even 1 million non-payers through the courts? It would be impossible. This is why mass non-payment is key to abolishing the charges.

If the Minister dares to tinker with this legislation for a third time or to introduce such a law, other utilities might as well get into the queue - Electric Ireland, the television licence and Bord Gáis. A precedent will have been set by the Government deducting payment for bills that people cannot afford from their earnings. The threat that we saw in today's Irish Independent about fast-tracking court hearings to address this issue is in contrast with the Government's hands-off attitude towards the bankers, developers and wealthy who brought this country to ruin. There were no fast-tracked courts, or any court, for them.

The Government's big brother approach, for example, turning landlords and councils into debt collectors for Irish Water, is obscene. I received two letters today from council tenants. One is 80 years old and, like many, is a tenant of a housing agency, in this case Túath Housing. He had received a letter to the effect that his details had to be handed over by the housing agency and that, if he did not pay his bill, he would not be in fulfilment of his tenancy agreement. In other words, it was threatening an elderly man with eviction. This is outrageous carry-on by the Government. I was also sent a letter from someone who had received it from Clúid, which is legally bound to pass over its tenants' details. It is unbelievable that people, the very ones that the Labour Party in particular promised to protect, are being scared.

I have one or two words for the Labour Party. Its treachery towards working class people knows no bounds. Neither does its political stupidity, in that it has taken on the most savage roles in government - water, the housing crisis and the Ministry of social destruction. Today's threats are its obituary. People are reacting in outrage at the contrast in treatment between ordinary people and the well-heeled in society. The Labour Party deserves everything that is coming its way. The Minister has threatened the poorest people. Four years ago, the Labour Party said it was going to protect people from Fine Gael cuts-----

I remind the Deputy that displays are not in order in the House.

I never campaigned against water charges.

-----and a €238 water charge. In actuality, it has introduced a €260 water charge, a higher figure than what it claimed Fine Gael would stand over. Labour has given people that and broken every other promise that it made. I strongly advise Fine Gael and, in particular, the Labour Party to avail of this opportunity to withdraw the water charges and to vote for our motion, which is giving the latter an opportunity to save itself from political extinction.

Government spokespersons have not failed in recent months when presented with cameras or microphones to express their full confidence in the fact that people will accept and pay the water charges and that the protest movement is a diminishing minority. They have constantly been confident in their words, but actions speak more loudly. Their actions in recent months, particularly the past 24 hours, demonstrate that they are not confident.

Consider the incredible State repression that is being meted out to anti-water charge protestors. Consider the jailing of four people for two and a half weeks simply because they protested peacefully within 20 m of water meter installations. Consider the dawn raids involving six, eight or ten gardaí on the homes of more than 30 people, including teenagers, in Tallaght for their participation in a peaceful protest relating to the Tánaiste. Consider the use of private security contractors hired by GMC-Sierra, which is looking for Irish Water and, inevitably, the taxpayer to pay for them, who are bullying and intimidating peaceful protestors. Consider the large numbers of gardaí sent into working class communities to ensure that water meters are installed against the wishes of the majority of their residents. These are not the actions of a Government that is confident that water charges will be accepted.

Separate from the State repression, consider the delay in the deadline for registration. It is incredible that, on the morning of the deadline, a Labour Party spokesperson announced that it was no longer a drop-dead deadline and had been extended to the end of this year. We are on our fourth deadline, such is the enthusiasm for getting on the train of Irish Water. Consider the delay in the EUROSTAT test, which should have been occurring in or around now but will instead happen this summer at the earliest. Consider the incredible bluffing, bluster and bullying by the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Kelly, in the past 24 hours. These are all the actions of a Government that is scared, particularly of the massive non-payment that will sink their water charges and Irish Water. The Government is also scared that this will sink it and its austerity agenda. It is scared of knocking on doors at elections when a significant number of people have refused to pay. It is also scared of this movement's political potential. This morning, the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Howlin, stated that some of those involved in the anti-water charges movement were just interested in bringing the Government down. No, we are not "just interested" in that. We are also interested in smashing the entire austerity agenda, showing that there is an alternative to austerity and bringing down water charges.

We make no bones about it, though. We are interested in bringing down this Government, which has implemented such savage austerity and betrayed election promises, and the system of austerity and neoliberal capitalism that operates in the interests of the 1%. Irish Water is a microcosm, where the role of Denis O'Brien at the heart of a nexus of politics, money and media-----

I remind the Deputy that persons outside the House should not be mentioned.

That is rubbish.

It is a known fact.

It is a microcosm of the way our society-----

I am sorry, but it is not a microcosm.

But it is a known fact.

It is a microcosm.

I am sorry, but for the benefit of the Deputies still to speak-----

It is recognised in the public debate. You are wrong again.

I am sorry, Deputy, but I am not wrong.

You were wrong the last time and you are wrong again. I checked with the Ceann Comhairle.

Deputy, I just want to remind you-----

Could the Acting Chairman stop this talking? We want a debate.

If Deputy Halligan wants to erode the time, that is good enough, but-----

You are eroding the time.

-----the Member in possession shall keep to order.

It is a microcosm of a system in which things operate for the 1% against the interests of the 99% and where power is concentrated economically, in the media and politically in an extremely small number of hands.

Out of the movement against water charges comes the potential to change politics in Ireland utterly. It has already changed politics significantly but this issue has the potential to build the biggest, most significant, radical left challenge that has ever been mounted. The movement must have a political reflection, particularly in the context of all the bullying and the threat of court cases. In this motion we are calling for non-payment campaigns across the country and for discussions about standing candidates against the parties of austerity on a platform of non-payment of the water charges. We are calling for a principled stand against austerity and we rule out coalition with any of the establishment parties. We will use the platform of the Dáil to mobilise the power of working class people from below, to bring an end to the logic of austerity and of capitalism. Our challenge can involve existing left groups and existing left Independents but, most important, it can involve new, fresh forces who have not previously been involved in politics. Such people may not consider themselves as being in politics right now but they could stand and take seats from the austerity parties in this election so that we have a stance in almost every constituency in the country with perhaps over 20 Deputies being elected.

The other issue the Government is scared of is the EUROSTAT test. The latest manual of how the EUROSTAT test will operate makes it clear that to determine whether a producer is a market producer it must sell its products at an economically significant price which in practice would be assessed if the sales of the producer cover a majority of the production costs, that is, over 50%. It also states that this 50% test should be applied by looking over a range of years and only if the test holds for several years should it be applied strictly. In other words, the test will have to be redone whenever non-payment kicks in. An objective look at this will indicate that if there is any significant level of non-payment the Government is in trouble in respect of the EUROSTAT test. The whole model of off-balance sheet financing will be in crisis and the Government will itself face a political crisis.

This gets to the heart of what this is all about. It is a bit strange that, just a week out from bills coming out, we have to ask what the real agenda is but we have to do it because the numbers involved in Irish Water do not add up in terms of raising revenue, either for the State or Irish Water. During a debate in December it became clear that if everybody paid and everybody applied for the water conservation grant it would raise €90 million, not taking into account the cost of actually getting the money which itself will be greater than €90 million. The Government is introducing a charge that will lose money rather than raise it. Water charges are a revenue-losing exercise so why is it happening? What is the agenda behind them and why is the Labour Party willing to face complete annihilation over this issue? One reason is that it is part of shifting taxation in the longer term away from taxing profits, wealth and high income towards regressive taxation on working class people. Second, it is about privatisation, which is a long-term strategic goal of Irish Water.

