Vol. 887 No. 1
89. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade in view of the recent terrorist attack in Tunisia, the protocols and procedures his Department has in effect to ensure the safety of Irish citizens travelling throughout the world; if his Department has consulted with his Government and European colleagues with regard to ensuring the security of Irish citizens abroad; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28624/15]
On 26 June, 38 people were murdered at random in a holiday resort in Tunisia. Those victims included three Irish people. That massacre of innocent people by terrorists awakened in all of us the need to be more vigilant when we prepare to travel to some countries where there is instability or ongoing conflict. Does the Minister ensure that all travel advice offered by his Department is updated regularly and is robust enough to provide the best possible assistance and guidance to Irish people who propose to travel to some particular destinations?
We have all been deeply shocked and saddened by the recent event at Sousse in Tunisia, where three Irish citizens lost their lives in this terrible atrocity. I condemn unreservedly these terrorist attacks and other recent attacks elsewhere. I take this opportunity to again convey my deepest sympathies and heartfelt condolences to the families of the three Irish citizens who lost their lives in the tragedy.
Officials in my Department and our embassy in Madrid were immediately deployed to respond to the consular needs of Irish citizens who were caught up in the attack. In responding to crisis situations where Irish citizens may be affected, my Department has a detailed emergency consular response plan in place and a standing emergency consular response centre that can be activated at short notice to provide assistance and advice to citizens and their families. The response centre was activated once news of the attack in Sousse was received by the Department and remained in operation until 6 p.m. the following day, Saturday.
To assist those travelling overseas to make well-informed decisions, the Government publishes country specific travel advice on my Department’s website. This advice is published to make useful information available to assist Irish citizens when planning their trips or when travelling. This advice is reviewed on an ongoing basis and is updated in the light of information received from the Department’s network of missions abroad following consultations with, or advice received from, relevant actors such as national governments, security authorities and EU partners on the ground. In particular, it is updated where there are emergency situations affecting Irish citizens or tourists generally.
In the specific case of the travel advice for Tunisia, having consulted relevant agencies and our international partners, our travel advice was changed to advise against all non-essential travel, the second-highest warning category on our five-point scale for travel advice. We are now encouraging any Irish citizens in Tunisia to review whether their presence in Tunisia is essential. Where this is not the case, we are advising them to leave by commercial means.
I join with the Minister in extending our sincere sympathies to the families who lost loved ones in that terrible atrocity. We had an opportunity at the Oireachtas foreign affairs committee to pass on our condolences and condemn this massacre of innocent people in the strongest possible manner.
Following the upgrade in advice given by the Department, has there been an increase in registrations with the Department of people proposing to travel abroad to areas where there is conflict or instability? We are all guilty of travelling to such areas but not registering with the Department. One of the reasons I tabled this question was to get a better awareness among people that they should register with the Department if they are travelling to such countries.
I take the opportunity again to compliment the Minister and his departmental officials on the timely and worthy manner in which they made every effort to assist those families affected in these most difficult of circumstances. I know the Department and its officials abroad do us all proud in their work at the most difficult of times when such families are so vulnerable and need assistance to minimise in some way the desperate hardship and trauma they are going through at that time.
Deputy Smith makes an important point in respect of registration. In addition to publishing travel advice and ensuring the travel advice is constantly under review and updated in accordance with the information received and the circumstances on the ground, we operate a citizen registration facility which allows Irish citizens to register their contact details with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade to ensure they are easily contactable in the event of an emergency. There has been an increase in registration and I would avail of the opportunity to advise on the importance of registration. I would encourage and advise all travellers, particular those who are travelling to remote destinations or locations where they may be at risk, to register on the Department's website. Registration can be completed on the website of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, www.dfa.ie. While we encourage travellers to register their details, it is not possible for us to compel citizens to avail of this facility. They are under no obligation to do so but I would strongly recommend that they do, and I am sure everybody in the House would agree with that advice.
