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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 18 Oct 2016

Vol. 925 No. 1

Financial Resolution No. 2: General (Resumed)

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to inland revenue (including value-added tax and excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
- (Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade).

The Government's continued commitment to the agrifood sector has been firmly reflected in the agrifood and marine budget for 2017. The increase in spending on the rural development programme, RDP, to €601 million in 2017, with the introduction of new schemes such as the animal welfare scheme for sheep, which is worth €25 million, and the innovative €150 million agri cashflow support loan fund, are key examples of the level of support provided.

I wish to focus on my key areas of responsibility as Minister of State, those being, forestry, horticulture, organics and the greyhound sector. It is intended that total expenditure in this area will amount to just over €142 million in 2017. The Government's ongoing commitment to the forestry sector is reflected in this year's budget. It is intended that €111.6 million will be made available for forestry development during 2017. This commitment is particularly significant, given the potential role of forestry in helping to achieve the targets set by the recent EU proposals on climate change mitigation, etc. The funding will allow for more than 7,100 ha of new forests to be planted, which is almost 800 ha more than the total area planted in 2015, 110 km of new forest roads and forest management initiatives. This is important, given that these aspects have been neglected in previous afforestation programmes. Payments under the new reconstitution scheme will also commence during 2017.

Much has been said and written about the forestry sector and its potential conflict with agriculture. It is my firm belief that forestry has a role to play, and not only in terms of climate change. Speaking as a farmer who recently planted some of my land in the second phase, the sector is part of the overall farming enterprise and can deliver asset value, increase the future-proofing of marginal parts of farmland and add to income streams, allowing for the development of other areas of farm enterprise. Forestry is not in conflict with other agricultural activities at all.

I am keenly aware of the challenges that the horticulture sector is experiencing in the aftermath of the UK decision to exit the EU, particularly in light of currency fluctuations. I dealt today with Deputy Ó Caoláin's Topical Issue on the mushroom sector, which is particularly vulnerable in areas of the country that do not have a tradition of other agricultural activities. We are making every effort to deal with the crisis. Brexit will happen at some stage, but the immediate impact has been the fluctuation in currency. The UK is important for exporters across the agrifood industry, but it accounts for almost 100% of the mushroom sector's export trade, so the fluctuation in sterling is having a profound effect on it. Many initiatives need to be taken together to ensure that the sector has a viable future.

In this context, funding for capital investments in the commercial horticulture sector has been increased to €5 million in 2017. The horticulture sector will also have access to the €150 million low-interest cashflow support loan fund that was announced last Tuesday, providing access to highly flexible loans for up to six years and for amounts of up to €150,000 at an interest rate of 2.95% and an option to pay interest only for up to three years. Bord Bia is also investing in a market development programme that will assist companies dealing with currency and trading difficulties. These measures, coupled with continued engagement through the Consultative Stakeholders Committee on Brexit, the Food Wise 2025 high-level implementation committee and the Department's dedicated Brexit unit, will assist the sector in meeting emerging challenges.

Organics have been a significant growth industry. Last Thursday, I attended the annual organic awards at the Bord Bia Food Centre on Mount Street where there were 268 entrants and 22 finalists across seven sectors. It is a vibrant sector which has grown significantly. It is still not large, but it has considerable potential. The allocation of €10 million for the organic farming scheme reflects the Government's commitment to ongoing support for this sector and the unprecedented success of the scheme, in that it is fully subscribed to. The allocation will support more than 1,600 farmers who have opted to go organic, many converting for the first time. This growth sector provides farmers with a key opportunity for adding value through the development of processed organic products.

Funding is also available for capital investments in the organic sector under the organic capital investment scheme, one of six measures available to farmers under the targeted agricultural modernisation scheme, TAMS Il. These measures were launched under the Rural Development Programme 2014-2020 and are co-funded under the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development, EAFRD.

Regarding the greyhound sector and Bord na gCon, I must say that, after I was told that I had been appointed to this position, it was only when I went to Agriculture House that I realised that greyhounds were also part of the package. Deputy Ó Cuív will know that, since being appointed as Chairman of the Joint Sub-Committee on Fisheries, I have been on a steep learning curve. However, I am pleased that the Government is signalling its intention to continue to support the Horse and Greyhound Racing Fund in 2017, with an anticipated increase in expenditure to €16 million next year for Bord na gCon. This sector is an important contributor to the economy and provides employment in rural and urban areas.

Deputy Ó Cuív is aware that in the previous Dáil the agriculture committee was trying to get impetus into the provision of new greyhound legislation, as it dates from 1958. I am pleased to say I have met officials and the board and we are advancing draft heads of a Bill. We hope to give the new agriculture committee a little bit of business in the form of pre-legislative scrutiny of that Bill. My intention is this will commence before this session finishes and we will be able to fine-tune an item of legislation for the future, dealing with the likes of governance, finance, control and appeals. There is also concern about welfare.

We have much work to do on this. As somebody with no particular vested interest, I am able to look at this with a clean pair of eyes and say we should move on with it. It is a sector that has much potential and many challenges. We can work together on it and I implore that those in the industry work with one other as well. If they do that, we can help them but if they do not, it will be difficult.

The 2017 budget has moved along issues in the agricultural sector. I am cautious as Brexit and the fluctuations in sterling in particular will present challenges, along with the possibility of tariffs and borders in times to come. The value of sterling in the immediate future will present a major challenge to the sector and agrifood exports in particular. The UK market amounts to 45% of everything we produce. It is our nearest trading neighbour and it always will be important. Whatever finally comes to pass by way of arrangements, agreements and currency differentials etc., we will still trade with the UK. We must try to ensure as little damage as possible is done to what has been a real growth sector over the past five or six years. It is one of the few areas that was able to grow and develop significantly during the challenging economic crisis. It is vital that we deal with the issue and the Department has its own Brexit implementation team to do that as best it can. It is a cross-sectoral and cross-departmental issue. Ultimately, we have been doing everything right from a trade stability perspective, meeting market demands. It is something we must fall back on in the next 12 months and beyond.

The next slot is for Fianna Fáil and will include Deputies Ó Cuív, O'Keeffe, Gallagher and O'Callaghan, if they wish.