Where did Irish Water come from? It came from a memorandum of understanding signed by Fianna Fáil and the Green Party in 2010. In other words, it came from the troika - the same troika included in the memoranda with Portugal and Greece to privatise their respective water companies. It represents a clear agenda coming from the European establishment. In Ireland we did not have any charges and our water was not commodified so a vital precondition before privatisation was introducing those charges. It is the dark forces the former Minister referred to. The major water corporations, including some of the biggest companies in the world such as Veolia, are profit hungry and ruthless in pursuing those profits. Privatisation is not just a future threat - it is happening right now from below with design, build and operate contracts given to the same companies, including Veolia, which operates large parts of the water infrastructure on a for-profit basis. It is also happening from above with off-balance sheet funding of Irish Water.

People should ask themselves why the Government is doing it. It is not because there is any money for free, though one would get the impression from the Government that there was, as the fact that it is off balance sheet means any money borrowed by Irish Water will have to be paid for by us through water charges. It is not because bringing it onto the balance sheet would mean Ireland would be over the deficit requirements of the EU because it would not mean that. It is not because it would bring in any more money for investment because it will not, as the money could be invested straight from Government or through Government borrowing at a lower rate than Irish Water would be able to borrow. So why is it happening? What is happening is the privatisation of the income stream of Irish Water. That is exactly what happened in the case of Detroit Water, which was owned by the city but whose funding was through the bond markets. The bond owners are interested in only one thing, which is their return, and that is why they were able to apply massive pressure to demand that water was cut off when people did not pay on time. The Government's plan is off-balance sheet financing to sell off the bonds and the income stream on the international financial markets.

The Government suggests that those who are not for water charges are for dilapidated water infrastructure. That is not the case. It is not our fault in the Anti-Austerity Alliance that we have a crisis in water infrastructure - it is the fault of this and the previous Governments which have not invested. One does not need water charges to have investment and if there are water charges there is no guarantee there will be investment. There is a choice here. It is a choice between regressive taxation and the privatisation of an income stream, leading to a charge that will take 2% of the disposable income of the bottom 10% and less than 0.2% of the income of the top 10%, or a central, progressive taxation where those who have more pay more, through corporation tax, a financial transaction tax and tax on the highest earners.

I have to call on the Deputy's colleague to speak.

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for the opportunity to speak in this very important debate on the major issue of water and on the broader issue of public services and the huge hardship our people are suffering. I am amazed that this Government still does not get the message despite the huge protests and marches and the widespread suffering in broader society. It has also failed to see the huge hurt and anger at what is happening in this country. It is up to all of us in Leinster House to stand by these people and not look the other way on this issue.

This issue is bigger and broader than just water. When a Government resorts to threatening and intimidating its own people to appease unwanted and overfunded quangos like Irish Water there is something seriously wrong in Irish politics. There is something seriously wrong in Irish society. Is it now the intention of the Government to attempt to take more payments for water, already paid in general and other taxes and squandered by incompetent politicians, from the pensions of our elderly, the social welfare payments of our poor and the wages of our struggling workers? Such a group of struggling workers were in this House today. I speak of the Dunnes Stores workers who are being hammered in respect of their working hours and their rates of pay. It reminds me of my history lessons about how we dealt with 1913. Now this Government wants to dip into their pockets and take more money from them. We also need to highlight the issue of the exploitation of lower paid workers in this society.

This motion highlights the fact that the water charges are another tax arising from the bailout of major banks, bondholders, developers and the European financial markets following their disastrous gambling on the property bubble in pursuit of profits. We also need to highlight the fact that the Labour Party was elected on a platform of opposing the imposition of water charges.

There is massive opposition to the imposition of water charges and to any step towards the privatisation of the water supply. In broader society there has been the harsh reality of cuts to blind children and cuts to the respite care grant and the Government still wonders why the people are angry and why they are fed up with it. It is an absolute scandal and we need to face up to the fact that there is a complete lack of equality or social justice in this country. I am not the only person saying this. The European Anti-Poverty Network in Ireland stated in a recent report that 1.4 million people, almost 31% of the population, suffered from deprivation. One quarter of the population cannot afford to heat their own homes adequately. Some 37% of children suffer deprivation.

The worst deprivation was felt by lone parents, the unemployed and people not at work through illness or disability. That is the stark reality, yet the Government wants to dip into their pockets again.

The numbers at risk of poverty, that is, below 60% of median income, have fallen slightly, although they are still above 2008 levels. The number experiencing consistent poverty has doubled since 2008 to 8.2%, while the Government needs to remove nearly 193,000 people from poverty and halve the current number to meet its target of 4% for 2016. That is what is happening in broader society. The Government and mainstream political parties ask from where the money will be obtained and how services can be funded. According to the Department of Finance, the top 1%, or 21,650, of earners have an annual gross income of €8.7 billion, with average earnings of €403,703 per year, or more than ten times the average industrial wage. Also, according to the Revenue Commissioners' latest available statistics, corporate profits are also increasing, with gross trade profits increasing to €73.8 billion in 2011, up from €70.8 billion. There is wealth in the country, but there seems to be a lack of emphasis in challenging that wealth.

I strongly support the motion. We have to make a decision and stand up for the people, raise this issue and create a proper, fair and equitable society.

I took part in a demonstration in the city centre on Saturday. It was one of a number of demonstrations in which I had participated. It is useful to walk along with the crowd to get a sense of who is there and why they are there. Essentially, there were friends and citizens. I met neighbours; they were ordinary people, not a bunch of revolutionaries. There was a very large crowd there and they know why they were there. This is about water, but it is also deeper than that. They knew that this was an introductory offer and that once it was introduced, it would increase, including debts, where the money raised would have to be paid back. They knew that, had they not demonstrated in the first instance, they would have had bills coming through their letter boxes that would be in excess, significantly in some cases, of the bills that will drop through their letter boxes next week. They are struggling to make ends meet. Many ordinary families have had their incomes hollowed out and have no reserves. They wonder for what the universal social charge is being collected, why they cannot see anything additional for the property tax they pay and where their PAYE and other taxes are being spent. They see it as a one-way street and that all is taken. That is what people will say on the doorsteps and what those taking part in the demonstrations will say. They know that the language of the Government is fundamentally dishonest.

The Government stated this was about saving the State money, but it is about the Government balancing the budget at the expense of the citizen in picking it up as a customer on the other side. They see the Government acting tough against them but not where we want them to act tough with our so-called political partners in Europe. This is also about political reform, golden circles and the same faces emerging and re-emerging and doing better every time, while this same group of people are poorer. We saw the same group of people coming across from RPS after the Poolbeg fiasco and emerging in Irish Water. We saw shareholders being paid when Siteserv was sold, even though €100 million of taxpayers' money was written off, and they also got a dividend. Small businesses are struggling. People are not able to get a night's sleep with the worry of debt and they see the same individuals emerging with a company debt-free, capable of making a fortune. I refer to Siteserv, which is owned by Mr. Denis O'Brien. It has been like pulling hen's teeth to try to get information on the sale of Siteserv to Millington where other entities made bids. An Australian hedge fund, Anchorage, made a bid of €52 million, but it wanted a greater level of due diligence. Altrad, a French company, made numerous bids to purchase Siteserv, but it was told it was not for sale. Its representatives turned up at the annual general meeting the day before it was sold. Other underbidders have complained about the process.

