Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 7 Oct 2015

Vol. 892 No. 1

European Council Meeting: Statements

The Taoiseach

I welcome the opportunity to address the House on the diverse agenda of the European Council taking place next week in Brussels. Following the events of recent months, which have seen the greatest movement of people to and through Europe since World War II, international and European attention has rightly been focused on the current refugee and migration crisis. An extraordinary European Council was convened on 23 September, which I attended. Building on previous European Council meetings in April and June, this considered both the immediate crisis and some of the broader issues around migration and our collective efforts to deal with them. It agreed on a wide range of issues requiring intense and urgent further work.

The European Council will next week continue its work on shaping a comprehensive EU approach on the basis of solidarity and responsibility and recognising the crisis points that exist around our Union. This will involve a further substantial discussion on migration in all its aspects, including follow-up on the points agreed at the previous European Council meetings. The Council will be briefed on the outcomes of the meetings with the Turkish President in Brussels on Monday and tomorrow's high level conference on the western Balkans route. It will also take stock of preparations for the Valletta summit with the African Union in early November.

Also on the agenda and further to the June 2015 meeting, the European Council will take stock of discussions to date on the five presidents' report on economic and monetary union, based on work undertaken by the Council and by the Commission. Again following on from the June European Council, where British Prime Minister Cameron outlined his general thinking on EU reform and the UK referendum on EU membership, the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, will inform Heads of State and Government about the state of play of the technical analysis that has been taking place at official level. The president will also set out his intentions for the process ahead. I have asked the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, to address foreign policy issues in his wrap-up statement. Of course, the issue in Syria is directly relevant to the migration crisis. I will, however, now address the other issues on the agenda. I should add that the fact that this statement necessarily has had to be made somewhat earlier than usual means that the draft conclusions have not yet been circulated by President Tusk, nor have the normal preliminary discussions yet taken place in Brussels.

The issue of migration and the current refugee crisis has been at the centre of European discussion for a number of months. European Union justice Ministers met twice in September at emergency Councils in Brussels, first to confirm an earlier decision to relocate 40,000 people and then to adopt proposals to relocate a further 120,000 people in need of international protection. This means that a total of 160,000 people seeking asylum will be relocated to other EU member states from Greece, Italy and other states that may be hit by a sudden inflow of nationals of third countries. At the informal European Council meeting on 23 September, progress on taking forward the various elements of a comprehensive approach to migration, which were broadly agreed at our meetings in April and June, was examined. Outcomes included a commitment of some €1 billion in budgetary assistance to agencies such as the UNHCR and the World Food Programme, as well as renewed diplomatic efforts to resolve the crises in Syria and Libya. Strengthening the protection of the EU's borders and better arrangements to process arriving asylum seekers in front-line countries were also discussed.

Ireland has consistently called for solidarity, both externally and internally, in shaping the EU's responses to the migration issue. We have aimed in our approach to be both compassionate and practical, seeking to alleviate suffering, as well as tackling root causes. I note that Ireland has been making an important contribution on a number of fronts to ongoing efforts to tackle the crisis. The Government has agreed that it will accept in the region of 4,000 asylum seekers and refugees overall under resettlement and relocation programmes. This is well in excess of any notional "quota" that we might have been attributed by the European Commission. This includes 520 refugees who we have offered to resettle from refugee camps. Some of these have now started arriving in Ireland. The decisions to relocate 600 people from Italy and Greece under the initial Commission proposal and a further approximately 1,850 under the subsequent Commission proposal were, of course, subject to Oireachtas approval. This has now been received and the European Commission was duly notified on Monday, 5 October, of Ireland's intention to join the two measures. The remaining 1,030 people will be taken on resettlement or on relocation, with the final breakdown between these two categories still under consideration.

We have deployed a naval vessel and full crew in the Mediterranean since June, initially the LE Eithne, then LE Niamh and now the LE Samuel Beckett, to assist our Italian colleagues in their international humanitarian search and rescue efforts there. Since May, our naval vessels have rescued 7,639 people. We are extremely proud of their outstanding endeavours in very difficult circumstances, and I know that everyone in the House and the Irish people as a whole are united in their admiration and appreciation. Why would that not be the case, given our history of coffin ships off Canada and the United States?

Importantly, we provide other supports to areas particularly affected by instability and conflict. For example, a total of €41 million will have been provided by the end of 2015 towards assisting those displaced as a result of the Syrian crisis, including through participation in a regional development and protection programme in the Middle East. We have also provided almost €36 million in humanitarian funding to Somalia over the past number of years. Furthermore, at the start of September, we committed to doubling our annual contribution to the World Food Programme from €10 million to €20 million per annum for the next three years. All of these measures have been supported by a swift response at home, led by the Department of Justice and Equality, to put measures in place that will facilitate the arrival of refugees to Ireland and offer a welcome safe haven for those seeking international protection.