I always like to get the opportunity to speak on the budget. All of us would rather get more than five or seven minutes to do that but I will try to say what I have to within that time. We must take the budget in context. It involves €58 billion of expenditure, so €1.2 billion from that is a bit like a household with an income of €58,000 adjusting its budget by €1,200. Thinking of it in that context, one realises it will not shake the world and any adjustments will be quite modest. I welcome the 3:1 split in favour of expenditure. It is clear to anybody at the moment that there is an absolute crisis in health. Even with simple issues, I have never seen it as bad as it is. Of course, we know the position with housing. Ultimately, there is only one solution for the housing crisis and that is to build more houses.

We are living in a very uncertain world and the Minister of State spoke about one such uncertainty, that is, the biggest fallout of Brexit so far has been the currency fluctuation and the challenge for our exporters into Britain. Some have been more affected than others. Brexit in itself is a large uncertainty and it is important that we take a strong stand so that Europe should not try to take some revenge on Britain because it has been perceived as being naughty or that another country might follow it. Even if it causes collateral damage to Europe or particularly to Ireland, there may be attempts to raise tariffs because some people are not happy with Britain's decision. That would have major consequences within this nation and island, and it would have significant consequences for our trade with Britain.

There are also other challenges, such as if Britain opens a market for beef from South America and so on. That would also pose problems. We must recognise in this country that world markets are very important. For many industries, particularly indigenous industries, the handiest big market is the neighbouring market because it is physically nearest and easiest for us to deal with. As there are 60 million people on the island of Britain, we must continue to recognise that no matter how much we develop trade around the world, the British market is inevitably still going to be a major market for us and particularly for our food.

Allowing that we do not have much time, there are some comments I wish to make. I welcome some of the changes introduced in social welfare. For example, I welcome the reversal of some of the very bad decisions made by the previous Government, such as those relating to lone parents. I note the back-to-education measure has been restored. I also recognise that the Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Varadkar, listened to what people like me have been saying and restored the disregards for the farm assist scheme. I regret that this does not apply to all self-employed people and it seems absolutely farcical to means-test anybody at 100%. That is the equivalent of a 100% tax on endeavour for smaller people. From the very first day I stepped into Connemara, it seemed absolutely farcical to take €1 away for every €1 earned by self-employed people who need some social welfare. One would never think of doing that with family income supplement. I welcome this measure as a step in the right direction.

I also welcome the extra places on the rural social scheme. I have a question put down on when the changes will be implemented, if they are means assessed and if the schemes will be automatically recalibrated. We always seem to think the micro will work in rural Ireland when we, quite rightly, recognise that the macro is needed in cities. There are 3.5 million people living outside the greater Dublin area and there seems to be an idea that €8 million here or €2 million there will solve their problem, which is totally unrealistic. I notice that, quite rightly, in Dublin there will be three brand new hospitals, the new DART underground and metro north. These projects run to billions of euro. As I have said, I have nothing against them. I come from the city and realise the major transport problems here. Sauce for the goose, however, is sauce for the gander. It is absolutely time that people realise rural Ireland needs significant investment in infrastructure if we are going to compete. I am absolutely disgusted at the lack of investment, even in something as fundamental as fibre broadband.

Ar deireadh, tá airgead na Gaeilge gearrtha go dtí an dúid. Caithfidh mé a rá gur náireach an scéal é sin. Gealladh i gclár an Rialtais go mbeadh airgead breise don Ghaeilge, ach a mhalairt ar fad atá tarlaithe. Beidh mé ag caint leis an Aire agus ag ardú na ceiste seo nuair a bheidh deis agam.

The 2017 budget proposals are now a week old. It was not a Fianna Fáil budget but I welcome its overall thrust. The Minister for Finance, Deputy Noonan, stated in his opening address that thanks to the sacrifices of the Irish people, we are back on the path to a dynamic economy and a just and fair society.

My concern is that a vacuum is being created on the right. I read with interest an article by Kevin Doyle in last weekend's Sunday Independent in which he expressed concern about the parties in this House. My party has always been seen as being just left of centre but Mr. Doyle suggested that the biggest party in the House is also going to the left. The concern that arises, as epitomised by Brexit and Donald Trump in America, is that we are creating a void for the militant far right to evolve in this State because hard-pressed, middle class people feel they are being left behind, with no incentive to work.

I am my party's junior spokesman on sport. My concern in this area is the overall cut to the Department's funding of 17%. No matter what the Minister of State, Deputy O'Donovan, says, there is a 17% cut across capital and current expenditure. That is a fact. I welcome the announcement that the Department will be providing sports capitation grants in the coming year but we are two years behind schedule in that regard. We are all aware of the positive contribution of sport to people's general health and well-being and the fact that this reduces the pressure on our health system. The big announcement I must welcome relates to my own backyard, that is, the commitment of the Government to provide funding for the development of Páirc Uí Chaoimh, the well-known GAA ground in Cork city. I would ask that we support wholeheartedly the IRFU in its efforts to secure the Rugby World Cup for this country in the future. The union has been successful in moving forward in the tendering process but it is important that we continue to support it. On that note, I wish to express my sympathy to family of Anthony Foley on his untimely death.

Transport, as Deputy Ó Cuív said, is becoming an east-south issue in terms of the availability of funding. Having read the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport's speech last week, the only good news for people from the south west is the upgrade of the Naas bypass. Why is that the case? At present, if one is driving south on the M7, the outer lane is slower than the inner lanes because of the congestion approaching Naas and so forth. What is wrong with upgrading the M20? When the previous Government, which included the Labour Party, went into the general election campaign, all we heard from Labour Party and Fine Gael Deputies was that the M20 was back on the agenda. One would think that if it was on the agenda, progress would be made. However, there was no reference in the budget to the M20. The Acting Chairman is also affected by the M20, which, if upgraded, would be a motorway that would run from Cork up into the western corridor. Both from an economic and commercial perspective, funding is needed for the M20 project. It is urgent if there is to be growth in the west.

I welcome the jobs announcements in various sectors, including the posts relating to new teachers, gardaí and nurses. I am concerned, however, that we might just be putting more people on the picket lines because we are not paying the requisite wages.

On agriculture, I welcome the tax adjustments and the new €50 million low-interest loan fund.