A lack of accountability and transparency is at the heart of the issue in that people expected the Government to be different in that respect. They expected to see political reform, not the moving of the Adjournment debate to the middle of the day and calling it a Topical Issue debate. They wanted to see fundamental change to bring to an end the golden circle that kept on appearing and reappearing. We saw this at the weekend in a headline in The Sunday Business Post which indicated more money would be sought because time had been spent monitoring people at the water meter protests. A discussion is taking place among Siteserv and other companies, or GMC-Sierra and Irish Water. We see the same people being asked all the time to put their hands in their pockets and bail out the likes of the banks and the developer classes. That is where their taxes are going. This, therefore, is about more than water. It is about the entire political system and goes to the heart of democracy. If the Government thinks the people are just in the mode of saying they will not pay and that this is a frivolous matter, I advise it that this is a very determined and committed group of people. The Minister, Deputy Alan Kelly, added to the determination with what came out in the past 24 hours. He has hardened the position.

It is interesting that a Europe-wide survey released last week found that almost two thirds of Irish people were struggling to pay their household bills. This was a finding of the Eurobarometer report. Since last week Ireland has been ranked the fifth highest in the European Union in people admitting to struggling to cover their typical household costs during the past 12 months. This is at a time when the economy is supposed to be recovering and things are supposed to be getting better. The survey was carried out of households during the past 12 months. We all know that the average household budget has taken a hammering since the recession began and that the Government's austerity policies have crippled what little remaining spending power families have.

People dread the 2 million or so water bills that are due to start coming through letter boxes shortly. Many of us have spoken ad nauseam in the Dáil about the disillusionment among the population at the cost of establishing Irish Water, with senior management earning bonuses of up to 9%, even if they were assessed as needing improvement. That was outrageous. Senior staff were receiving an annual car allowance of €10,000 and health insurance cover worth up €2,700 a year, yet the controversies continue to surface. We have now heard that no notes or records were kept of over half of all crucial meetings regarding Irish Water between the former Minister, Mr. Phil Hogan, and Bord Gáis during which many key issues were considered.

The public is expected to accept that the Commission of Energy Regulation, CER, which oversees Irish Water now needs €900,000 for advice on how to regulate the utility in the next two years. Is the Government serious about this? Serious questions need to be asked about the well paid advisers who stood by while successive Governments failed to address the 19th century water infrastructure and ran down the existing service by reducing funding. Fianna Fáil Deputies who were part of these Governments also need to explain why outdated treatment plants that are causing almost 150 pollution incidents every year were not modernised while they were in office at the height of the boom. Many councils that had sought funding to deal with this problem were refused it.

More than €300 million has been invested in the utility, which equates to 21% of the money committed by the Irish Strategic Investment Fund, ISIF, to date. My understanding is that the fund was established to earn a return for commercial investment. This suggests the Government foresees a viable return from Irish Water in the future from the €50 million that has gone into Irish Water. I would like to hear the views of the Government on this. It is incredible that 21% of the money committed to the ISIF has gone into it.

Irish Water is one of the reasons badly needed public funds are being diverted from more productive uses. I can think of better uses for €50 million. It would cost approximately that amount to provide free medical cards to every child who has cancer. I wonder where our priorities lie.

Inequality has never been much of an issue with this Government. Analysis released last week by the Nevin Economic Research Institute found that one quarter of employees earn an hourly wage that is less than the living wage of €11.45 an hour. We all know that low pay is endemic and entrenched in the economy. Firing out statistics that so many people have registered and might pay is irrelevant in two senses. I know thousands of people who have registered but will not pay. Does the Minister seriously think the people who have paid are delighted to do so and to pay double taxation? The Government is taking advantage of people who consider themselves to be decent people and law-abiding citizens and, through fear, intimidation or otherwise, feel they must pay. This does not mean they agree with it. The Government is kidding itself if it thinks that is the case, and it will find that out shortly after a general election is called. Apart from the hundreds of thousands of people marching because of distress, fear, intimidation and because they do not want to pay, there is a huge silent majority, many of whom have paid, who will come after the Government parties in the next general election.

It is obvious from the changes that have come about from the time when Irish Water was introduced to where it is now that the Government has been listening. There is a need for more attentive and continued listening because the protests are not going away. For some, it is a matter of principle not to pay for water and for others it is a matter of economics, that they simply cannot afford it. Others feel they are already paying in the taxes they pay. There is no doubt that mistakes have been made with Irish Water and it is difficult for anyone, even those who agree with the water charge, to take seriously the entity that is Irish Water. We were supposed to have a new way of doing business and new politics but the way Irish Water was set up, with legal fees, consultation fees and bonuses, indicates that nothing has changed.

There are problems with water in this country. We know about boil water notices, leaks, poor piping, lead piping, water shortages, wasted water and the fact that not all our magnificent beaches have blue flags, which they should have. Some of them have lost blue flags and there are massive problems. We know we have an ageing and creaking water system in dire need of investment and improvement, so it was vital to get it right. However, there are genuine concerns that the Government cannot be trusted when it comes to ownership and there are fears that Irish Water could be sold. These fears have not been adequately addressed.

The EU water framework directive of 2000 provides in Article 9 that "Member States shall take account of the principle of recovery of the costs of water services". That will open the way for the sale of Irish Water, ostensibly to complete the Single Market or to promote competition in the so-called interest of the consumer. Is this the reason the Government is so resistant to a constitutional referendum to retain Irish Water permanently in public ownership?

The Green Party secured a derogation for Ireland from the full cost recovery effect of the 2000 directive. Last December, the Government had the opportunity to renew it for a further five years. Will the Government clarify whether the derogation has been renewed?

The second obstacle to the Government holding a referendum to retain Irish Water in public ownership is the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal that the USA and the EU are trying to negotiate. Both sides have made clear their intention to use TTIP to get access to what they call public monopolies, meaning public utilities like water. Under the TTIP deal, water services will be much more vulnerable to outsourcing, private tendering and, ultimately, full privatisation. It will also make it virtually impossible to nationalise or renationalise our water. Incredibly, multinational water companies will be able to sue for loss of future or expected profits in the case of nationalisation. This is because of the controversial investor state dispute settlement, ISDS, clause. If the TTIP deal goes through, private water companies will be able to sue the Government for the loss of forgone profits if water is renationalised. The ISDS provides for a supranational kangaroo court. Opposing Irish Water on its current road is also opposing TTIP and is about keeping public goods in public hands.

As an example of ISDS, within a few years of the Azurix Corporation taking over the water of Buenos Aires in Argentina, the water was undrinkable and unaffordable. The Argentine Government tried to force the company to make the water drinkable and affordable. Azurix objected to interference in its private business and sued Argentina through an ISDS. The Government lost and had to pay $165.2 million in compensation. The US negotiator for TTIP, the Office of the United States Trade Representative, has its eye on our water. Its factsheet states: "We seek to obtain improved market access in the EU on a comprehensive basis, and address the operation of any designated monopolies and state-owned enterprises, as appropriate". It is obvious what could be coming down the line.