The announcement on 10 September of the establishment of the Irish refugee protection programme and particularly the efforts of a new interdepartmental task force chaired by the Department of Justice and Equality are important steps in the Government’s contribution to long-term sustainable solutions to this crisis. An important part of Ireland’s response to the migration crisis is our participation in forthcoming high level meetings with a specific regional focus, both of which were also discussed at the extraordinary European Council meeting on 23 September. The first meeting, the western Balkans conference, takes place in Luxembourg tomorrow and will be attended by Ministers dealing with migration issues. This will immediately follow the scheduled meeting of the Justice and Home Affairs Council tomorrow and the Minister for Justice and Equality, Frances Fitzgerald, will attend on behalf of Ireland.

The western Balkans conference is expected to agree a declaration emphasising the need for solidarity and a collective response to what is a common challenge. In this context, Turkish President Erdogan’s visit to Brussels earlier this week, when he held talks with the presidents of the European Parliament, European Council and European Commission - Presidents Schulz, Tusk and Juncker - is significant. Turkey hosts over 2.2 million people from Syria and Iraq, so it must play an important part in addressing the crisis. President Juncker and President Erdogan at their meeting discussed a draft plan for strengthening co-operation between the EU and Turkey in responding to the migration crisis. This plan constitutes an important part of the ongoing political dialogue between the EU and Turkey, building on but going beyond the accession framework. It focuses on supporting refugees and their host communities in Turkey on the one hand and stepping up co-operation in combating irregular migration on the other. The Commission and President Erdogan agreed to take forward work on the plan quickly. There will be continuing indepth consideration of the issue as it affects Turkey and other partners at the western Balkans conference tomorrow and of course, following that, at the European Council itself.

The conference declaration is expected to identify five key common actions, including support for host governments and communities in Syria’s immediate neighbourhood, primarily Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey; support to affected transit countries; co-operation in the fight against people-smuggling and associated organised crime; addressing the root causes of forced displacement; and working with countries of origin. We are hopeful that the conference will contribute to making progress in dealing with this very complex and difficult issue.

A second meeting, bringing together EU leaders and our African counterparts, as well as representatives of multilateral organisations in the region, will take place in Valletta, Malta, on 11 and 12 November. This summit was identified by EU leaders at our April Council as a valuable opportunity to increase engagement with our African partners.

The purpose of the summit is to focus on the external relations dimension of migration policy and to find the appropriate tools to address both current and future migratory challenges.

The conference will seek to build on existing co-operation frameworks with African partners, many of which are countries of origin and transit, in order to address migration challenges to our mutual benefit. It is proposed to issue two documents from the Valletta summit, a political declaration and an action plan with areas of action. Arrangements for the Valletta summit, including the preparation of these outcome documents, are ongoing across my Department, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Department of Justice and Equality.

At the upcoming European Council, Heads of State and Government will give further consideration to the report entitled Completing Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union, which was published by the presidents of the Euro Summit, the ECB, the Eurogroup, the European Parliament and the Commission on 22 June. This is known as the report of the five presidents. At the June European Council, the report was noted and referred back to Council for "rapid examination".

It will be recalled that, building on measures implemented in recent years to make economic and monetary union, EMU, more stable and resilient, the report proposes a two-stage approach to further reform. The first is a short-term stage focused on boosting competitiveness, maintaining responsible fiscal policies and completing banking union, while the second is a longer-term stage which could involve more significant changes to the EU’s economic and institutional architecture.

Following discussions by finance Ministers at the informal ECOFIN in September and by social and employment Ministers at EPSCO on 5 October, the Commission is expected to present some definite proposals for stage one in the coming weeks. These are likely to include an in-depth review of the so-called six-pack and two-pack, which set out detailed fiscal rules in the framework of the Stability and Growth Pact, some reorganisation of the European semester, and a proposal for unified external representation of the euro area at international financial institutions.

Subsequent proposals are expected to focus on completing the banking union. Ways to strengthen the euro area’s focus on competitiveness issues and its ability to take an overview of its fiscal position are also being considered. There has also been discussion of ways to strengthen the social dimension of the euro area.

In general terms, Ireland is pragmatic and realistic about what can be achieved. As we see it, economic governance within EMU has been subject to major changes in recent years. The effects of these changes still have to be fully worked through, particularly at national level, where a considerable European dimension has been introduced into the framing of budgets. Our stated position has been that work must continue on fully implementing the current economic governance framework, rather than engaging in significant further initiatives.

Our focus has to be on practical measures for driving economic growth and the EU's ability to deliver for its citizens. However, we welcome the focus of the proposed short-term measures in stage one, particularly the completion of banking union and acceleration of the capital markets union, CMU, with the CMU action plan, which was launched by the Commission on 30 September.

As for the medium to longer term, as the debate on future options becomes more concrete, which it may not be for some time, we will continue to engage fully with partners and the institutions on the basis of our own national analysis. I welcome the recent hearings by the Joint Committee on European Affairs on the future of EMU, which represent a useful contribution to widening debate here.

Finally, I will just say a word on the issue of the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Union. Firstly, I understand that President Tusk intends to update Heads of State and Government at the Council on the state of play of the technical work that has been under way in Brussels between British and EU officials since the June European Council. I look forward to hearing from President Tusk and to finding out how he sees the process advancing in the weeks ahead. There is an expectation that the UK Prime Minister, David Cameron, will present his latest thinking on the issues he has identified at some stage after the European Council meeting, and the hope is that this will lead to a phase of more detailed discussion. The arrangements for taking forward that detailed discussion are not yet clear, but there is likely to be further consideration by Heads of State and Government at the European Council meeting in December.