I appreciate the Minister's earlier comments about help for those in the horticulture sector - particularly mushroom growers - which is badly needed. I also welcome the funding for the greyhound sector but I must express my concern-----

I am very concerned about the targeted agricultural modernisation scheme, TAMS, II. I have been promised, day in and day out, that tillage farmers will be accepted into the scheme but no application forms have been made available. I am concerned about this because tillage farmers are telling me that by the time TAMS II is opened up to them, the pot will be empty.

I have to stop the Deputy now. His time has run out.

I ask that the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine would speed up the application process for TAMS II. Finally, I wish to refer to the fair deal nursing home support scheme.

It breaks my heart but-----

What is going on at present is just talk about talks regarding the fair deal scheme.

I must stop the Deputy now.

This does not just apply to farmers but to all self-employed people who have an asset based business.

Finally, on housing------

We are going to be here until midnight-----

The Deputy agreed to share time-----

It is not often that I, being a member of one of the larger parties, get an opportunity to speak.

An agreement is an agreement. I now call Deputy-----

I ask the Acting Chairman to allow me to make one more comment. On housing, I welcome the Minister-----

No, we are not moving on to housing. I call Deputy Pat The Cope Gallagher.

I was going to thank my colleagues for sharing time. I will thank Deputies Ó Cuív and O'Callaghan, who is coming after me. Things have not changed - when one has possession, one keeps it.

In terms of the budget, I was pleased that the Minister for Finance took on board an issue I raised in this House shortly after my re-election, namely, the extension of the seafarer's allowance to fishermen. That was one of the recommendations in the report of the review of marine tax. I welcome that measure because it is important that fishermen are treated in a comparable fashion to mariners.

The budget refers to our airports and I am particularly interested in Donegal Airport, which I flew out of today. This facility has provided an excellent service over the years. While it was not mentioned specifically in the budget, it was referred to in the aviation programme. The future of that airport has been consolidated because money will be provided for the public service obligation, PSO, which is absolutely essential if Donegal Airport is to survive. Donegal does not currently have a rail link or a motorway. It will not have the latter until such time as the N2-A5 is completed, the situation in respect of which does not look very promising. I have been very involved with Donegal Airport which is vitally important. It plays an important role in the economic and social development of the region, particularly west Donegal.

I am glad that CLÁR funding is referred to in the budget but we must look at the finer details to determine what exactly is involved. I was disappointed to hear the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport speak in the House last week and spend eight and half minutes criticising Fianna Fáil and others but only make reference to his own Department for the final minute and a half of his ten-minute speaking slot. He did not fully understand the issues being raised about local improvement schemes. Those of us who have served on local authorities or as Deputies know that the most important road in rural Ireland is not the national primary or secondary road, the regional or county road but the road leading from a person's house. When I had responsibility for these schemes, I provided one of the largest ever allocations for local roads and councillors had the opportunity to allocate funding in respect of such roads. These roads are now in a disastrous state. It is vitally important that the Minister deals with this and reintroduces the local improvement schemes, but not on a cosmetic basis as is currently the case. At present, councils can only spend a small percentage of their county road allocation on local roads.

Ar ndóigh, chuir sé díomá orm nach raibh an oiread sin airgid le fáil ar mhaithe le hairgead breise a chur ar fáil do Roinn na Gaeltachta i mbliana. Ós rud é go bhfuil an Ghaeltacht chomh tábhachtach sin, ba cheart airgead a chur ar fáil do na bóithre áise agus na bóithre straitéiseacha ag dul isteach go dtí ceantracha éagsúla sa Ghaeltacht.

Reference was made to Brexit. We will have other opportunities to discuss that issue. However, it should be noted that in the Border counties, we have already felt the effects of the referendum in the UK. Too many people are now going from the Border counties and further south into Northern Ireland. Much has been said about a soft Border but I am extremely concerned, having been in the export business for many years, that the economic borders of the past could return once more. I remember quite well that when shipping through from Lifford to Strabane, from Dundalk to Newry or from Monaghan to Armagh, one had to be there before 10 p.m. to deal with one's customs papers and then one was rushing, trying to make the boat at Larne. Let no one tell me that nothing will change. Of course it will change. I have been coming to the Dáil since 1981 and apart from the peace process, the greatest transformation I have seen in my lifetime came about as a result of the Single European Act, which removed the economic borders.

The necklace of Border counties - six in the North and six in the South - has benefited greatly from our membership of the EU. They obtained substantial funds from Europe, first and foremost through the International Fund for Ireland, to which the EU is a major donor, and subsequently through the peace process. During my time in Europe, we insisted on a clever approach whereby any funding provided in this context would have to be additional and not substitutional. Of course INTERREG has been very important as well. We have benefited greatly from our membership of the EU over many years. I would like to think we can continue to benefit from Europe. Of course things could change after Brexit and the triggering of Article 50. We have seen the effects of the decline in sterling over recent weeks and months.

I would like to speak about education. I was disappointed that the budget did not provide for an increase in the capitation grants for primary schools and did not include a firm commitment to deal with the pupil-teacher ratio, which was discussed in the House earlier in the context of a Labour Party motion. The Government does not understand the importance of part-time workers in industries like fishing, agriculture and tourism. I hope that, during the course of the debate on the forthcoming social welfare Bill, the Minister will take on board recommendations I have made to him regarding seasonal and part-time workers, who play a pivotal role in the development of fisheries, agriculture and tourism. It is getting increasingly difficult for them to draw down social welfare benefits. It is now necessary to have almost 39 contributions each year, which means a person must almost be employed full-time before he or she can draw down any benefits. That is not possible for many people. I know from my connections with the fishing industry in Killybegs that those involved in fisheries are having trouble getting part-time workers because there is no incentive for people to go to work part-time. I hope the Minister for Social Protection will deal with this issue in the context of the social welfare Bill.