There are viable alternatives. While we have our holy grail of the corporate tax rate at 12.5%, I do not believe countries that say they have rates of 20% or 25% pay that because companies can claw it back in other ways. A simple 1% increase in corporation tax would not drive way foreign direct investment but could have secured funding to sort out problems in Irish Water and to set up an efficient and viable structure. Speaking to people from other countries about water issues, they were given a liveable allowance and they were able to conduct their lives with that liveable allowance. Anything over that was charged and that is the way forward.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after “Dáil Éireann” and substitute the following:

“supports:

— the establishment of Irish Water as a long-term strategic investment project to deliver the necessary water services infrastructure and quality of services required to meet statutory compliance and demographic needs;

— the management of our water resources effectively to ensure Ireland can continue to attract major overseas investment and employment; and

— the view that metered charging is the fairest form of water charging with benefits in proper management of this vital resource;

notes:

— that the Programme for Government provides for the introduction of a fair funding model to deliver a clean and reliable water supply which will involve the installation of water meters in all households;

— the introduction of water meters for households promotes the sustainable use of water and has been recognised by the OECD as the fairest way to charge for water services;

— the new funding model based on domestic tariffs and metered usage will allow for expanded investment and is aligned with the requirements of the Water Framework Directive;

— that the Government has introduced measures, which include the capping of annual charges at a maximum of €160 for single adult households and €260 for all other households until the end of 2018, that will provide clarity and certainty and ensure that water charges are affordable for customers;

— the announcement of the water conservation grant as a means of addressing water issues for all households on equal terms and which will reduce households’ outlay on water services;

— the prioritisation by Irish Water of the elimination of boil water notices and the fact that by April of this year over 17,000 people will no longer be subject to boil water notices;

— the Government’s intention to bring forward further legislative proposals to underpin the collection of charges; and

— that well over 200,000 jobs in Ireland are dependent on water-intensive processes including the agri-food, pharma-chem, ICT and tourism sectors, and therefore need a secure water supply; and

welcomes:

— the fact that the number of customers that registered with Irish Water is 990,000 out of a total of 1.237 million households that have responded;

— the progress with the roll-out of the domestic metering programme being delivered by Irish Water, with over 625,000 meters installed to date;

— the achievement of greater economies of scale in running water services by Irish Water, with €12 million in procurement savings alone achieved in the company’s first year of operations, in the context of an annual operating costs efficiency target of 7 per cent per annum set by the Commission for Energy Regulation;

— the increased capital investment in water and waste water services by Irish Water, with investment in the period 2014-2016 to amount to almost €1.4 billion, excluding metering and establishment costs; and

— the clear commitment given by the Government that Irish Water will remain in public ownership and the provision in the Water Services Act 2014 that will require any future proposal to change public ownership of Irish Water to be put to the people via a plebiscite.”

I am pleased to move the Government's amendment to the motion from some Technical Group Members. I will start by making a distinction between those politicians who believe in empowering people through anger, those who espouse a sense of failure and hopelessness for our great country and who at all times try to articulate that Ireland is a failed country and a failed state and that we should be more like Greece. I believe differently. There are politicians who enjoy failure, who stand in the way of progress in order that they can enhance their political profile and make their names on the airwaves, and who cannot accept that progress can ever be made in this great country because it is against their agenda.

That is not the politics of this Government, nor should it be the politics of any Government. We want to empower people through work, not through victimhood. We want to ensure Ireland is a success. Ireland was a failed state but it no longer is. The challenge now is about sharing the recovery, making people feel it, not establishing it. Economic progress is based on stability and creativity, not destruction, populism and scaremongering while ignoring future problems that are staring us in the face.

Irish Water will create, retain and sustain 40,000 jobs in this economy out to 2020. This is what many Opposition Members want to abandon and they are real jobs.

The local councils could do it.

Irish Water will lift the boil water notices on 17,000 homes in the coming months. This is what the Opposition, in many cases, wants to abandon. Irish Water is identifying and fixing leaks and finding where lead is in our water system. It is a major public health issue that the Opposition sees fit to ignore.

Irish Water has 385 capital projects under way throughout the country at present. Again, many of those in opposition seem intent on abandoning these. With the city of Dublin facing water shortages in ten years' time, securing the recovery means that we need a national infrastructure manager. I expect the Opposition to criticise the costs of Irish Water but its members must realise that the economic cost to a water shortage will be €78 million per day. This is the cost which would be borne by hotels, restaurants, families and industry that lose out on business as a result of a lack of water. In one week, this city could lose almost €400 million. That would be the cost of not having Irish Water in place in the future.

If the past seven years have taught us anything, it is that we need to plan for sustainable economic development in the future and not allow upcoming elections dictate policy. We need to create a national network of water infrastructure, something similar to the rail network, that will sustain economic development. This can only be done by a single public utility which can access its own borrowings. Just as a family requires a mortgage in order to build a home, the water system needs finance to be effective. Many of those across the floor have questioned whether there is a recovery. They do not see that recovery because they want people to feel like victims. Some 40,000 full-time jobs were created in this country last year. Over half of these resulted from the efforts of IDA Ireland and Enterprise Ireland. The salaries of those who obtained the jobs in question are significantly above average income levels. Unemployment is falling at a rate not seen since the era of the Celtic tiger. This will only continue if it is underpinned by continued investment in our water infrastructure, which is so vital to economic development, to our pharma, high-tech and ICT industries and for clean-tech firms, which have a massive future.

I wish to point out certain inconsistencies in the arguments put forward by the anti-water charges brigade. When the Environmental Protection Agency, EPA, reports on drinking water and sewage systems quality were published last January, there was a deafening silence from many in the Opposition. Apart from the 23,000 people currently on boil water notices, some 1 million individuals are considered by the EPA to be at risk of having such notices applied to their water supplies in the future. It is very strange that a group which believes in the right to water should flatly ignore such vital facts. Another inconsistency relates to the fact that well over 20% of Irish people have been paying for their water for many years. I have yet to see a march to or a protest outside any of the group water schemes in this country. The people who are members of such schemes have been paying for and managing their water for generations. Is it acceptable for rural people to pay for water if it is not acceptable for their urban counterparts to do so?

Many of the problems that exist in the context of the public water supply, such as the presence of lead pipes and leaks, do not affect group schemes such as those at Lissycasey in County Clare or Donaghmoyne in County Monaghan. These are two fantastic schemes. How many of those who are opposed to water charges have visited places such as those to which I refer? Have they ever heard of them? Have they ever travelled past the Red Cow roundabout? I sincerely doubt that many of them have done so.

Has the Minister ever heard of the Labour Party?

I encourage those to whom I refer to visit the Lissycasey group scheme in order to discover what will be the reaction of the people who live there.

What about the myth that is continually trotted out with regard to double taxation? The State provides transport services, yet people pay for train tickets. The State builds libraries, yet people pay to take books out on loan.

No, they do not. That is ridiculous. Is the Minister announcing the introduction of a new tax?

The State builds houses, yet people pay subsidised rents. If water is a human right, then surely food and housing are also human rights. However, the Opposition seems to be amenable to people making a contribution towards the costs relating to both. I have not seen any protest at a bus stop in respect of double taxation. Of course, the Opposition believes that nobody should ever be obliged to pay for anything. That is the real issue. Those in opposition also believe that we live in a utopia in which everything is free.

The Labour Party previously stated that people should not be obliged to pay for water.

They sell the absolute lie that people can have everything they want for absolutely nothing. The citizens of Ireland know full well that this is not the case.

Have those in opposition considered the fact that virtually all social democratic, left-wing governments throughout Europe have some form of water payment? Even countries such as Cuba have water charges. I am quite sure that those in Syriza in Greece, the supposed heroes of the left in Europe, are not proposing to abolish water charges. Let us watch the biggest climb-down in modern European history unfold in front of our eyes in Greece.