I set out the position of the Government at some length in answer to questions in the House last week. However, I would like to take this opportunity again to stress that the place of the United Kingdom in the European Union is of real national importance for Ireland, and this issue is a strategic priority for the Government. I have made clear to Mr. Cameron in my discussions with him how much value we attach to the fact that both of our countries are members of the European Union. We are therefore watching developments very closely. Officials in my Department, our permanent representation in Brussels and our embassy in London are in very regular contact with British and other colleagues. We will be open and pragmatic when it comes to sensible proposals to improve the EU and make it better able to meet the needs of its citizens, and also to address specific UK concerns, although of course we will be fully conscious both of our own national interests and of the views of other member states. We will work with the British Government and all our EU partners to find a consensual basis for the UK’s continued membership of our Union. I look forward to learning more about progress next week and, of course, to reporting to the House afterwards.

The European Council will, therefore, address a number of important issues. I expect that, in keeping with the urgency and complexity of the situation, migration will dominate proceedings, but the discussions of EMU and the UK will also be of considerable interest for the longer term. I look forward now to hearing Deputies’ comments and perspectives.

Deputy Micheál Martin

When this Dáil first met, four and a half years ago, there was cross-party agreement that we would put European issues at the heart of our discussions. We all agreed that pan-EU matters had become too important for Ireland to be left as an afterthought. Unfortunately, the reality is that things have actually got worse. There has, on occasion, been more time scheduled for speeches, but the level of serious engagement with European issues has got worse. Ultimately, our Government or Parliament has not engaged properly with the major issues facing Europe today.

As the Government enters its final days, it has no stated policy on the reform of the Union. It is content with banal generalities with regard to the UK's position. It has accepted policies on banking union and fiscal controls which leave untouched key causes of the recession. It has been playing catch-up on the refugee crisis, only starting to engage once the scale of public outrage became clear. Deputies have lost count of the number of times the Taoiseach has come in here to say that everything is in hand and the crisis is being addressed. Yet Europe continues to stumble from crisis to crisis. The failure of the Taoiseach and his colleagues to act before a situation reaches boiling point continues to define their behaviour.

Today's debate is actually the first time in four months that we have been allowed to discuss Europe. The Taoiseach refused to report to the Dáil on two previous meetings of leaders even though we requested that time be scheduled. In his contribution the Taoiseach has again spoken at length and said little of substance. The one thing Ireland and Europe desperately need is to end the lack of ambition and energy which characterises how the Taoiseach and other leaders approach every issue.

For the last two years, I and my colleague Deputy Brendan Smith have repeatedly raised the humanitarian disaster that has emerged in Syria. The mass movement of refugees to Europe is no surprise to anyone who has been paying attention to what is one of the largest refugee crises for over 50 years. At the root of the crisis is a dictatorship that chose to wage war on its own people rather than concede democratic rights. The early support the Assad regime received from some other countries and the Hezbollah movement was decisive in stopping its collapse and leading to a dramatic radicalisation. The conflict has developed into a many-fronted civil war, with the ISIS grouping representing a barbaric new element. More than 12 million people have been displaced and they are overwhelmingly to be found in neighbouring countries. The people - up to a million of them - who have risked their lives in an effort to reach Europe are not refugees by choice. They are fleeing intolerable conditions. They are denied even the most basic right of being able to live safely and to look after their families. Massive camps with only basic facilities, no schools, no work and no hope are the reality for millions who have fled to Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. There comes a point at which endurance can go no further and that is why we have seen the pressures of recent months. They do not want to be refugees; they want to live peacefully in their own land, and because this is not possible, we have a moral obligation to help them.

The failure by the international community to respond to the refugee crisis quickly and comprehensively is why so many have now come to Europe.

In the summits of June and September as well as in the agenda for next week's summit, there continues to be a strategy of trying to find a way of doing as little as possible to muddle through. The frankly xenophobic comments of certain leaders were a disgrace. This is no time to pander to the extremists who want to spread fear. It is a time to assert the primacy of the values which we should share as Europeans. I welcome the fact that there has been a broad humanitarian consensus in Irish society and we must all work to protect this. I welcome the Government's eventual agreement to a significant resettlement plan and for the principle that all countries should accept a share of the task. What has yet to happen is for a plan to be outlined which is proportionate to the challenge. There is no comprehensive plan and there is no real commitment to helping countries which face disproportionate pressures.

This is an unprecedented emergency. The European Union and its member states cannot address it if every proposal has to be dealt with through existing resources, and yet so far every initiative is to be funded through the reallocation of existing funds which mostly involves diverting money from other urgent humanitarian tasks. This zero-sum approach cannot continue. A dramatic increase in funding is required for these actions. First, and most important, is to give hope to the millions living in camps. They need decent facilities and access to education and some work. Their main desire is to return home and until this is possible, they need our help. Second, we must recognise the particular needs of member states which are facing the greatest pressures. All of the evidence is that their capacities are stretched to or beyond breaking point. Basic solidarity requires that they be helped. Finally, each member state needs to genuinely welcome those who have fled a conflict which has been relentless and bloody.