Will the Minister give a clear assurance on Irish citizens' rights to seek assistance from other EU member state embassies in countries where we do not have diplomatic representation and that the European External Action Service is available to citizens where Ireland does not have diplomatic representation? Will the Minister also give an assurance that this issue and the issue of the terrorist threat that exists in many places at present will be issues for major discussion at the forthcoming Foreign Affairs Council?
Could he also give us an assurance that our diplomatic service remains in constant contact with colleagues from other diplomatic services on potential threats that exist in countries where Irish citizens may be travelling as well and that it is not only in the aftermath of a terrorist attack that we collate as much information but that such should be ongoing at all times?
In Tunisia and a number of destinations where Irish citizens travel, we do not have a resident full-time ambassadorial presence. In that regard, we rely significantly on our good relations with neighbour states, in particular, EU states. There is a positive and active relationship to ensure we have assistance on the ground in the first instance but also that we have the appropriate information by way of intelligence, advice and guidance that may be available to states that have a specific presence on the ground in any appropriate jurisdiction.
In response to the massacre in Tunisia, an extraordinary meeting of the Political and Security Committee was convened in Brussels on 28 June. During the course of this meeting, the Irish representative to the committee raised a number of issues stating that the goal of terrorists is not only to attack foreigners but also to undermine the democratic process in the birthplace of the Arab spring. The European Union and its member states must do all they can to assist the Tunisians in preventing the terrorists from achieving these objectives.
I expect this matter will be the subject of discussion at the forthcoming European Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Brussels next week. I would say that we need an assessment as to whether there is more the European Union can do to assist Tunisia in countering radicalisation, delivering capacity building against violent extremism and ensuring there is an element of training assistance on the matter of counter-terrorism.
We need to work with the Tunisians to ensure the best possible level of co-operation between the security services on the matter of intelligence sharing. I assure the Deputy that, as regards countries in which we do not have a full-time presence on the ground, we will ensure through our good and positive relations with EU partners that the best advice will be available to us. In the case of Tunisia, I acknowledge the rapid response of our embassy in Madrid that has specific accreditation in Tunis. Its team were on the ground in Tunisia within a matter of hours.
90. Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his plans to ensure outstanding issues in relation to the Stormont House Agreement and previous multi-party agreements are implemented; and the measures his Department is taking to ensure the devolution of fiscal powers to Stormont to ensure sustainable and workable budgets may be agreed. [28659/15]
In my question I ask the Government about its plans to deal with the outstanding issues arising from the Stormont House Agreement and previous agreements and call on it to ensure fiscal powers are transferred in order that there can be a sustainable and workable budget in the North in the future. In the most recent budget we saw the scale of the cuts imposed by the Tory Government which did not win a single seat in the North.
The full implementation of the Stormont House Agreement remains a priority of the Government and continues to be a key focus in contacts with the Northern Ireland Executive and the British Government. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron, discussed implementation of the Agreement at their meeting in London on 18 June, underlining the collective benefit of full implementation. To continue to take forward this work, the Minister of State, Deputy Seán Sherlock, and I attended an implementation and review meeting on the Stormont House Agreement in Belfast on 25 June. This was an important opportunity to take stock of progress, including in the context of the ongoing political impasse in relation to welfare reform and wider budgetary issues. The meeting considered and approved for publication a progress report which outlined overall implementation of the agreement, including work towards establishing new mechanisms to deal with the legacy of the past. In addition to the new mechanisms, the Northern Ireland Executive has undertaken to take appropriate steps to improve the way the legacy inquest function is conducted to comply with the requirements of Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.
While good progress has been made across many of the Agreement's work streams, a way forward needs to be found in relation to the ongoing impasse on welfare reform and wider budgetary issues. There is a limited window of opportunity to resolve these issues. It is essential that the political leaders in Northern Ireland face up to their responsibility to find a sustainable solution to the issues at hand and intensify their efforts in delivering the Agreement as a whole. The Irish Government will continue to support this collective effort.