You are not doing well over there at the moment lads.

I welcome the opportunity provided by some of those in the Technical Group to debate again this important issue of the future funding of public water services and the management and operation of our water and sewage networks by Irish Water. The Government has invested considerable time, energy and resources in the water sector reform programme. We have established a single national utility that has assumed responsibility for water services across the country. Irish Water is now identifying the network's problems and making improvements in a way that 31 separate local authorities never could. The company is increasing infrastructural investment, which is so essential for repairing and upgrading our treatment plants, reservoirs and pipes. It continues to install an estimated 30,000 meters per month. These meters are vital for water conservation and reducing leakage. As stated previously, Irish Water is making changes for the better of our water services and thereby investing in the future prosperity of our nation. In that context, some 40,000 jobs will be either created or sustained in water services right through to 2020.

People have faced many difficulties during Ireland's recession and I understand that new bills, no matter how small, are never welcome. I have accepted on many occasions that mistakes were made along the reform path. The Government has held up its hand and has dealt with the issues with which we were faced. However, all we are faced with in the Opposition's motion is further encouragement towards protest, obstruction and non-payment. That is it. There is not one constructive idea in the motion and it does not provide one viable alternative with regard to achieving all our objectives in respect of a water services system that is fit for purpose. The reforms to which I refer are happening because we can no longer sit back and let our water infrastructure deteriorate further.

The Government has listened to people's genuine concerns. We reviewed all issues last autumn and produced a revised charging system that is certain, simple and affordable and which incentivises conservation. There are now only three tariffs. Households with meters can beat the capped charge levels if they use less water than the capped charge equivalent. Metering data estimates that 35% of households can beat the cap based on current usage levels. Unmetered households, whose usage is proven to have been below the capped charge equivalent through one year's metered usage, will be entitled to a rebate from Irish Water. The revised charging levels are among the lowest in Europe. If we consider the position in England and Wales, we discover that households there have paid and will pay an average charge of €540 per year during 2014 and 2015.

Exactly. That is our point.

I wonder what will happen in Northern Ireland, where a metering programme is being put in place. Our colleagues from Sinn Féin are not here to debate that matter.

As part of our review of the water charging system and water sector reform programme, the Government responded to people's concerns about issues of Irish Water's governance and the customer experience. A single unitary Ervia board has been established and this comprises members chosen for their expertise and particular competence. Performance-related pay rewards are not being applied and a review of the pay model is under way. PPS numbers are no longer required as part of the customer application process and additional services, apart from those relating to meter reads, meter tests and charges for connection to the system, are being provided.

One issue in respect of which there is near unanimous agreement on both sides of the House is that which relates to the absolute imperative to keep water services and infrastructure in public ownership. The Government responded to calls in relation to this matter in November. Above and beyond the commitment to public ownership enshrined in the 2013 legislation, the Water Services Act 2014 requires that any future proposal to change public ownership of the utility be put to the people via a plebiscite.

This Government is fully committed to keeping Irish Water in public ownership. I do not know of one person in the Oireachtas who wishes to privatise water services or infrastructure.

One of the main objectives of the Government's water sector reforms has been increased conservation. High levels of leakage in the public water network and on the customer side need to be tackled. Households can play their part in conserving water, and the introduction of the water conservation grant will play an important role in increasing and encouraging conservation. The less water we waste the more we can protect our environment, lower household bills and reduce the cost of managing the public water and wastewater systems.

The €100 grant which will be paid to households that have registered with Irish Water can be used towards buying some of the many devices available to conserve water, such as water butts to recycle water, water displacement devices to reduce water flow in toilets or aerators to reduce water flow from taps. The grant can also be used towards repairing a household plumbing system, thereby reducing leakage. Even households that do not use Irish Water's services are entitled to this grant, which will ensure the conservation drive extends to all households. Those with a private well or in a group water scheme, or with a septic tank, can use the grant towards testing the quality of their well's water or de-sludging septic tanks. I can confirm that 30 June 2015 will be the deadline for registering with Irish Water in order to be eligible for receipt of the water conservation grant this year. If a household has not registered by this date, it will not be able to receive the €100 grant from the Department of Social Protection from September 2015. The Department of Social Protection will be communicating separately with households from July onwards in this regard. The final date of 30 June for 2015 payments has been chosen to take account of the fact that there will be some changes in residency up to that point. More details will follow throughout the month of April.

Irish Water is almost two years in existence and it has been the national water services authority since January 2014. Within this short period of time it has begun to make inroads into addressing some of the deep seated deficiencies within our public water and wastewater systems. It is making improvements to the quality of services the public now receive. One of the major reasons this reform programme has been necessary has been the need for a sustained increased infrastructure investment to upgrade and improve our water networks. This is now happening and I expect those on the Opposition side who have long called for more investment will now welcome the fact that Irish Water is delivering this increase. This year investment will increase by 26% on last year, from €340 million to €430 million. Over the course of Irish Water's first capital investment programme for 2014 to 2016, some €1.4 billion will be spent on improving existing water infrastructure and delivering new projects, including the first fix scheme. This average of €450 million per annum compares with the €310 million invested in the final year of local authority delivered services and projects.

The decisions on where to invest are linked with decisions on how to manage assets. The longer an asset can function effectively, the longer we can defer new builds and control the capital investment requirements. The utility is already taking new approaches. Central strategic planning is now based on accurate asset performance data and full control of all investment decisions. It involves planning investment consistently across the asset base rather than on large scale, once off investments. An example of this is the proposed Ringsend wastewater treatment plant upgrade, in respect of which an alternative approach to the treatment plant extension will save the company €170 million in capital investment. That is almost as much as the entire cost of establishing the new water utility.

The company is also achieving greater economies of scale by acting as one national utility rather than separate 31 separate water services authorities. This is reducing the costs of water services for customers. Some €12 million in procurement savings have been realised in the company's first year alone. In the area of electricity supply, a major cost in the production of drinking water, Irish Water's current renewable and efficient energy initiatives aim to reduce costs by 33% by 2020. The high national leakage rate in our public water network is something that has been well documented. All sides agree that the current rate of 49% is unacceptable. Irish Water is developing a regional shared service model approach to key challenges such as this. Annual improvement targets with local authorities are set as part of annual service plans. The domestic metering programme is identifying where leakage exists through active constant flow alarms on water meters and Irish Water will prioritise fixing the largest of these customer side leaks between the boundary of the property and up to a metre from the dwelling through the first fix free programme. The Government has allocated €51 million for this programme with the aim of reducing customer side leakage, which amounts to approximately one seventh of all unaccounted for water. Under the programme, Irish Water will provide customers with free leak investigation and repair of external supply pipe leaks identified on their property, subject to the terms of the scheme. It will prioritise notifying the largest leaks first because they offer the greatest potential for water savings. Currently the largest 1,000 leaks account for over 20 million litres of water per day. One thousand leaks account for over 1% of all water produced every day in Ireland. The utility has completed a trial of first fix repairs in Kildare and Dublin city which provided important information on leaks, including the finding that 39% of leaks were on external supply pipes and 61% of leaks were attributable to internal issues. A total of 140 repairs of external leaks were completed under the trial, with estimated savings of 819 cu. m expected through these repairs. This is equivalent to the normal usage of approximately 2,700 houses. I welcome the interim allocation by the Commission for Energy Regulation of €3.4 million to cover the initial three months of operation of the first fix free scheme and look forward to the outcome of the commission's public consultation on the terms of the scheme, which will run in parallel with the first three months of the scheme.