The Defence Forces have continued to play an honourable and effective role in the Mediterranean. We should be proud of them and the great tradition of Óglaigh na hÉireann in serving the State and humanitarian causes throughout the world.

Next week leaders will discuss the programme for the special regional summit in Valletta. As currently drafted, there is no indication of genuine urgency or ambition.

In relation to the conflict in, and increasingly around, Syria there have been very disturbing developments in recent months. The Kurdish forces have played a positive role in confronting IS. The decision of the Turkish Government to hinder Iraqi and Syrian Kurdish forces and to re-launch a full-scale conflict with the PKK is serving no one's interests. There is an urgent need for an intervention to try to end this escalation. The imminent Turkish election may well be playing a role, but we need to do everything possible to support a return to the peace process once it is over.

The decision of Russia to put troops into Syria and to begin daily bombings has been directed at the sole aim of protecting the Assad regime. The majority of attacks appear to have been against the more moderate opposition, including Kurdish forces, and have been well away from the areas dominated by ISIS. There is no scenario in which Assad will be able to bring peace to his country. The conflict began because of his efforts to crush moderate opposition and it escalated because of his brutality, including using chemical weapons against his own people. From the very beginning, and at a point where the conflict was solely an internal Syrian affair, Russia has blocked any international effort to support a transition in the country.

Separately, there have been indications that Russia is de-escalating the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and this is to be welcomed. What it does not yet show is a willingness of Russia to end its occupation and partition of Ukraine. Its imperialist agenda against a former subject state remains in place. So too does its efforts to find and use what Lenin once called "useful idiots" in Europe who will defend Russia no matter what it does, particularly through deploying false comparisons and demands to remove any consequences for Russia of its actions. Parties on the extreme right and extreme left remain active advocates for lifting sanctions against Putin's Government. There have been signs in recent days of a push by some major businesses to get back into the Russian market. Our Government should join with those who are demanding that there be no restoration of normal relations as long as Russia continues its policy of occupation and partition.

The summit is due to have a further discussion concerning reforms to economic and monetary union. There are, in fact, no genuine reforms being proposed. None of the already identified causes of the recession is to be tackled. The banking union covers only a fraction of the industry at the core of the meltdown. There is no shared deposit guarantee system and moves are already in place to limit the oversight of banks which pose systemic risks. There are not even proposals for a fiscal union which would allow for regions under the most pressure to receive help at times of greatest need. All we have is a set of controls relating to deficits and debt. While the specific targets set in these controls may be reasonable, and they are appropriate for Ireland, they are entirely inappropriate in many situations. They preclude stimulus spending in cases where this can be afforded. They also preclude the type of policies which helped other countries to more quickly and robustly exit the recession. The threat of deflation is again present and the only thing standing in the way of a new recession is an ECB programme, which has been opposed by Germany and which has been referred to the Court of Justice. The Taoiseach's refusal even to argue for a set of real reforms to EMU is representative of a policy which has emphasised photo opportunities and pats on the head over genuine substance.

The summit is also due to hear further details about British proposals for the renegotiation of parts of its membership of the Union. The rhetoric at this week's Tory party conference has been far beyond anything which Ireland should be willing to accept. The absence of the moderating influence of the Liberal Democrats from the Cameron Administration is clearly having an impact. Most strikingly, United Kingdom Ministers have begun deploying arguments which were directly refuted by the independent review of EU policies carried out in the past few years. The basic drift of their demands is to seek a protection of all of the benefits of membership in relation to markets but to undermine all social elements of membership.

United Kingdom membership of the Union is something which Ireland has a major interest in, but this must not mean that we will pay any price to make it continue. It is long since passed the time when the Government should put on the record its basic response to the Tory demands. This should be an issue in the election, whenever the cycle of spin runs out and the Taoiseach decides to end the permanent campaign which has defined his approach to government.

The basic model of the European Union which we signed up to is one which sees economic and social progress as inseparable objectives. We did not only sign up for a free market; we signed up for a free market which gave a guarantee of fair competition based on decent working conditions and protections. The British have not been able to demonstrate the negative impact of laws against discrimination, bad working conditions and exploitative contracts. These form the core of what a modern decent society should have in place. We must reject any push to enable a rush to the bottom. Equally, we should oppose any proposals concerning restrictions of social supports. This has the potential to undermine the position of hundreds of thousands of Irish citizens and at a minimum, we should demand a legal commitment from Britain that the rights of the Irish people will not be changed. This has particular implications for mobility on this island and the reduction of current rights from their current iron-clad basis is something we will absolutely oppose.

Deputy Gerry Adams

I wish to share time with Deputy Crowe.

At the outset, I congratulate and praise the work of the crew of the LE Samuel Beckett which rescued 430 refugees who were in trouble in the Mediterranean Sea this weekend. This is the third Irish vessel to carry out search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean and, collectively, they have rescued 7,639 people. The brave crews of these ships are a great credit to the Irish people.

I am disappointed the Taoiseach has not taken the opportunity to tell the Dáil whether the rescue operation will continue beyond December. A row has erupted over allowances to be paid to Naval Service personnel in the Mediterranean. Gerry Rooney of PDFORRA has said members of the Naval Service who volunteered for this dangerous mission feel they have been duped and are being ignored given the refusal to pay them the same rate as troops involved in UN peace missions on land. I am sure the Taoiseach agrees these Naval Service personnel carry out their duties to a very high standard and to international acclaim and are entitled to be properly paid for their crucially important work.