Mar a dúirt mé roimhe seo, tá sé fíorthábhachtach go gcuirfear airgead ar fáil d'Údarás na Gaeltachta. Mar a dúradh i Ráiteas Buiséid an Aire Airgeadais, an Teachta Noonan, cuirfear airgead ar fáil chun cuidiú le Enterprise Ireland agus IDA Ireland maidir le Brexit. Níor luaigh sé Údarás na Gaeltachta, áfach. Má tá airgead ar fáil do Enterprise Ireland agus IDA Ireland, glacaim leis go mbeidh airgead ar fáil d'Údarás na Gaeltachta, a oibríonn mar eagraíocht fíorthábhachtach sna ceantair Ghaeltachta. Tá jabanna á gcruthú ag Údarás na Gaeltachta sna ceantair sin, an ceantar ina bhfuil mé i mo chónaí san áireamh, thar na blianta. Tá jabanna caillte againn thar tréimhse ach, ag an am céanna, caithfidh mé ard-mholadh a thabhairt don údarás as ucht an méid atá á dhéanamh aige chun comhlachtaí a mhealladh go dtí an taobh sin den tír. Tá mé ag smaoineamh ar chomhlachtaí ar nós Randox atá tar éis 120 post a chruthú i mo bhaile dúchais, agus beidh suas le 500 post cruthaithe ag an údarás faoi dheireadh na bliana 2020.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta.

I hope the Chair can divide by three.

The Deputy got eight and a half minutes.

The Deputy did not do too badly. The next three speakers are Deputies O'Dowd and Fitzpatrick from Louth and Deputy Carey from Clare. I presume they are sharing time.

Tógfaidh mé deich nóiméad agus roinnfidh na Teachtaí eile an chuid eile.

Ba mhaith liom i dtosach a rá go bhfuil rudaí ag feabhsú sa tír seo. Ní aontaím leis an bpáirtí thall atá ag rá nach bhfuil rudaí ag feabhsú. Tá sé soiléir i mo chontae féin go bhfuil laghdú mór tagtha ar an méid daoine atá dífhostaithe. Bliain ó shin, bhí 2,000 duine níos mó dífhostaithe i gContae Lú ná mar atá sa chontae sin anois. Tá sé sin ag titim amach timpeall na tíre. Measaim go bhfuil rudaí ag feabhsú mar thoradh ar pholasaithe IDA Ireland, Enterprise Ireland agus daoine eile. Tá rudaí ag dul chun cinn ó thaobh fostaíochta de, ach go háirithe.

This important budget marks a tipping point in terms of how the economy stands at this time and in the context of our future as a country. For the first time in many years, the budget has not imposed a clawback on any sector of the community. Everybody has benefited to some extent. Some people need to benefit a lot more. I do not agree with the suggestion that the centre is holding and this country needs to maintain a centrist position from a political perspective. Now that we have more money, and more funds are coming in as employment increases, we need to improve our social welfare, health and family support services. We need to look after people with disabilities even more significantly than we have been doing. While I welcome the changes that have been made in our social supports, we need to build on them.

I welcome the improvement in disability provision. People with disabilities suffered most in the recession and need the most support now. Although I welcome the €30 million that has been allocated in this area, this country continues to have significant problems with disability services. I would like to mention one such problem in County Louth. The lack of proper respite care for people with intellectual disabilities who live at home is having an adverse effect on a number of families. During the summer, there were many problems with respite services in County Louth for people who need such services. It would be unacceptable if this were to continue into the future. I met representatives of St. John of God Services during the week. I hope changes will be made, even though such changes will have to be made by the Minister rather than by St. John of God Services because of the closure of the congregated settings and the movement into communities.

I would also like to speak about the need for improvements in social and medical supports, such as speech therapy. It is very important for children who cannot speak properly because they have problems with their speech development to get access to speech therapy as quickly as possible. I do not understand why the HSE has decided to designate for County Meath six of the nine new speech therapists who are coming into counties Louth and Meath. Just three of them are being assigned to County Louth even though there are ten times more people who have been assessed as having an urgent speech therapy need on the waiting list in County Louth than there are in County Meath. The figure in County Louth is 270, but it is less than 30 in County Meath. We need to have equity in the allocation of HSE resources across various counties. People in counties Louth and Meath who need speech therapy should be on a universal waiting list. A person in County Louth should not be ten times worse off than a person in County Meath.

The question of new emerging needs in disability services is arising in my county. Since it was decided to move from congregated settings, which was a decision I welcomed, a significant number of additional people who need proper and adequate living conditions in residential care outside congregated settings have emerged. I have been told there is no provision for such people in this budget. It is not good enough.

I continue to have concerns about medical cards. While I welcome the health allocation, it is neither good enough nor acceptable that people in my constituency who suffer from cancer are still being refused medical cards on appeal. There is a lack of transparency and accountability about many of these decisions.

I welcome the increase in home help allocations because it is a very important area. If people can be looked after in their own homes, it is better for everybody concerned. It is far better to have people looked after in their homes than to have to spend approximately €50,000 a year to keep them in nursing home beds. The cost of keeping people in their own homes with proper home help support is a fraction of that. It is unacceptable for the HSE to give people half an hour of home help.

I know a person living outside the town of Drogheda. The parent has dementia and lives with just one family member, but they cannot even get into Drogheda to shop, go to the doctor or do anything because the home help time expired so soon and someone always has to be present with a person who has dementia.

One good thing about the budget is the action plan for housing. It is critical that this funding increases and I welcome the new repair and leasing arrangements. I welcome the vacant site tax that will come in next year. I welcome the buy and renew facility for local authorities to buy and renew homes and I also welcome the vacant site levy which will come in next year for under-used lands.

However, there is one point I wish to make clearly. There is a responsibility on people who own homes but do not let them or live in them. They should put these properties on the market because of the extraordinary crisis. There are significant additional supports for landlords to bring homes that are not necessarily in good condition back into use. We should consider the arrangements in the United Kingdom. In the UK, houses remaining vacant for two years or more incur a significant increase in property taxes. Local authorities there can put a property tax increase of up to 50% on those homes. It is not fair on people who need homes here that others have a buy-to-keep or own-to-keep mentality. These are furnished empty homes vacant in this country and they number more than 193,000. These 193,000 homes are not holiday homes but they are vacant. It is a disgrace that this scandal continues. I understand from academics that the vacancy rate is twice what it should be. The vacancy rate nationally is approximately 12% but academics believe it ought to be approximately 6%. Are people holding on to homes? Are they speculating? Are vulture funds buying and holding on to properties for the prices to go up? I am deeply concerned about it.

I welcome the commitment in the budget on the part of the Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government. He spoke about the significant further work being done in this area. The bottom line is that we must be able to tax furnished properties that are vacant for two years or more. They should be and must be made available for others. It is a question of the greatest good for the greater number. Let us get our people into those homes. Landlords get paid an increasing price under the housing assistance payment.