One initiative which illustrates the kind of long-term approach to water services delivery that did not occur before is the work Irish Water has done on producing a draft 25 year water services strategic plan. This plan contains the following six key themes - customer service; clean safe drinking water; effective treatment of wastewater; a sustainable environment; supporting economic growth; and investing for the future. It sets out a strong and ambitious vision for the high standards Irish Water aims to achieve for the public water system between now and 2040. It demonstrates the new approach Irish Water is adopting to ensure the country has a reliable, high quality supply of drinking water and satisfactory wastewater services to protect public health and the environment. It is not just big on vision but also grounded in tangible goals aimed at improving the services the public expect. In the area of leakage, for example, Irish Water aims to significantly reduce the levels of unaccounted for water from 49% to less than 38% by the end of 2021 and to between 18% and 22% by 2040, which is an acceptable economic level of leakage. The plan contains the following goals - make boil water notices a thing of the past; upgrade wastewater treatment systems; identify customer leaks to help households manage water usage; identify lead in homes with a view to removing lead piping in the network; and improve customer service. Irish Water also wants to reduce the number of treatment plants from 856 to 780 by 2021, with a further reduction in time. This will provide water for large geographical areas and reduce operating costs. I urge everybody who has an interest in the future of water services to have a say on the plan and provide comments before the closing date of 17 April 2015.

Another example of the utility's long-term approach is its publication of the recent needs report for the proposed eastern and midlands region water supply project. The report showed that projected demand for water in Dublin alone is expected to increase by over 50% by 2050, which is well beyond the existing supply capacity of the region. Even after fully utilising available water supply from existing sources, and with a parallel drive on water conservation and leakage control, approximately 215 million litres per day in excess of existing capacity will be needed by 2050 for the Dublin region alone. This figure rises to 330 million litres per day when the surrounding region is included. The report's findings are the result of the inadequate investment in water supply infrastructure in the last half century, despite the fact that the need for comprehensive action to address future water supply needs in Dublin and its surrounding region has been recognised since the mid-1990s. Water outages are highly disruptive to communities and the economy, which depends on more than 200,000 water intensive jobs. The report estimates that recent outages in the Dublin water supply area between 2010 and 2014 typically cost the Irish economy in excess of €78 million per day. We all recall the international spotlight that fell on Dublin during the 2013 Web Summit, when restaurants, hotels and bars catering for the needs of thousands of visitors to Dublin faced water shortages. I welcome this report and the current public consultation on the issue. Irish Water's focus on delivering a new water source for the eastern seaboard and the midlands is welcome and represents another step in the right direction.

I am not trying to suggest that Irish Water has not had its problems - far from it. However, it is only fair that we should acknowledge what it has achieved and what it has done well in such a short period.

The new funding model for water services, including the introduction of domestic water charges, is also being implemented. Irish Water has secured agreement with several financial institutions on lending facilities This is critical in ensuring Irish Water accesses the level of third party funding needed to invest the required €600 million per annum identified.

One of the Opposition's main arguments against the introduction of water charges has been that central taxation should fund water services. The decades of under investment in water infrastructure in this country has shown us the consequences of central taxation being the main provider of water services. The legacy is one of boil water notices, high leakage and inadequate water treatment capacity and wastewater treatment facilities. Also, numerous water supplies are at risk of non-compliance with drinking water regulations, a problem currently affecting almost 940,000 people.

The only way we will make the necessary investment in our water infrastructure is by having a dedicated funding stream for water services. This has been created through ensuring that those who use the system pay directly for the services and investment required. When State loan finance, which will be repaid, is excluded, the financial support to Irish Water from State sources in 2015 will be less than would have been provided to the services if they had remained with local authorities, despite the fact that the capital programme is almost 40% greater. It is the new utility model and the new domestic charges that are driving this increased investment. This financing model ensures that critical water infrastructure projects do not have to join the waiting list of priorities that already includes housing, education, health and social protection payments.

We are making progress, but the journey to transform the sector is far from complete. The next milestone will be reached in April when Irish Water begins billing its domestic customers. This complex and large task requires the billing of 1.5 million domestic customers. Never before has a single utility had to develop a customer billing database for so many customers. In a project of this scale, despite the intensive work and planning, it would be unrealistic to expect the process to advance perfectly. However, Irish Water has assured the Department that customer service will be at the heart of this endeavour and that it will work with all customers to ensure that any issues arising are resolved as quickly as possible.

A key element of the process of building an accurate customer database has been the engagement between Irish Water and customers and I urge all households who have not registered with Irish Water to do so as soon as possible. Without registering, households will not be assured of an accurate bill, but will automatically receive the default multi-adult household bill of €260 per year. Nor will they be eligible for the Government's €100 water conservation grant. Some 1.24 million households have now responded to the Irish Water customer application campaign and I would encourage the remaining households that have not registered to do so as soon as possible.

It was not sustainable to continue with the water system as it was. Future generations would not thank us for creating even more critical problems in the future by not addressing issues we must now address. The suggestions in the motion moved by the Technical Group that we abolish Irish Water and water charges will do nothing to help the 940,000 people who depend on water treatment plants that are at risk, and neither will they improve the lives of those in 44 urban areas throughout the country who live with the reality of untreated sewage being discharged into local bodies of water. The people and businesses of Dublin would not thank us for abandoning a reform programme that could expedite a more secure water supply for them. Abolishing water charges or the utility driven improvements in the system would be of little comfort to any of us while we endure countless more reports of leakage levels amounting to almost half of all drinking water produced, and nor would such rash decisions help us in explaining ourselves to the European Commission against charges of insufficient progress in the EU infringement case against Ireland over the need for improvements at 66 wastewater treatment plants across the country.

There are many problems within our water systems. From lead pipes to leakage and from pollution to water source protection, the journey to secure our water supplies and wastewater treatment into the future requires a long-term strategic approach. The economic regulatory process will play an important role in ensuring that Irish Water's progress in delivering an efficient water system is benchmarked against international competitors. There can be no question of abandoning the progress made to date. This would mean putting capital projects concerned with delivering drinking water, fixing leakage and constructing new pipes and sewage treatment plants back onto the long list of demands competing for finite public resources.

The alternative to the Opposition's motion this evening is a sustainable funding model for a public water system that is fit for purpose and is managed and operated by a single national utility. By embedding the reforms we have implemented, we can remove the risks and deficiencies within the public water system and ensure a secure water future for our country. We need to make the investments and improvements now that will ensure that we and generations to come have a secure, high quality drinking water supply. We need this for families and to ensure public health and industry are protected. This will help deliver more jobs and industry and will protect our agriculture and food production so that our economy can continue to expand.

When we think of the over 200,000 jobs in this country that rely on water intensive processes, be they in ICT, pharma, clean-tech, agrifood or the tourism industry, we should be aware how vital a secure supply of quality water is, and, likewise, plans for economic growth, perhaps in the tourism sector, rely on our clean, green image. Plans for the agrifood sector, through new beef export markets or the ending of milk quotas, also rely on secure water supplies. In supporting these reforms, we can increase investment in wastewater infrastructure to ensure less pollution going into our rivers, lakes and seas. This, too, is vital for protecting public health and the environment.