The EU’s collective response to the refugee crisis, the most serious refugee crisis since the Second World War, has been weak and has exposed major rifts between member states. While Germany and Sweden’s response has been laudable, countries such as Hungary are criminalising refugees and others are doing the bare minimum. My colleague and Northern Ireland Deputy First Minister, Martin McGuinness, has confirmed that the first Syrians selected under a resettlement scheme will arrive in the North before December. While the scheme will begin with a modest number, more will arrive in the future on a phased basis and I welcome this initial and progressive step. Ní fhaca muid a leithéid de seo riamh agus tá daoine ag fulaingt go géar. Caithfimid níos mó a dhéanamh ná mar atáimid á dhéanamh anois. I hope the Taoiseach will argue for a humane and moral approach to the refugee crisis at the European Council meeting and that he will stand up to the European governments which are seeking to criminalise refugees.

The European Council meeting will also focus on the negotiations surrounding the British in-out referendum on the EU. Sinn Féin believes a British withdrawal from the EU would represent a major political and economic challenge for the island of Ireland. Such a development could hinder the process of democratic transformation in the North. A Brexit could lead to the prospect of a reinforced partition, with the potential for customs checkpoints, trading tariffs and adverse knock-on effects for all-island economic activity and co-operation on a cross-Border basis. Citizens in the North could also see the loss of Common Agricultural Policy and Common Fisheries Policy payments. They could also suffer the loss of EU Structural Funds which have been central to small and medium enterprise development, community regeneration and government programmes. As well as the dreadful economic, social and political implications, the proposed referendum is profoundly undemocratic. The referendum, as it is planned, will allow the views of English voters to dictate the future relationship of the North - and therefore Ireland as a whole - with the EU. I look to the Taoiseach to raise these concerns at the European Council meeting and inform other European leaders about how serious and damaging a Brexit would be for this island.

Last week, while in New York, I met the Greek Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, whom I congratulated on his very successful election campaign. I briefed him on the current political situation in Ireland and he outlined the next challenges facing the people of Greece. Much of our conversation focused on the two big issues in Europe, namely, debt and refugees. The geographic location of Greece has meant it has had to contend with a major influx of refugees fleeing conflict and persecution in the Middle East. Dealing with the issue in the midst of major economic and financial difficulties has clearly tested the Greek state and the Greek people who have shown great generosity and resilience.

While international attention has shifted to Syria and the refugee crisis, the need for debt relief has not gone away. There was a Eurogroup meeting last Monday, and Greece hopes to open negotiations on debt relief by the end of the year. The Taoiseach's position and that of his Minister for Finance of no debt relief but crippling austerity for Greece is impossible to justify on economic grounds. It is a cynical political position aimed at covering for the Taoiseach's own failure to achieve or even request debt relief for the citizens of this State. Everyone knows Greece cannot repay its debt. Failing to recognise it merely stores up an even more serious crisis down the road. If the Taoiseach's interests stretch beyond his electoral fortunes, he must, in discussion with his EU counterparts, support the IMF's call for significant debt relief for Greece and for Ireland. An ndéanfaidh an Taoiseach é seo?

Deputy Seán Crowe

As my colleague, Deputy Adams, and the Taoiseach have pointed out, Europe is facing its most major refugee crisis since the Second World War. The matter will be the primary issue at the European Council meeting. Will the Taoiseach ensure any national spending on the refugee crisis by EU member states is excluded from debt and deficit calculations? I ask the Taoiseach to bring this positive message to the table. While I welcome that the Government has agreed to accept 4,000 refugees, I am concerned about the lack of accurate detail and information surrounding the relocation. A cohort of 520 will arrive in Ireland already classified as refugees. However, the other 3,500 will come to Ireland under the Irish refugee protection programme and will instead seek refugee status when they arrive. Will they be forced into the disgraceful direct provision system or a similar programme with a different name? This is everyone's concern. Given that direct provision has failed many people, we do not want people to go through the process.

Irish officials are expected to travel to Italy later this month to help select the first intake of almost 2,500 people due to arrive under the EU resettlement programmes. Most are likely to be Syrian, Iraqi and Eritrean nationals. How will they be selected? What are the criteria? I am also very concerned about the possibility of expelling refugees who arrive in the EU if they have arrived from what the EU is now calling safe third countries. This could see refugees sent back to Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon where they face inhumane conditions, crippling poverty and possible human rights violations. People have referred to the positive role our Naval Service is playing and I join in the praise and urge that Ireland continue these life-saving missions. While the weather will become worse over the winter, the conflict in Syria continues to become more violent and brutal, which means more people will risk their lives to reach what they perceive as safety in Europe.

I have received breaking news that the EU is planning to fast-track the deportation of refugees fleeing Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and others if their asylum applications have failed. Leaks have suggested the proposals will include threats to withdraw aid, trade deals and visa arrangements if countries refuse to take back refugees. If there is substance to these leaks, it is a very significant step. The proposals also envisage EU states detaining thousands of people to prevent them from absconding to avoid deportation. We have this image in our heads. Is the Taoiseach aware of this and what is Ireland's position? I urge the Taoiseach to ensure Ireland strongly opposes this move which is wrong and will involve major potential human rights violations.