With regard to the devolution of fiscal powers from Westminster to the Northern Ireland Assembly, this matter has been progressed by the British Government and the necessary Westminster legislation to allow for devolution of corporation tax was completed in March. The commencement of the legislation will be a matter for the British Government in conjunction with the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Mention was made of the new mechanisms for dealing with the legacy of the past and it is to be welcomed that there is progress on that issue. I do not know whether the Minister has had any contact with his counterparts since the Tories announced their budget, in which they cut the block grant to the Assembly by €1.5 billion. Based on the trajectory from the budget, there will be further cuts of €2.4 billion in the North, which will undermine any possibility of achieving a sustainable economy in the future and undermines the stability of one of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements in the Stormont Assembly. What steps has the Minister taken to specifically ensure the transfer of fiscal powers to the Assembly to allow it to deal in the future with crises of the type we have seen in recent months as a result of not having control over its own income or the ability to change welfare rates, which is done by diktat from Westminster?
The Deputy will be aware that the Agreement also provides for the Northern Ireland Executive to consider whether devolution of other fiscal powers, including the aggregates levy, stamp duty and the landfill tax, would result in a clear economic or social benefit for Northern Ireland.
The recently published Stormont House implementation progress report notes that the options have been prepared to enable the finance Minister in Northern Ireland to bring a paper on the matter to the Executive. In this regard, the Deputy will be aware that these are primarily strand one issues. It is clear Northern Ireland faces a most challenging budgetary situation. However, regardless of the contents of the UK budget which was published last week, the immediate task remains to find workable solutions to the immediate challenges under the constraints which currently apply and I beg the assistance of the Deputy's party at leadership level in this regard.
It is important we have stability, sustainable finance and effective power sharing in Belfast. This is an important backdrop to any serious concerted approach over the coming years to address what is a most challenging budgetary situation within Northern Ireland. I stress, as I have already done so in this House, that I recognise the special and unique status of Northern Ireland in the context of its being a society emerging from conflict. If we are to move forward towards repairing the divisions of the past and building a prosperous future for all the people on this island, the matters of finances, budget and economic development are crucial to achieving that pursuit.
The Minister mentioned sustainable finance again. Has he asked his counterparts not to cut further the Northern Ireland Stormont Assembly block grant? If that is to continue, all the agreements will be undermined, because the funding is not available to go ahead with the changes required. It is a post-conflict situation. There is, as the Minister mentioned, a different society in the Six Counties which is more reliant in many ways on state investment than the rest of the island. The Minister, Westminster and all those who took part in all the agreements recognise the post-conflict situation in the North, yet the key part, the funding to the Assembly to carry out its duties, is being cut. The question remains. Has the Minister specifically asked his counterparts, when he met them, or has the Taoiseach specifically asked David Cameron, when he met him, not to cut the block grant to the Northern Ireland Stormont Assembly any further?
In all my contacts with the Northern Ireland parties over recent months, I have underlined, and will continue to underline, the importance of finding workable solutions to the crucial issues, with particular reference, as stated by the Deputy, to budgetary and welfare issues. I point to the Stormont House Agreement as having the potential to benefit Northern Ireland across a wide range of issues and it must be implemented in its totality. I have already stated that, in my view, which is a view I have made clear on a number of occasions, there needs to be a recognition of the post-conflict society that is Northern Ireland. We need an element of creative thinking and resolute leadership, which elements are needed to overcome the challenges we now face. While we are heading towards the summer months and parliamentary recess, this small window of opportunity of the next few weeks must be used to ensure the political leaders in Northern Ireland, across all parties, face up to the responsibility, find a sustainable resolution to the issues at hand and intensify their efforts on advancing and progressing the Stormont House Agreement as a whole.
91. Deputy Mick Wallace asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his views in respect of discussions he has had with the Northern Ireland Minister for Justice and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland on the urgent need to implement the recommendations following the stocktake of the Maghaberry Prison agreement and, in particular, that the forum would be constituted under terms of reference that allow it to make decisions; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28628/15]
As the Minister knows, a group of cross-party individuals has been going up North to Maghaberry Prison for a few years.