We have a significant problem with the nursing crisis in our country. We cannot get nurses to come home. I welcome the initiatives and extra funding to encourage nurses to come back to Ireland. It is unacceptable to have a situation like that in Drogheda Cottage Hospital, which has nine beds vacant. These beds are for people who need care before they can go home. Moreover, in the St. Oliver Plunkett community nursing unit in Dundalk a further nine beds are vacant. This means there are 18 beds vacant in County Louth. What does that mean? It means as the winter crisis and influenza come along 18 beds are unavailable. Yet they are essential to take the pressure off our accident and emergency units and provide people with a proper and safe place to recover before they go home. The absence of nurses in these wards is a critical problem for the future of our health services in County Louth. Every effort must be made by the HSE to attract nurses home. The Government must provide increased supports to nurses to help them to come home, including special allowances and extra pay, if possible, to ensure a proper health service and to ensure that every available bed will be filled by a patient who needs it.

Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick is next. I understand you are taking five minutes.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate. Like some other Deputies I first entered politics in 2011 when I was given the great honour of representing the people of Louth and east Meath in the Thirty-first Dáil. It was a time when the country was at its lowest. We were bankrupt. We had lost our financial independence. We had to rely on others for financial support to pay the wages of our front-line staff, including nurses, teachers and gardaí. We were losing our young people to mass emigration. Jobs were being lost at an alarming rate. Our international reputation was in shreds.

I wish to remind everyone in the House that this was only five years ago. We must never forget what got us into this position in the first place. The boom and bust policies of the last Fianna Fáil Government must never be repeated. Over the course of the past five years, the Fine Gael-led Government had to make some difficult decisions to get back our financial independence. This year, thankfully, the budget has started to reverse the trend of austerity budgets in recent years. In particular, I welcome the reduction in the universal social charge. I hope this is the start of the abolition of this tax, which was originally introduced as a temporary measure.

We often hear of the squeezed middle. I firmly believe this section of society should be one of the first to benefit from a recovering economy. The squeezed middle has shouldered most of the financial burden caused by the recession. This should be recognised as we continue to recover from the Fianna Fáil-caused recession.

The increase in the State pension is welcome, although I would have preferred a greater increase for our pensioners. Furthermore, I call for clarity on the date of the increase because, as things stand, pensioners do not know the position. Another aspect of the budget that is particularly pleasing is the commitment that 2,400 new teaching posts will be created along with 800 new gardaí and 1,000 extra nursing posts.

As the economy continues to recover it is vital that we invest in our public services. I am pleased to see that children in receipt of the domiciliary care allowance will be automatically entitled to a medical card now. I come from the Border area, which has a rich history and strong tourism sector. Hence, I welcome the fact that the 9% VAT rate has been retained. I believe this rate has been instrumental in helping the tourism industry throughout the worst of the recession.

Another welcome measure in the budget is the extension of the mortgage interest relief scheme to 2020. The increase of the amount to be earned under the rent-a-room scheme from €12,000 to €14,000 is welcome, as is the introduction of the low-cost flexible loan fund for the farming sector. The provision of €319 million for local and regional roads is welcome. I look forward to Louth County Council using this funding to commence repair and maintenance programmes for the local roads in County Louth.

Overall the budget is fair and prudent but I am keen to comment on certain aspects. The introduction of the help-to-buy scheme is welcome but certain aspects need to be examined. Since the announcement, my constituency office has been inundated with calls from concerned people in respect of the 80% rule. In order to qualify for the scheme, a person applying for a mortgage must take out a mortgage of at least 80% of the purchase price. This rule is too restrictive and will result in those people who need most help being unable to access the scheme. For example, let us suppose a couple wishes to purchase a new family home in County Louth for €295,000 and they have a joint income of €60,000. That is a typical scenario in County Louth. For the couple to be eligible for the scheme, they must take out a mortgage of €236,000, which is 80% of the purchase price. Under current Central Bank rules, the maximum mortgage that such a couple could take out is €210,000, which is equivalent to 3.5 times gross income. We must also bear in mind that this is the maximum amount that the couple could borrow and, in many circumstances, the bank will not offer them this amount. Therefore, a couple earning €60,000 and looking to purchase a family home for €295,000 will be automatically excluded from the scheme under current Central Bank rules. I urge the Minister to re-examine the proposal.

I agree with the Minister that measures must be put in place to help those looking to purchase a first family home. I agree with the help-to-buy scheme in principle but it needs to be changed. I call on the Minister to consider reducing the 80% minimum mortgage threshold to 60%. This would open the scheme up to a larger proportion of people who need help most. I am keen to see a reduction in the cap for eligibility to €400,000. I strongly believe that people who can purchase a new home in excess of this amount should not require help from the taxpayer. Reducing the cap will also stop developers from pushing up prices beyond €400,000. I fear this will happen unless we address the problem now.

I call on the Minister to offer an option that the rebate can be either a tax refund based on tax paid over the previous four years or a tax credit for tax to be paid over the coming four years. This would allow those who had to emigrate during the recession to return home and still avail of the scheme. I welcome the fact that the Minister extended the city living initiative to include landlords. I look forward to the Minister making a favourable decision in respect of including Dundalk and Drogheda in the scheme soon.

Budget 2017 was a sensible prudent budget. In the short time available I wish to concentrate on aspects relating to agriculture and rural affairs. I welcome the fact that budget 2017 will facilitate the development of an action plan for rural development to co-ordinate and implement initiatives to support economic and social progress throughout rural Ireland.

The budget increases funding to the rural development programme by €107 million; from €494 million in 2016 to €601 million in 2017. The reopening of schemes such as the green low-carbon agri-environment scheme, GLAS, and the beef data and genomics programme are welcome and offer opportunities to farmers in County Clare and throughout the country to bring increased income inside the farm gate.

Many deputations to my office over recent months have expressed concern with regard to the income averaging facility. The new arrangement, as announced by the Minister for Finance, Deputy Noonan, which will allow a farmer facing an exceptionally poor year to step out of income averaging and, instead, pay only the tax due on a current year basis with any deferred tax liability becoming payable over subsequent years, is a proper and common sense solution to what had all the ingredients of the perfect financial storm for many of our farmers at the end of October 2016. I also welcome improvements in the means testing arrangements for low-income farmers on farm assist, including farm families with children. The expansion of the rural social scheme by 500 places is a further underscoring of an important initiative supporting rural Ireland.