In recent days, renewed clashes have broken out in occupied east Jerusalem leaving several dead and tensions heightened to an unprecedented level. Will the Taoiseach raise this important issue at the European Council meeting? Every day we hear about another violation of Palestinian fundamental rights, another violent clash on a holy site or, increasingly, another fatality in the region. Over the weekend, three young Palestinians were killed, one of whom was a 13 year old boy still in his school uniform.

In the last week, over 500 Palestinians have been wounded, 200 of them with live bullets. This is the context for the ongoing illegal occupation of Palestine. The brutal repression, the intensification of illegal settlement and the collective punishment and humiliation of the Palestinian civil population are adding to the heightened tension. The illegal ban on Palestinians entering the old city of Jerusalem has to stop immediately, as does the blanket restriction on Palestinians, Christians and Muslims trying to access their holy sites in Jerusalem. People of all faiths must be free to worship unconditionally. The fig leaf of security should not be used to bar one from one's church. The downhill path of trying to present an occupation as a religious conflict is extremely dangerous and should be stopped at its heels.

Israeli religious discrimination, coupled with an alarming increase in Israeli settler violence, is made worse by the total impunity with which Israel acts. The international community cannot stand idly by as the occupying power and settler militias continue their violent crimes against the Palestinian people. The international community and the EU must act immediately and responsibly to insist on respect for international law without exception. Even though the state of Palestine has repeatedly appealed for international protection, the EU continues to provide Israel with favourable political agreements. I think that goes against the views of populations right across Europe and certainly against the view of the Irish people.

There are real fears that this latest violence will lead to a third intifada. I ask the Taoiseach to call on the EU to act urgently and decisively to alleviate the immense suffering of the Palestinian people. The labelling and banning of all illegal settlement goods is a positive step that Europe could introduce. The recognition of Palestine is another step that this country could take, bearing in mind that it is the collective view of this House, as agreed by Deputies of all parties and none. I suggest that this is something the Irish people would broadly support. There is huge support out there for this. I propose that the Irish Government take the next step by recognising the state of Palestine.

Deputy Mick Wallace

I would like to share time with Deputies Paul Murphy, Richard Boyd Barrett, Shane Ross and Clare Daly.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Jerry Buttimer)

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Mick Wallace

When the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, and his colleagues are in Europe, they might remind the various European leaders that things are getting worse rather than better. I have seldom seen as little opposition in Europe to the militarisation of the Middle East and beyond. All of them seem almost to have bought into the philosophy that this is the way things are done now. France and Britain were initially pretty reluctant to take in refugees. Obviously, they and many others, including ourselves, have been shamed into it by Germany at this stage. They actually want to bomb Syria now, as if that is going to improve things. It is bad enough that the Russians have started. The whole thing is getting worse. They are all engaged in mindless nonsense. The devastation is incredible. George Monbiot described it accurately in The Guardian today:

There are no simple solutions to the chaos and complexities western firepower has helped to unleash, though a good start would be to stop making them worse. But a vast intelligence and military establishment that no president since Jimmy Carter has sought to control, the tremendous profits to be made by weapons companies and military contractors, portrayals of these conflicts in the media that serve only to confuse and bamboozle: they all help to ensure that armed escalation, however pointless and counter-productive, appears unstoppable.

He also refers to NATO's description of the bombing of the hospital in Kunduz:

"The strike may have resulted in collateral damage to a nearby medical facility." This is how an anonymous Nato spokesperson described Saturday’s disaster in Afghanistan. Let's translate it into English. "We bombed a hospital, killing 22 people." But "people", "hospital" and "bomb", let alone "we": all such words are banned from Nato's lexicon.

The plane came back repeatedly to bomb the people trying to escape from the building. We are sitting at the table with these people. We have troops from our Defence Forces over there. Seven Irish defence personnel are working with these fellows in Afghanistan. What is wrong with us? This is a war crime. We have been told that the Americans are going to do an internal investigation. I suggest that is like getting the fox to investigate a raid on the chicken house. Can the Minister of State and his colleagues start calling the truth the truth and challenging war crime when they see it?

Deputy Clare Daly

Hear, hear.

Deputy Paul Murphy

A quote from Rosa Luxemburg, when she wrote about the atrocities in the German Revolution, is very apt in light of the migration crisis that has been unfolding on Europe's borders: "Usually a corpse is a silent, unhandsome thing, but sometimes dead bodies speak louder than trumpets and shine brighter than torches." The harrowing images of three year old Aylan Kurdi washed up on a beach and of the scores of bodies found suffocated in the back of a truck in Austria have served as a torch for people across Europe. There has been a massive outpouring of solidarity with those who are fleeing war and poverty in Syria and other parts of the world, including Afghanistan, the Middle East and north Africa.