The second-last time we were there was in November, and we were there again recently. Sadly, we have found that despite the Stocktake agreement supposedly being in place things have deteriorated. Does the Minister have any concerns in this area?
Prison issues in Northern Ireland, in particular those affecting prisoners in separated accommodation, regularly feature in my discussions with Northern Ireland Minister of Justice, David Ford, MLA, and, on non-devolved matters, with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, MP. In my contacts, I emphasise the importance of building trust between separated prisoners and prison management in Maghaberry Prison. Trust has been damaged by the 2012 murder of prison officer David Black. The way forward will be through the implementation of the recommendations of the September 2014 Stocktake report of the independent assessment team, which reviewed progress in implementing the August 2010 agreement at Maghaberry Prison.
The Northern Ireland Prison Service and prisoners are agreed on the importance of implementing the Stocktake report. The appointment of a representative of the International Committee of the Red Cross as the new independent chair of the prison forum should assist progress in this regard. To date progress has not moved as quickly as anyone would wish. It is my understanding that representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross have been actively consulting with all parties to the prison forum over recent weeks, including republican and loyalist prisoners as well as management in the prison to agree working methods.
Strip-searching, controlled movement and detention in the care and supervision unit of Maghaberry Prison continue as points of difference and tension between prisoners and prison management. It is important to bear in mind that a balance is required to be found between vindicating the rights of prisoners in restrictive imprisonment with the duty on management to ensure that an environment is created where the health and safety of staff and inmates are protected. There are differences in emphasis between management and prisoners in where the balance lies. This is further complicated by the differing responsibilities of the Northern Ireland Department of Justice and the Northern Ireland Office in respect of these matters. To effectively address these issues it is important that progress is shown.
My officials actively follow up with appropriate departments, the Northern Ireland Prison Service, the Prisoner Ombudsman for Northern Ireland and prisoners on these and other matters. I am aware that the independent chair of the prison forum is seized of the importance of these issues. I was pleased last week to have an opportunity to meet a group of interested Deputies on this issue. I would be happy to keep Deputy Wallace informed of developments in this area.
I am informed of the issues. The Minister referred to trust. If I was the principal of a secondary school and there was a breakdown and things were not working out, many people would be pointing the finger at the principal, at me. I see no serious willingness in this area. We have met the prisoners, the governor and assistant governors. I do not see an honest engagement from management side in the prison. What we have witnessed in recent years is frightening and it is deteriorating, not improving.
Previously, when we brought up this subject the Minister said that there had been assaults from republican prisoners on prison staff. That did not happen and the prison governor confirmed it. There have been no assaults. The only assaults that have taken place have been on prisoners, not on staff. There have been complaints of verbal disagreements between prisoners and staff, but that is normal even outside prison.
Controlled movement has been condemned and there is no logic in how those responsible are operating. They have disimproved things. There is strip-searching. Individuals who were brought to hospital never left the sight of security forces. They were strip-searched going out and strip-searched coming back, despite the fact that they were handcuffed to security personnel all the time. No one could possible justify it. There is an effort on the part of the management of the prison to humiliate the prisoners. It is illogical. There is a better way to deal with this. I am surprised that the Minister is not forcing the issue and putting pressure on those concerned to see common sense.
It is in everybody's interest to advance matters. I invite the Deputy to agree with me that the recommendations made in the Stocktake report represent the way forward. The Northern Ireland Prison Service has accepted the recommendation made in the report that forum meetings take place at least once every two months with an agreed agenda. If there is an agreed agenda, the types of issue or individual grievance raised by the Deputy can best be addressed.
In December 2014 Mr. Tom Miller was nominated as chairman of the prison forum. However, this nomination was not acceptable to republican prisoners. Following a process of consultation, prisoners and prison management have agreed to accept a representative of the International Committee of the Red Cross to chair the forum. Nobody could contest the independence of an individual of that status. The decision of the individual to take on the chairmanship of the forum was not taken lightly. It followed a period of intense organisational reflection, including on how best to maintain the integrity and independence of the organisation while acting as chairman. It is important that everybody work together.