The headline issue with respect to agriculture in budget 2017 is no doubt the announcement of the plans for a €150 million, 2.95% interest, agri cashflow support loan. I welcome the fact that the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine has been exploring new and more competitive sources of funding for Irish agriculture. There is no doubt that there are evolving market requirements, not least the potential impact of Brexit. The Minister has given us the outline of the new scheme. I urge him to continue in this proactive vein and not leave the delivery and final design of this initiative solely in the hands of Ireland’s commercial banks. His work and that of the Department is only beginning now with this potential agricultural game changer.

A genuine fear expressed in response to this initiative is that this scheme could be a Trojan Horse, designed to wean farmers from the Common Agricultural Policy. I would like the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine to address this point. In fairness to Commissioner Phil Hogan in his speech of 23 June 2015 at the National Convention Centre he dealt with this question. I would like to hear the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, Deputy Creed, hammering home the point that this scheme is not a replacement for a farmer's basic payment scheme, BPS, payment.

I welcome the 2017 budgetary allocation of €111.6 million for forestry development as announced by the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine with responsibility for forestry, Deputy Andrew Doyle. This level of funding is further evidence of the Government’s ongoing commitment to the sector as set out in the Forestry Programme 2014—2020. It will ensure continued progress in the drive towards increased forestry and mobilisation of the existing timber and biomass resource. These are two core objectives necessary for growing Ireland’s timber processing industry. The level of funding provided is also significant given the recent EU proposals on climate change mitigation and the potential role of forestry in helping to achieve the targets set. I note that in the 2017 budgetary allocation there is a capital carry-over. Does this relate to the sterilisation of lands with respect to forestry established in hen harrier special protection areas, SPAs? Could the Minister of State clarify that?

The proposals in respect of social housing in this budget are grossly inadequate. Housing is a fundamental right of human beings but shamefully the Taoiseach has written to the EU seeking permission to borrow the money required to build social housing. Ireland does not have the sovereignty to house its own people.

There are 140,000 people on local authority waiting lists and in the first four months of this year an additional 3,527 have been added to that figure. This probably underestimates the situation because people now availing of the housing assistance payments, formerly rent supplement, are being removed from local authority lists. We need an emergency house building programme of at least 10,000 houses per year to address this situation. The Government's target of 47,000 houses to be provided between now and 2021 will fall far short of dealing with the problem. In 2021 we will be, as we are today, in a housing crisis. There is an absolute necessity to declare a housing emergency. The Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government, Deputy Coveney, said publicly in July that he believed we had a housing crisis. The Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Donohoe, signed off on an emergency measure to ensure that public service pensioners were deprived of their pensions under the Financial Emergency Measures in the Public Interest Act 2015 but this Government refuses to declare a housing emergency which is absolutely necessary to halt evictions generally and in rented and mortgaged properties. The Government, through the banks it owns, Allied Irish Banks, AIB, and Permanent TSB is effectively allowing evictions. It is also allowing them through other banks and landlords, including vulture funds. These evictions are continuing. As a result, many unfortunate families have been devastated by suicide.

A shocking eviction was attempted last week in Clonlara in County Clare. I demand that the Minister for Justice and Equality instruct the Garda to investigate the conduct of security companies at that failed eviction of a family. Will the Minister establish what security companies were involved and whether those security firms possessed an execution order for taking possession of that family home? Did they present an execution order to the owners of the property? If they had no execution order or did not present it to the family, were they guilty of trespass? Were all the security firms involved in this horrific event licensed according to the law? Had all the individuals involved in this attempted repossession legal authority for their actions? Were all the individuals registered employees of the security firms? Were children unlawfully detained during that incident? Were all involved acting on behalf of the Bank of Ireland in which the State has a significant shareholding? This was a shocking and horrific attempted eviction. Thankfully, it failed. In a year when we celebrate the 100th anniversary of 1916, when we promised to cherish all the children of the nation equally, what would Pearse and Connolly and the signatories to the Proclamation think of the eviction battering ram of 2016?

I compliment the family, their friends and neighbours and the anti-eviction task force which successfully stopped this eviction. People power stopped this eviction. People power will force this Government to stop evictions and to declare a housing emergency. The sooner the Government does that, the better.

I now call the Government representatives. I call Deputy Pat Deering, who I understand is sharing his time.

That is correct, a Leas-Chathaoirleach, with Deputy Moran.

I am delighted to have an opportunity to say a few words on budget 2017, but I have to record my disappointment that this debate is being held in the slot between 10 p.m. and midnight when there was other time available during the week. That is not the fault of the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, but it is a matter that needs to be discussed further. We are in an era of new politics but if this is new politics, it is not very good for the system in general.

A lot of people would agree with the Deputy.

Before and during the recent election and before the budget we heard much talk, both inside and outside this House, about fairness. The word "fairness" was used by many people, but fairness is a state of mind. I would ask those people who argued for fairness if it is fair that in ten or 12 years prior to 2011 the blind pension was cut by 16%? Is it fair that the Christmas bonus was abolished? Is it fair that the minimum wage was reduced not once, but twice? Is it fair that the universal social charge was introduced as a temporary measure that we still have and for which we are still paying a penalty? I would say it is not fair. It is important now, as we discuss budget 2017, that fairness is discussed in an honest way. The budget announced this day last week is the first step to ensuring there is fairness for everybody across the board.

I want to concentrate on a number of issues, the first of which is the agriculture sector. As Chairman of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Agriculture, Food and the Marine, I want to talk about a number of areas in the agriculture budget. It is important to acknowledge that the agriculture sector has been a key driver of this economy in the recent difficult years, growing to one that will be worth almost €11 billion in exports in the coming year, which is very important.

There are many challenges facing agriculture, none more so than Brexit, which is an issue that needs careful and honest deliberation. The past year has been difficult for the agriculture sector in general and has resulted in cashflow difficulties that have put many farmers under serious pressure. I welcome a number of the initiatives introduced in the budget last week that should go some way towards helping those farmers. For example, it is essential that the loan scheme was introduced. It was something for which I lobbied hard, in my position as Chairman of the Joint Committee on Agriculture, Food and the Marine, both outside and inside this House. I welcome the fact that the Government not only matched the €11 million required from Europe but that it put €14 million into that fund. It would have been pointless giving a handout to farmers to the tune of €300 or €400 under that fund. It is essential that money is put to good use in acquiring capital that can be used to alleviate the cashflow difficulties being experienced. The loan fund being introduced at an interest rate of 2.95% should be hugely beneficial to farmers who can use the money, up to the tune of €150,000, to offset against the capital and loans they may have, which will be a huge saving for them.