Recent events have highlighted the bloody, tragic reality of fortress Europe. Over the past 20 years, some 20,000 people have died trying to enter Europe. This year alone, more than 2,500 migrants are believed to have been drowned. The European powers have a responsibility for this. They are not just the charitable benefactors here. They are responsible for it. They are responsible for the racist policies of fortress Europe. They are responsible for the Europe-based arms industry profiting to the tune of billions from the conflict in Syria. They are responsible for stoking up the conflict in Syria by supporting air strikes and pumping arms into the country. Their support for the invasion of Iraq led to the creation and formation of ISIS and the massive instability across the region.

I invite Deputies to look at the conclusions from the last Council and at the plans for the Valletta conference in November, both of which focus on having the north African states act as a buffer against migration and plans to increase EU intervention in north Africa and the Sahara region, including so-called initiatives in the field of law enforcement. This is no solution. If we sink the boats of people traffickers, migrants will be driven into even more perilous and desperate measures to try to make it to Europe. They will take more risks and more of them will die. I suggest that further backing for the EU strategy for the Sahel will not work, as it is a thinly veiled support for increased imperialist intervention in the region and the backing of French imperialism in particular.

Military intervention is driving the refugee crisis. Approximately 85% of the migrants who arrive in Greece come from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia, all of which have seen Western military intervention. Any solution must be based on ending imperialist interventions, upholding the right of people to asylum and following the lead that has been shown by people across Europe. I refer to the outpouring of solidarity we have seen in response to the mass movement of refugees and their allies. There is need to tear down the fences, break down the racist borders, bring down the racist fortress that is Europe and fight for a decent life for everybody. In this State, that should involve immediately abolishing direct provision and giving people the right to work.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

If ever there was a time for those who have any conscience or any care for human beings to receive a wake-up call, now is that time. The actions of the big powers - the Western powers and Russia - have led to the disintegration of the societies of the vast majority of the war-torn countries from which 12 million people have been displaced and the subsequent unleashing of the worst refugee crisis we have seen since the Second World War. Is it not time for people to speak the truth about why this is happening and to respond with compassion and humanity?

The European Union, which is making noises about being humane and compassionate, is playing a double game. Over 12 million people have been displaced, but we are talking about only taking in 160,000. There are 2 million refugees in Turkey alone, with millions more in Lebanon and Jordan; that is okay for them, but we can only take 160,000. It is pathetic. At the same time, we talk about strengthening border controls and making it more difficult for people to get into the EU. That hypocrisy has to stop, as does the hypocrisy of refusing to speak out about what the big powers are doing in fuelling this situation in the first place. If we are serious, we must do something about the arms industry. Given that no-one else is doing it, will the Government ask why Britain and the United States are financing Saudi Arabia? Why are we not imposing punitive taxes and stopping the arms trade, which is fuelling this situation? Somebody has to say this.

I will move on briefly to the issue of Palestine, a long-term example of exactly the same issue. Israel is a state that is involved in illegal occupation and in horrific, ongoing, systematic, deliberate and unashamed attacks on people's human and civil rights, but we are still doing business with it. We allow it to have an embassy here. We go to conferences and summits and do not say, "This is unacceptable." When will some sort of moral conscience inform the foreign policy of this and other countries? When are we going to say that this has to stop? When are we going to stop pretending these guys are normal when in fact they are warmongers, tyrants and despots who are slaughtering people? They should not be part of the international community of nations until they stop this kind of behaviour. It is long past time these things were said, and it would be nice if this country, with its history, began to say them.

Deputy Shane Ross

I have listened to a large number of these debates since I came into the Dáil and there is a similarity about them that is depressing. The conclusion one comes to every time one reads a speech from a Minister or the Taoiseach is that Ireland is a passenger on the European train and that we do not really count. I wonder sometimes what happens when the Irish delegation arrives. Perhaps the Minister of State can tell us. Does Mrs. Merkel turn around and say, "God, we had better listen to these guys. These guys are boat rockers - they are going to make us stand up and think"? Quite the opposite, it appears. One could excuse the utterly cowardly attitude, with the anonymous, voiceless Irish delegation saying nothing that would rock the boat, at a time when we were in extraordinary debt to Europe and dependent upon it for everyday funding. Now, however, we are apparently out of the European doghouse and are prospering. We are the poster boy of Europe, but we are still refusing to take a lead on any issue at all. I ask the Minister of State to point out to the House one example in which Ireland has said "This is wrong and we must do the following" - an example of Ireland taking a position of leadership at the European table.

What one sees in Europe at the moment is the management of a series of crises. We had the crisis in Greece, at which time we disgraced ourselves by hiding behind the big powers while we watched Greece falter in a sea of debt. Now Europe and Ireland are pretending that the Greek situation is resolved, but this particular problem is going to come back to bite us time and again because of the attitude that has been taken. As Deputy Adams has said, the debt is still there and it is enormous and unpayable, but no-one is facing up to that. Ireland is relieved that the Greeks have not embarrassed us by actually getting a massive default, which would have made us look utterly stupid.

Crisis management in other areas was responded to by the Taoiseach in his speech today with the assertion that Ireland's attitude in each instance - to the Greek, migrant and UK crises - is one of being "pragmatic." Pragmatic is an old Fianna Fáil word and means that one is not guided by any principles but by "whatever you're having yourself" on the day. That is the one characteristic that runs through the Irish attitude to all of these crises.