I welcome the contribution of the Deputy but believe it is important that those concerned be in a position to move forward with the forum, the agenda items, the format of the agenda and the specific issues agreed in advance by both prisoners and prison management in order to deal with many of the grievances that persist.
We, too, welcome the involvement of the Red Cross, but the terms of reference will be crucial. The question of whether the Red Cross individual will have the power to be a decision-maker is paramount.
We have also met the Minister of Justice, Mr. Ford. Forgive us for feeling he is either unable or unwilling to implement his decisions on the ground. We have serious worries that there are people with a vested interest in trouble. We find it hard to get our heads around the fact that the recommendations made in the Stocktake report have not even been implemented properly. Those concerned have reneged on the controlled movement recommendation made in the report. There was supposed to be four and four, allowed to mix. There was three and three, allowed to mix. They went to four and four, but there was only a maximum of four allowed out at a time. It is actually a regression.
We fear there that are people within the security forces in Northern Ireland who, perhaps because of the loss of overtime or jobs, seem to have a vested interest in trouble. They almost like to see trouble coming from the community in reaction to how the prisoners have been treated within the prison. What is happening is irrational. We are not remotely interested in any republican sympathies but actually believe what is occurring is troublesome and problematic. The Irish Government should play a stronger role in addressing the irrationality on the part of the management of Maghaberry Prison and the Northern Ireland Office.
If there is any perceived delay in the implementation of the recommendations made in the Stocktake report, it is important that the issues be addressed. The report, produced by the independent assessment team, was transmitted to Minister Ford and representatives of the prison late last year. It clearly addresses a number of grievances and issues on which progress should be made. It has not been possible to realise the full potential of the Agreement, partly because of a lack of trust between the prison service and separated prisoners, as adverted to by the Deputy, and also because of understandable concerns about staff safety, particularly after the brutal murder of a prison officer, Mr. David Black. However, the report did make a number of recommendations, including on full body searching, freedom of movement, the format of prison forums, family visits and the provision of education. I am sure the Deputy will concede that these recommendations have been largely accepted by the Northern Ireland Prison Service. I accept that implementation has been slow, but it is my understanding that the intention is to address these matters. I welcome the independent chairman and look forward to seeing matters proceed at a rate that has not been evident heretofore.
92. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade when the Stormont House Agreement will be implemented fully; the actions he has taken in view of the recent revelations of collusion between British State forces and terrorist organisations in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28625/15]
The Stormont House Agreement, which followed on from the Haass talks, is intended to bind the parties and communities closer together in resolving identity and legacy issues, coming to an agreement on welfare reform and making government finance in Northern Ireland more sustainable. Could the Minister outline the progress that is being made in respect of its implementation? We all welcomed the agreement in this House earlier this year and we want to see it implemented. The events of the past few days show that we need to have politics working to its full potential in Northern Ireland.
I agree with Deputy Smith that the important issue currently is to ensure the full implementation of all aspects of the Stormont House Agreement. I mentioned in response to Deputy Ó Snodaigh that there are urgent and challenging issues relating to finance. There is a small window of opportunity in the course of the next few weeks which will provide the five party leaders and their parties with an opportunity to re-intensify their efforts because there is much at stake here. We are looking at the future workings of the institutions in Northern Ireland and at ensuring that the institutions are working for and on behalf of the people throughout Northern Ireland. I believe that there is so much at stake here that it is essential that all parties ensure that finding resolutions is a priority.
As I outlined in an earlier reply, the full implementation of the Stormont House Agreement remains a priority of this Government and continues to be a key focus in all its contacts with the Northern Ireland Executive and the British Government at the highest level. Implementation of the agreement continues to be subject to ongoing review. The most recent review took place late last month. Notwithstanding the fact that July and August are months during which political engagement may not be at its highest, I believe it is important that contact remains throughout the summer months to ensure that all aspects of the agreement can facilitate the reporting of progress. The Government will continue to play its part in ensuring the full implementation of the agreement.