I welcome also the new sheep scheme to be introduced under the rural development scheme. There has been much criticism in the past week that €25 million has been allocated for a sheep scheme whereas €35 million is needed for some other area. It is important to remember that sheep farmers are minimum wage workers. It is a labour intensive job. The average sheep farmer's income is between €14,000 and €16,000 per year. That is a very small amount of money for people who work very hard, and it is important that their livelihoods are protected. I welcome the announcement of the €25 million for the scheme and hope it will be as flexible as possible over the coming period.

It is also important that funding for the green, low carbon, agri-environment scheme, GLAS, will be increased to €211 million. That will cater for 50,000 entrants over the coming period.

From a taxation point of view, a number of initiatives introduced in the budget are very important. We talk about cashflow and volatility in income, which will be a huge issue as we move towards Brexit. The income averaging opt-out is very important whereby people will not have to pay tax on last year's income, which may be difficult. They can park that for one year and move on to the next year. I welcome that.

There is an area in the agriculture-horticulture sector about which I have concerns and which I want to put on the record again tonight. The mushroom sector is going through a very difficult time. Mushroom producers made a presentation to the Joint Committee on Agriculture, Food and the Marine two weeks ago. There are 3,500 people working in the mushroom sector, with approximately 80 producers in the country. Unfortunately, three or four of those have gone to the wall. They have become the first victims of Brexit. The volatility in sterling has been a huge issue in that regard. We need to ensure their livelihoods are protected. That we have 3,500 people in one sector under serious pressure deserves special attention.

Some of the other taxation measures introduced can be very beneficial to the agriculture sector. Also, it is important that the farm assist difficulties experienced in the past three or four years have been reassessed and we are now back to where we were prior to the cuts in the previous period. I welcome the fact that 500 new places have become available for the rural social scheme.

I welcome the reintroduction of the sports capital grant this year. It is an important scheme that affects every town and village throughout the country. It is a stimulus package in terms of getting people back to work and doing jobs in a local area, and it creates good will across the board. In my county of Carlow, in the past difficult three years of the last Dáil term, 55 sporting organisations benefitted to the tune of €2 million, which is not bad for a small county. We need to continue reinvesting in those schemes over the coming period.

It is very important that we maintain the 9% VAT rate in the hospitality sector. There was much talk prior to the budget about the fact that it may not happen but it is important that we acknowledge and recognise that there is a huge difference between the hospitality sector in this city of Dublin and that in rural Ireland. It is important that Dublin's hospitality sector does not kill the golden goose that we have developed. The hospitality sector, and the tourism sector in general, has been the good news story over the past four or five years. A large number of visitors come to this country. Approximately 40,000 extra jobs have been created in that sector and it is important that we make sure it continues to develop.

The final area I want to touch on briefly is housing. I welcome some of the initiatives announced in the budget with regard to the first-time buyers scheme. It is not just the first-time buyers scheme; it also relates to first-time builders. As the previous speaker mentioned, it requires tweaking. Like other speakers, I have been inundated with calls to my office about the 80% mortgage issue. From what I understand, it is almost impossible to get an 80% mortgage; the maximum available appears to be 75%. I ask the Minister for Finance in particular to consider making adjustments to the scheme. The principle is good, because it is all about supply and demand. We do not have the supply, and this scheme will ensure that supply is increased.

The other area I would like to mention, which a previous speaker also mentioned, concerns the lack of respite services. My constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny has suffered from a lack of respite services. The Health Information and Quality Authority investigations and reports have ensured that the respite services available previously for children with serious difficulties and disadvantages are no longer available.

We need to make sure these opportunities are presented again to the parents of these people, who deserve a break when they are in difficulty. Without these services it is difficult to survive and to have a decent existence. I ask the Minister for Health to set up a special fund for respite services. HIQA does a very good job but it must be aware of the consequences of the job it does. There is no point doing a good report and closing down an institution, a respite house or a hospital without being aware of the consequences.

As this is my maiden speech in the House I say to fellow Deputies that it is an honour and privilege to stand here today as a Member of the Thirty-second Dáil. I thank the voters of Longford-Westmeath for giving me the opportunity to represent them. Over the years, the constituency has been honoured by the calibre of its public representatives who have graced this Chamber and I sincerely hope I continue that proud history by serving the public to the best of my ability.

I express my sincere appreciation to my wife, Michelle, and my two sons Jamie and John for their help and support over the years since I first entered politics. I am forever grateful for their help and encouragement. I also congratulate the Taoiseach, Deputy Enda Kenny, on his re-election. I wish him every success in government as he sets out to restore people's faith in politics and in the economy so that, in the upcoming years, we can bring about real and sustainable improvement in people's lives.

Last week's budget had one key element - a rise in public expenditure of €1.3 billion. It was not long ago that people's anger spilled out into the streets outside this very Chamber at the level of cuts they had to endure to their livelihoods, cuts that affected every man, woman and child in this country. Thankfully, we are now in a different place and last week's budget had a number of key highlights in the areas of rural Ireland, agriculture, education and health. In particular, there was funding for 800 new gardaí, 1,000 nurses and 650 teachers and special needs assistants, a total of 4,500 front-line staff in the coming months.

The budget also addressed concerns of rural Ireland and the help required by those trying to make a living from the land. Positive measures included the introduction of sheep farming grant schemes to the value of €25 million, a review of the improvement of farm assist payments, an increase in rural social schemes and €12 million for town and village renewal schemes.

The Independent Alliance is proud to have made a significant contribution to the shaping of this budget with our Government partners. While much more needs to be achieved, it is our first budget and our first step along the road to recovery and we are committed to this. With a strong group focus on ensuring the vulnerable and sick in society are protected, the Independent Alliance sets priorities where people and communities will come first. We now need to rethink how we do things. Since the economy crashed, people have felt they are not getting their fair share of opportunities and profits generated in society and there is now a great need to look at a new kind of social contract where everyone plays their part and feels valued again.