By entrusting our public water system to a single national utility, we can secure a future based on sustainable management of water as a vital and precious resource. We can have confidence in our ability to address new challenges facing our public water system arising from a growing economy, a rising population and a climate that is changing. We can make Ireland a water secure country and economy that will attract even more water-intensive industries here as other countries become more water stressed.

The Government's water reforms are about securing investment in our water system so that the public can receive a reliable, secure supply of quality drinking water and satisfactory levels of wastewater treatment for our long-term future. I urge everyone in the House to think about this issue and to support the Government's amending motion, which favours long-term thinking and solutions for a more water secure and prosperous future rather than support a short-term proposal that offers no answers or security for future generations.

I am sharing my time with Deputy Barry Cowen.

If Irish Water had been conceived as a Netflix series, we would currently be on series seven. What we are seeing and witnessing is slapstick comedy that lacks idealism. It looks like something along the lines of "The West Wing", but smells more of "House of Cards" in respect of the contempt with which the Government is approaching the introduction of its water policy. Sadly, the joke is not Netflix, but the Government approach.

Last weekend, we saw approximately 100,000 ordinary people protesting against water charges on the streets of Dublin. Their demonstration poses a significant difficulty for the Government. These are ordinary decent people, mothers, fathers, friends and neighbours and the difficulty for Fine Gael and the Labour Party is that their attempt to demonise these people for exercising their democratic right to protest against what they believe is an unfair and unjust situation is a particular low blow. The Government parties have attempted to ignore and downplay the situation and have ridiculed those protesting and tried to cover and camouflage their own nerves in regard to the situation. However, they know well that Irish Water is dead and that the game is up. They know Irish Water has failed as a policy, but have not got the courage or humility to accept this situation.

Instead, we are seeing a situation the Government intends to drag to a bitter conclusion through the use of tricks and the media.

None of these tactics has worked to date. Indeed, they all seem to have rebounded back on the Government resulting in the damaged relationship with decent people in this country, the relationship between citizens and the State. There has been an increase in the level of public cynicism as a consequence of the election of this Government and the introduction of this policy.

I wish to raise the issue of the numbers game. The Minister has informed us this evening that 1.2 million households have returned their forms to Irish Water. We can reasonably assume that over 200,000 of those households are in group water schemes which means that we can now declare the details about the number of paying customers. A total of 1.9 million households registered for the local property tax. This would leave 700,000 households which have not returned forms to date. These are people who have taken great issue with the Government. They have not registered and they will not pay. I can guarantee that their numbers will increase significantly as a consequence of the Minister's latest tactic of threatening to bring decent ordinary people to a specialist court to screw them to the end of the wall. These are the people who are hanging on by a thread.

Yesterday evening in a carefully choreographed manoeuvre the Minister attempted to scare and to intimidate decent people by threatening to reach into their salaries, their pensions and their social welfare. He was threatening to pickpocket these people. I find that appalling. No utility is being treated the way Irish Water is being treated. The Minister may as well grant the same privileges to the ESB, to Bord Gáis and why not to Vodafone or Eircom. This is a Government that could not come up with a legislative provision to reach back in time to put its hands in the pockets of retired politicians but it is going to put its hands into the pensions of retired citizens who were out on the streets last weekend. It is farcical. It is also dangerous.

The Minister has no idea that the ultimate result of this policy will be a privatisation of Irish Water. The Government does not intend to privatise Irish Water this side of a general election but at some point if it is re-elected I am sure it will discover some crisis somewhere to justify the sale of Irish Water. I refer to the Minister's attempt to intimidate the population and a Government resorting to the soft propaganda, a billboard advertising campaign costing €650,000. That is taxpayers' money while the Government continues to pulverise disability services in the west.

Irish Water was set up by the Government of Fine Gael and the Labour Party. It is a case of two political parties, one saying one thing in 2011 on the doorsteps and the other saying something else. Why does the Government not go to the country? The parties are joined at the hip on this policy. The Government should go to the country on this policy; it should call a general election and put political party money into the billboards for selling Irish Water rather than using hard-earned taxpayers' money that is being sucked out of public services in order to sustain this farcical policy.

As far back as 2009, Fine Gael had been planning the introduction of the privatisation of Irish Water. In fairness, the party was up-front from the outset about its intention. The Labour Party on the other hand, made public play about being opposed to water charges. That was the message on the doorsteps but behind the scenes they published the Every Little Bit Hurts advertising campaign. We know now that in 2010 a memo was doing the rounds about water charges and it was circulated among the upper echelons of the Labour Party, including to the leader and the deputy leader - who is now the leader - and their advisers. The memo set out clearly the details of setting in place the process of the privatisation of water. Both Fine Gael and the Labour Party had plans from the outset to introduce a memorandum of understanding around accelerating the privatisation and the removal of services from local authorities into an Irish Water entity. Fine Gael was honest. The Labour leadership never intended to maintain a promise. It did not come as a surprise. Deputy Gilmore was caught in a different type of leak as WikiLeaks revealed duplicitous engagement with the American ambassador on the Lisbon treaty. Another former leader, Deputy Ruarí Quinn, was happy to sign pledges on third level fees knowing that he was going to break them at the first available opportunity. In 2010 they knew that this was going to be a position. Of course, the Minister, Deputy Alan Kelly, is delighted with this new policy and he has to stand over it. He has owned this policy for years.

I ask the Minister to look at the reality that this policy with respect to Irish Water is a catastrophe. It is farcical and it must be ended.

I thank the Technical Group for tabling this motion which gives the House an opportunity to discuss the issue yet again. Every time we discuss it we hear of another deadline and again tonight the Government has not failed to oblige in that regard. The Minister said earlier that he has a new deadline, which means that beyond June the €100 grant will not be given for turning on the tap for as long as one likes.

My party and I acknowledge that funds need to be invested in water services. I ask the Government to also acknowledge that €5.5 billion was spent on water infrastructure and water services during the years 2000 to 2010. It is a myth to say that there has been no spending by previous Governments in this area.

I acknowledge that there was and continues to be a need for an authority to oversee, adjudicate and prioritise development in the water services sector. Such an authority should be along the lines of a national infrastructure directorate, a much slimmer, leaner entity than the cumbersome overpaid and bonus-driven quango that is Irish Water. I suggest it should be a body similar to the NRA, which has proved to be successful and which has delivered within budgets and on time. Many people have recognised the input of the NRA in improving our infrastructure and connectivity throughout the country. This example might be taken on board by the Government at some stage in the near future in order to address the imbalance between the eastern seaboard and the rest of the country.

Such a structure could be funded by general taxation, by public private partnership and by the European Investment Bank in partnership with the local authorities who have been subject to ridicule by various sectors of this Government who continue to say that the local authorities and their staff could not do the job effectively of managing and maintaining our water systems and services. This is despite the fact that having established this €1 billion quango and the new tier above that very system, the Government has retained the services of the local authorities until 2025. Yet, it thinks this new tier is a good policy.

Rather than rehearsing many of the failures and disasters that have ensued since the rushed establishment of Irish Water, in the short time available to me I wish to concentrate on the construct, the model that is Irish Water. What is this bonus-driven, oversized super-quango with its bonuses and everything else associated with it? It has cost over €1 billion to date to put it in place and not one cent is in excess of what was put in place annually by the previous Administration for the delivery of water services. We have been consistently told that this funding model, this Holy Grail, to get off the balance sheet, is the only way in which future investment can be made in our water infrastructure. We have been told they will be able to borrow at affordable rates and off-balance sheet. However, it is clear that this construct, this Holy Grail, is in great danger. From the outset it started to crumble to the point where, thankfully, the Government climbed down but not to the extent envisaged or sought by the Opposition parties.