Additional information not given on the floor of the House
The Minister of State, Deputy Sherlock, and I represented the Government at the most recent review meeting on 25 June, which considered and approved for publication a six-month progress report in accordance with the monitoring provisions of the agreement.
In respect of the issue of collusion, it is a matter of public record that collusion occurred during the Troubles between British state forces and paramilitaries. Successive Irish Governments in our ongoing bilateral relations and through the European Court of Human Rights at Strasbourg have raised the issue of collusion with the British Government. We continue to do so, including in respect of a number of individual cases of longstanding concern such as the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the case of the late Pat Finucane. In particular, we advocate that all relevant documentation be made available to be examined by the appropriate mechanisms. Such cases must be adequately addressed if we are to achieve a genuinely reconciled society.
Many families, including those bereaved by incidents in which collusion has been alleged, continue to deal not only with the awful pain of losing a loved one but with the struggle for answers decades after these traumatic events. I understand and acknowledge the frustration of families who for too long have had to contend with inadequate mechanisms for addressing their cases. For that reason, the establishment of a new comprehensive framework for dealing with the legacy of the past, as envisaged in the Stormont House Agreement, remains a priority of the Government. We believe that these mechanisms offer the best hope of helping the thousands of families touched by the Troubles, including those affected by collusion.
These institutions will include a historical investigations unit, HIU, to take forward investigations into Troubles-related deaths as well as an Independent Commission on Information Retrieval, ICIR, to enable victims and survivors seek and privately receive information about Troubles-related deaths. Good progress is being made on the establishment of these institutions which I believe will assist all victims, including the victims of collusion, in their quest for justice and the truth.
I thank the Minister for his reply. Unfortunately, we witnessed hooliganism on our television screens last night. We saw the actions of a small minority determined to return to the bad old days. They must not and will not succeed. It is very important that this small band of extremists is marginalised so it is extremely important that we push the political process forward. I did not think we would again see 24 members of the police force and a 16 year old girl being injured on the streets of the second city of this island. We saw bottles and bricks being thrown, baton rounds and the water cannon. All of this type of activity should be consigned to history. It is extremely important that all aspects of the Stormont House Agreement are implemented in full.
Could the Minister indicate whether it is possible to progress parts of the agreement? I presume that different sections and aspects of the agreement can be progressed when work is underway on other aspects. It is extremely important that a clear message goes out to society in general that it is politics that will win and bring about a better society and communities for everybody in all parts of this island.
I share the concern expressed by Deputy Smith and others about the incidents of violence last night on the streets of Belfast. It is important that the rule of law obtain and I am pleased to report this morning that a number of arrests have been made, charges have been laid and those people will be brought before the courts at the earliest opportunity.
It is important we all use our collective effort and context to ensure we can influence society in Northern Ireland and, in particular, those who have not embraced the contents of the Good Friday Agreement, the Stormont House Agreement and other agreements. It is only through our collective efforts and through implementation in the form of progress across a range of issues that we can have in Northern Ireland the type of political stability that is appropriate for certainty and for a stable and peaceful society. Notwithstanding the fact there is something of a logjam in parts of the agreement - I refer specifically to the issues of welfare, finance and budgets - I urge parties to use their best endeavours in a way that perhaps has not been evident over recent months. Other aspects of the agreement refer to the legacy of the past and to the unimplemented aspects of previous agreements, upon which we can make progress and upon which we in this jurisdiction can make progress, as we are doing, in drafting legislation dealing with the very sensitive, personal and very important issue of finding a new departure in respect of the issues of the past.
I thank the Minister for his reply. Will he give an assurance that progress can and will be achieved in the area of establishing the truth in regard to collusion? In recent months we have witnessed excellent public service given by BBC and RTE in very good documentaries on collusion by British state forces with terrorist organisations in the North of Ireland and, indeed, also in the South. It is very important the truth is established with regard to the murder of many innocent people.