Deputy Clare Daly

The picture conjured up by Deputy Ross of the Irish delegation going cap in hand and doffing the cap to the European establishment is one that we can all visualise. It is a tragedy and a particular disgrace against the backdrop of what is going on in Europe at the moment, with a refugee crisis to which the European response has been too little, too late. That response has ignored the reality that it is not Europe that has a migrant crisis but the migrants who have a problem with Europe and with the military interventions by this Government's allies and friends in the United States. Those interventions are one of the key reasons for the large number of refugees. The Minister of State would do well at that meeting to remind his European counterparts of that fact. He should also recognise, within that, Ireland's role and complicity by allowing the US military to continue to use Shannon Airport as a "virtual forward airbase" for its forces, as described by Dr. Tom Clonan.

This Government wants a pat on the back for accepting 4,000 refugees, and I am glad that we are accepting them. I note that the Minister for Justice and Equality said last week that the refugees would not be put into the direct provision system, clearly acknowledging that the Government could not humiliate itself by allowing refugees and war victims from Syria to be put up in a few caravans in Mosney. That would not look too good. It would help if the Government focused on the fact that there are people living in such conditions now, and that reality must be addressed too.

If Europe wants to go forward it must look at where it came from. The Minister of State might ask his European colleagues what they thought would happen when they started channelling money away from helping people and into building walls and fences. They cut the Mare Nostrum programme and replaced it with Operation Triton, which to a large extent is about border control and not about humanitarian refugee support. I welcome the fact that the programme has been somewhat reformed, but the reality is that most European expenditure is going on border controls and not on assisting migrants. That is not the way forward. Will the Minister of State make those points at the meeting? Will he also support the calls for an independent investigation into the war crime that happened in the Médecins sans Frontières hospital in Afghanistan? Will the Minister of State call for an investigation into that incident, in which 22 people, including three children, were butchered? People were burned in their beds in that atrocity. What position will the Minister of State take on it? Maybe that is something on which he will take a lead for a change.

Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Dara Murphy)

The only repetition I have seen here since I became Minister of State has been from Deputy Shane Ross, who comes in at the end of the debate and leaves after he has spoken on every single occasion.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

The Taoiseach leaves every time we get up to speak.

Deputy Dara Murphy

That said, there have been some very productive observations from other members of the Opposition.

As the Taoiseach has mentioned, I will address some of the external relations and foreign policy issues that might arise for discussion at the meeting next week. However, I must note that with the imminent publication of our budget, this House is carrying out a slightly earlier than usual consideration of the European Council agenda. It has not yet been clarified which foreign policy issues will be dealt with by the Heads of State and Government. That said, the focus of the European Council agenda is, of course, on migration and the instability which persists, particularly in Europe's southern neighbourhood. There is also a suggestion that there will be some discussion of Syria, Iraq and Libya.

I wish to emphasise, as the Taoiseach did earlier, that an important part of the Irish and European Union response to the migration crisis is working with countries of both origin and transit and attempting to deal with the root causes of the huge migratory flows that we are currently witnessing. In this regard, the European Council will discuss the two upcoming international conferences which are of most relevance - that is, the conference on the eastern Mediterranean-western Balkans route, which takes place in Luxembourg tomorrow, and the Valletta summit, which will take place on 11 and 12 November. The western Balkans conference is expected to agree a declaration emphasising the need for solidarity and an action plan.

The action plan will address support for host governments and communities in Syria's immediate neighbourhood, primarily Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, support to affected transit countries, co-operation in the fight against people smuggling and associated organised crime, addressing the root causes of forced displacement, and working with the countries of origin.

The Valletta summit of European Union leaders and their African counterparts, along with multilateral organisations, will focus on the external relations dimensions of migration policy. The Valletta conference will seek to build on existing co-operation frameworks and issue two documents, namely, a political declaration and an action plan.

The ending of the Syrian conflict is essential to stabilising the Middle East, stopping the spread of radical terrorism and addressing the humanitarian and security crises which are afflicting the Syrian people and neighbouring countries. Ireland and the European Union remain strongly supportive of the efforts of the current United Nations envoy, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to bring the conflict towards a close. Ireland's position, which has been restated on many occasions, is that a political solution remains the only basis for resolving the crisis in Syria and Iraq. We have consistently called for all regional and international stakeholders with influence over the parties to the conflict to give their support to the ongoing efforts of the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to this tragic conflict.

The position in Libya remains one of grave concern. Outbreaks of violence continue and large swathes of the country remain under the control of militant groups, including Islamic State. Peace talks led by the UN special representative, Mr. Bernardino León, have come to an advanced and critical stage, with a final agreement between all parties drafted and awaiting a decision. Ireland fully supports the European Union and United Nations in encouraging all parties to accept the agreement and move forward towards the formation of a government of national accord. We stand ready to work with the European Union to support Libya in any way we can.

At this relatively early stage, it is not yet clear how exactly the Heads of State and Government will divide their time among the issues on next week's Council agenda. However, it is to be expected that the conclusions to be adopted will bring some focus, in particular, the necessary impetus for further essential work to be advanced.

Sitting suspended at 2.15 p.m. and resumed at 3.15 p.m.