The Government reduced the excessive charges of between €500 and €600, which were the figures being bandied about. If these charges had remained in place, it could have argued that with such high revenue from charges, interest rates on loans would be low. However, interest rates on loans increase the day income declines.

Irish Water tells us it has successfully borrowed €300 million on the markets this year at an interest rate of 2.5%. The National Treasury Management Agency is borrowing on behalf of the Government at a rate of 1%. This means funds are being borrowed for Irish Water at 1.5 times the rate being paid by the NTMA. Does anyone consider that it is members of the public who pay for these borrowings, irrespective of the interest rate or charge that is levied?

We were led to believe that borrowing by Irish Water would safeguard Government investment in other areas, for example, in the housing programme. The Taoiseach stated at his party's recent Ard-Fheis that billions of euro would be invested in rural areas. The Minister of State with responsibility for rural affairs informed us, however, that the Commission for the Economic Development of Rural Areas, CEDRA, which is chaired by Mr. Pat Spillane, will not invest another red cent over and above what has already been invested in rural areas. This type of spin and rubbish is coming home to roost. The more we drill down and investigate the spin about investments, the more we find that there is little behind it.

The Minister stated the country is in recovery mode. While that is true of some parts of the country, many areas have not seen any sign that recovery is in prospect. We are informed the country will meet its financial targets, including the 3% of GDP deficit target. If that is the case, the borrowings required for investment in Irish Water could be made on balance sheet at an interest rate of 1% as opposed to 2.5%.

Speaking on a radio programme last February, a Labour Party Senator let the cat out of the bag when she stated legislation could be introduced to take funds directly from wages, social welfare payments and pensions. She was ridiculed at the time and we were told nothing could be further from the truth. We heard yesterday, however, that special courts will be established to address this issue and the long arm of this right-wing Government will take the charge from people. We were told a couple of weeks ago that the EUROSTAT decision on the arrangements pertaining to Irish Water has been delayed for up to two months. The Government has been advised that without a definite income stream, Irish Water will not stand up to EUROSTAT's rules. People with Sky television must pay for the service or face being cut off. They cannot expect a charge will be levied on their property to pay for the service at some point in future, yet this is the type of approach the Government was advocating.

When the Fianna Fáil Party and other Opposition parties tabled amendments to the legislation on Irish Water providing for the introduction in law of an ability to pay mechanism, we were told the proposal was rubbish. Yesterday, however, the Minister informed us that the courts will take into consideration a person's ability to pay when cases come before them. We were sold a pup, a pig in a poke and the Government's accountancy trick is coming home to roost, having blown up in the Minister's face. The ridiculous aspect of this issue is that while Irish Water could be funded from general taxation or NTMA loans charged at an interest rate of 1%, the Government has decided to go off balance sheet and have Irish Water borrow at an interest rate of 3%. It believes members of the public do not understand what is going on. One either borrows at low rates and imposes high charges or one imposes low charges and covers the costs using revenue from general taxation. It is time to call a halt to this by disbanding Irish Water, abolishing water charges for the moment and going back to the drawing board.

For the record, this is not a Sinn Féin Private Members' motion.

Ná bí buartha.

It is sometimes hard to distinguish between Sinn Féin and the movers of the motion.

Water is a human right and while water services must be paid for, this must not be done through a double tax on hard pressed citizens. The water charges, coupled with other taxes and charges imposed by Fine Gael and the Labour Party, will cripple households and families. From the outset, Irish Water has been mired in scandal. It is a toxic entity, which has become synonymous with everything that is wrong with this Government, namely, cronyism, political manipulation of State boards, threats to citizens and escalating taxes on struggling families. For these reasons, the organisation cannot be left with responsibility for the delivery of water services in this State.

It was revealed at the weekend that there are no records or minutes available of important meetings that were held in 2012 between the former Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Mr. Phil Hogan, and key players in Irish Water. This is extraordinary when one considers the scandal surrounding the huge sums of public money spent on consultants by Irish Water. It is simply not believable that meetings attended by the then Minister and the chairwoman of Bord Gáis were held to discuss the establishment of a major new public utility without notes being taken. Considering the issues at stake, there needs to be an Oireachtas inquiry into the issue. The Taoiseach dismissed this proposal but that is the nature of this Government. Right-wing governments behave in this way when they are under pressure.

On the other hand, a real democratic revolution is taking place in the Right2Water campaign, a genuine grassroots citizens movement which has raised the political consciousness of communities across the State. The vast majority of protests against water charges have been family friendly, good humoured and highly effective and have succeeded in forcing major concessions from the Government. However, a tiny minority of groups and individuals believe the anti-water charges campaign is an opportunity for the promotion of their ultra-left politics, while others view the protests as a platform against all politics and politicians as well as An Garda Síochána. Their irresponsible actions do not reflect the views of the tens of thousands of families who have come out to protest against the imposition of this unjust tax. More important, their behaviour has played into the hands of the establishment which uses it to discredit the anti-water charges protests. Protests must be peaceful and safe and must encourage the largest number of citizens to participate. It was for this reason that I was delighted to see so many people on the streets of Dublin on Saturday.

Ultimately, the only way water charges will be scrapped will be by a decision of the Government. Sinn Féin is pledged to achieve this objective. My party stopped the imposition of water charges in the North and, in government, we will scrap them in this State. The Government has for months claimed the anti-water charges campaign is on its last legs. However, the huge turnout at Saturday's protest disproves that claim. Contrary to the Government's assertions and Minister's protestations, citizens are more determined than ever on this issue. Why did the Government not listen to the hundreds of thousands of people who demonstrated by scrapping water charges? Instead, anti-water charges protestors have been jailed, local authorities and landlords have been forced to hand over details of tenants, €600,000 has been wasted on a new advertising campaign, €85 million of public money was given to private consultants and €539 million was wasted on water meters. Today, the Taoiseach made clear that he supports the Minister's threats to take water charges from wages and social welfare payments.

I agree with the element of the motion calling for the ending of water charges, water to remain in public ownership and these issues to be made central in the forthcoming general election if they have not been resolved beforehand. However, the motion also calls for a boycott of water charge bills by householders. This is not the Sinn Féin position. We will support those who cannot pay and those who have decided not to pay. However, our position is the same as that adopted by the Right2Water campaign in that we do not call for a boycott. We have adopted this position for a very good reason. We have seen in the past, both North and South, the folly of political leaders advising householders not to pay certain taxes, however unjust, and subsequently being unable to defend the same citizens when governments drag people through the courts, as this Government has threatened to do this week.

Sinn Féin will offer serious and principled political leadership which provides an alternative to austerity and defeats this tax. We advocate the immediate repeal of water charges legislation. In that regard, it would be interesting to find out if the Fianna Fáil Party, which created water charges in the first instance, is willing to make a similar commitment. We also advocate the holding of a constitutional referendum to keep water services in public ownership and the dismantling of Irish Water and its replacement by a new model of governance, funding and delivery within full public ownership and with democratic control and accountability. Nobody should be in any doubt that water charges can and will be defeated. What we need is to maintain the unity of the Right2Water campaign and the determination of citizens who are showing the rest of us the way forward.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 9.20 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 25 March 2015.
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