I had the opportunity to mention on numerous occasions in this House the need for the British Government to respond without further delay to the unanimous request of this Parliament to give access to an eminent international jurist to all papers and files relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings in 1974. It is extremely important that the British Government indicates it will respond positively. The truth is the very least to be expected for the families of those who were murdered so callously in 1974 and also the families of victims of other atrocities. Those documentaries were really chilling. We all would have known about the individual incidents but it was really chilling and frightening when they were catalogued and put in a documentary to show that state forces were colluding with terrorists and many innocent people on this island were killed. I appeal to the Minister to continue to pursue with the British Government the need to release the papers relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and also to make progress with regard to a proper investigation into the bombings in Belturbet in 1972.
I, too, had an opportunity to watch the most recent television programmes dealing with the subject of collusion. It remains a matter of public record that collusion occurred between British state forces and paramilitaries during the course of the Troubles. In our ongoing bilateral relations and through the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, we have raised with the British Government the issue of collusion, as have successive Irish Governments. We will continue to do so, including with regard to a number of individual cases of long-standing concern, including the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the case of the late Pat Finucane. In particular, we advocate that all appropriate documentation be made available to be examined using the appropriate mechanisms. Such cases must be adequately addressed if we are to achieve a genuinely reconciled society.
I recently had the opportunity to raise these issues again with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Ms Theresa Villiers, MP. I expect that progress can be reported on these issues in the context of the overall implementation of the Stormont House Agreement, and indeed in response to all-party motions which this House passed unanimously some years ago.
93. Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he is aware that the Sri Lankan Government continues to refuse co-operation with international investigations into alleged war crimes committed by their military, that there is ongoing persecution of the Tamil persons in Sri Lanka and that a significant military presence remains in the northern and eastern provinces of the state; and if he will raise these concerns with his Sri Lankan counterpart. [28660/15]
I tabled this question as I firmly believe that the international community is ignoring the plight of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. Is the Minister aware of their plight? Is he aware that the Sri Lankan Government continues to refuse to co-operate with international investigations into alleged war crimes committed by its military during the war which ended in 2009? Is he aware of the ongoing persecution of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, in particular in the northern and eastern provinces? What can be done?
Three decades of civil war in Sri Lanka, which ended in 2009, caused the internal displacement of tens of thousands of Sri Lankans, many of whom are members of the Tamil population. This remains an issue to the present day. There has been a change in government in Sri Lanka following the presidential election in January 2015, and I welcome the stated commitments by the new President to re-establish democracy, freedom, good governance and respect for human rights.
Our ambassador to Sri Lanka, who is based in New Delhi, maintains regular contact with the Sri Lankan authorities and regularly visits the area for discussions there. Our embassy in New Delhi monitors developments in Sri Lanka on an ongoing basis. Through the embassy, we are in regular contact with the EU delegation in Colombo which reports that the new government has already taken some positive steps to deal with resettlement issues, including returning some military land used for commercial purposes, the nomination of a civilian governor in the northern province, cancelling the foreign travel restrictions in the north and welcoming Tamil refugees from India.
At the United Nations Human Rights Council session in March 2014, Ireland voted in favour of a resolution promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka. One aspect of that resolution was a request for an investigation by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights into alleged serious violations and abuses of human rights, and related crimes by both parties in Sri Lanka. A report of that investigation is due to be presented at the UN Human Rights Council in September 2015. I and officials from my Department will closely monitor developments on this at the United Nations, and examine this report in detail on its publication.
At the meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union in Brussels on 9 February 2015, which I attended, the Council agreed a number of conclusions on European Union priorities at UN Human Rights Fora in 2015. With regard to Sri Lanka, the Council welcomed the commitments by the new government on rule of law and reconciliation, while encouraging the new government to work with the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Council to address ongoing human rights concerns and make credible domestic progress on reconciliation.
Additional information not given on the floor of the House
A meeting of the EU-Sri Lanka joint commission took place in Colombo, Sri Lanka, on 2 April 2015. The joint commission, which oversees the EU-Sri Lanka Cooperation Agreement on Partnership and Development, which has been in place for 20 years, deals with a broad range of bilateral and multilateral issues of mutual interest. At this meeting it was agreed in principle to establish a new working group on governance, rule of law and human rights, to allow for a dialogue on these issues.
I welcome members of the Irish Forum for Peace in Sri Lanka, who are present in the Visitors Gallery today. I thank them for their vital work in continuing to keep us abreast of the horrific conditions in Sri Lanka and international developments.
In 2009 the Sri Lankan Government defeated the Tamils with much brutality. That brutality has continued since then through the occupation by 160,000 Sinhalese soldiers in the northern province which has only 1 million inhabitants. This shows that in some ways the war continues.
Is the Minister aware that since the end of the war there have been widespread reports of violence, physical and sexual, against women by soldiers in some of the occupied areas and also throughout the rest of Sri Lanka, the destruction of Hindu temples and land grabs?
The Minister acknowledged a new government and a supposed new approach. Will he raise, or has he raised, concerns regarding those issues with the Sri Lankan Government and the Sri Lankan ambassador to Ireland?
I assure the Deputy that we are keeping a very close eye on the situation on the ground in Sri Lanka. We are very concerned at some of the instances of violence that persist. We are ensuring that not only we but also our colleagues in the European Union play a most active role in assisting in the very challenging and difficult situation that persists.
As well as Ireland’s engagement at EU and UN level, Ireland provides funding to the situation in Sri Lanka. Under Irish Aid’s funding to non-governmental organisations, NGOs, just over €300,000 has been allocated in Sri Lanka in 2012 and 2013. Included among those receiving funding is UPR Info, a civil society organisation based in Geneva which works to build the capacity of civil society organisations and to engage with the United Nations Human Rights Council’s universal periodic review process. Irish Aid funds missionary orders, through Misean Cara, which allocates funding through grants to missionary congregations for their development work in the region. Between 2012 and 2014, Irish missionaries working in Sri Lanka received almost €290,000 in Irish Aid funding which was disbursed through Misean Cara. I acknowledge the very strong and positive action taken by our NGOs and missionaries, often in difficult and challenging circumstances. I assure the Deputy that not only will we continue to keep a close eye on the situation but we will play our part in active engagement to ensure many of the problems in the area and region might be addressed positively.
I thank the Minister for his answer. As he said, in September there will be an opportunity for Ireland and others on the Human Rights Council to examine a report on the investigation into the last years of the conflict, not what has happened since then. I hope he and the UN will be able to persuade the Sri Lankan Government to co-operate fully. The new government has to date not co-operated fully with the UN-mandated investigation. I hope the Minister will also take the opportunity of the September council meeting to confirm our support, and maybe our demand, for an international investigation, not the domestic one which Sri Lankan governments have looked for. Maybe at the very least there should be a hybrid domestic and international investigation, similar to that in Sierra Leone and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which managed to overcome government opposition to a perceived interference by international forces. Ireland should insist that there be an international component and that the UN should be one of those bodies if at all possible.
An EU-Sri Lanka joint commission took place in Colombo on 2 April of this year. The joint commission, which oversees the EU-Sri Lanka co-operation agreement on partnership and development that has been in place for 20 years, deals with a broad range of bilateral and multilateral issues of mutual interest. Ireland and other member states received a request in June from the European Commission to nominate candidates for the positions of long-term and short-term observer for the forthcoming parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka. We are very much aware of the ongoing violence and the human rights violations and I assure the Deputy and the House that our mission in New Delhi, which is in close contact with the situation on the ground in Colombo and wider Sri Lanka, is not only keeping a close eye on the situation but is very much involved, along with our EU colleagues, in seeking a solution to a challenging and deeply worrying situation.