I am sharing my time with Deputy James Browne. A former leader of my party frequently referred to economics as a dismal science. That comment may have been unfair to economists but it reflects accurately the relationship that sometimes exists between politics and economics. Economics is a science. It is based on a close study of previous economic development and an appraisal of vast amounts of economic data. In many respects, economists are like meteorologists. Their job is to warn of dangerous climate changes that lie ahead and how any turbulence should be avoided. Some are overly cautious but in general when economists speak they should be listened to by politicians.

Politics is not a science. It ebbs and flows depending on the public mood and perceptions about the immediate past and the short-term future. Politicians in general will seek to follow the direction of least resistance, what looks like the clearest, least problematic path. A lot of times they make it and get through but sometimes they get caught, as happened with world economies back in 2008. The Irish economy is progressing and recovering after the traumatic events caused by the global crisis of 2008. Although politicians can be legitimately blamed for contributing to that crisis, they also deserve credit for identifying the painful path out of that crisis. The people of this country and the political system deserve credit for being able to steer the country through what was an economic hurricane.

We are now sailing in calmer yet unpredictable waters and the budget needs to be viewed in that context. Unfortunately, just as we have come through one storm there is, on the horizon, an equally dangerous storm which will pass directly over Ireland in the near future. That is the storm called Brexit. Unfortunately, our budget was completely inadequate to deal with the threat posed to this country by Brexit. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle, as a Deputy for a Border county, will know that the Border counties are particularly vulnerable to the threat from Brexit but so is the island of Ireland. The decision of the British Government to have a referendum on leaving the European Union will probably go down as one of the worst foreign policy decisions of a British Government since the Munich agreement of 1938. A Prime Minister who was in favour of remaining in the European Union was reckless in allowing that referendum to take place at a time when there was an unprecedented refugee crisis in Europe and a growing feeling of anti-EU sentiment throughout the Union.

The vote in Britain was predominantly a vote about immigration. It was an opportunity for those who have been let down by the British political system to blame an entity that was presented as being the cause of their problems. That was unfair and wrong. The European Union has done more to improve the working conditions of British workers than any other entity and the biggest failure of the British Labour Party over the past number of years was its failure to communicate that message to the electorate of Britain prior to the referendum. Nonetheless, the vote in Britain is a milestone in British history. I may be wrong but I suspect that, ultimately, the people of Britain will come to regret their decision. Unfortunately, Britain is now being guided through this enormous crisis by very inexperienced politicians whose compasses are set not to the interests of the British people but to emotion and English nationalism.

The history of this island has been dominated for many centuries by our relationship with the larger neighbouring island. That changed with our membership of the European Union and the increase in this country's wealth that really took off in the 1990s. Unfortunately, because of the short-sightedness of a British Administration, we will suffer again. Although we have been liberated from domination in our relationship with the neighbouring island, that will change again because of Brexit. Brexit means that the progress of this country over the next ten years will be defined, if not determined, by what happens on the neighbouring island. We need to recognise and re-emphasise that Ireland's future rests with membership of the European Union and not with our large neighbouring island.

The level of preparedness for Brexit in Britain is abysmal. We are told that Brexit means Brexit but that means nothing. They do not know in Britain where this journey will lead, nor where it will end. In this country we are also grossly unprepared and the budget announced last week was disappointing. It failed to recognise the biggest threat posed to this country as a result of the decision made next door. We need to make decisions to ensure we are protected against the ramifications of Brexit.

We need to identify what we as a country require the negotiators from the European Union to seek on our behalf when they come to negotiate with Britain after March of next year. We need the European Commission negotiators to recognise that this country has a unique position because of the Border on this island. Therefore, the first thing the Government needs to do is to have a plan for the purpose of influencing the European Commission in respect of its negotiations with Britain which will commence at some stage in the middle of next year.

We also need to recognise that Brexit not only will have economic consequences for this country, but has constitutional consequences also. In 1998, the vast majority of people of this country, and, indeed, on this island, voted to amend Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution for the purpose of giving effect to the Good Friday Agreement. It is sometimes forgotten that the Good Friday Agreement involved two agreements. It involved a multi-party agreement between the parties in Northern Ireland. It also involved an agreement between the two sovereign states, between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. That treaty is registered as an international treaty in the United Nations. We agreed to amend Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution. In return, the British state agreed that it would change its legal system so that the European Convention on Human Rights would be incorporated into British law. They did that by introducing the Human Rights Act 1998 into domestic British law. We are now told that the British Government intends to repeal the Human Rights Act 1998 as it operates in Northern Ireland. It will be replaced with some ambiguous unknown British bill of rights. That was not what we agreed to when we voted to amend Articles 2 and 3. That was not what the State agreed to when we entered into an international treaty, registered in the United Nations, with the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, no one in the Government is emphasising to the British Government that it will be in breach of its international obligations. For instance, there was a court case in Belfast recently when a lot of interested parties were joined as notice parties for the purpose of giving their views on the Brexit decision. Why was the Irish State not represented as a notice party in those proceedings where we could have given our assessment as to what was required based on the Good Friday Agreement?

I suppose the vote in Northern Ireland was also of particular interest because for the first time, many Unionists recognised that their interests were best served not by being part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain but by being part of a federal European system. That is a significant change. It is a change that needs to be carefully nourished. It does not require knee-jerk reactions seeking people to call for a Border poll so that people can revert to traditional sectarian positions. In Scotland, there is likely to be a vote in the near future on whether or not Scotland will remove itself from the Union.

We have seen a devaluation of the pound by 20% against the euro. This is placing a significant burden on Irish exporters and manufacturers. It will have a negative impact on British tourists travelling to Ireland. We need to have a plan for those sectors. Unfortunately, that is where the budget has failed. It has not put forward any plan for how this country will deal with the serious problem which will arise when the Brexit negotiations commence.

As the Fianna Fáil spokesperson on mental health, I intend addressing the mental health aspects of the budget.

The enactment of the Mental Health Act in July 2001 by Deputy Micheál Martin, was a game-changer. In the decades prior to 2001, mental health attitudes were all too often still mired in stigma, prejudice and a paternalistic attitude of lock them up for their own good. The importance of positive mental health did not get the coverage or support back then that it gets today. The Act was the first real reform of mental health legislation in this country for over half a century. In addition, the creation of the Mental Health Commission in April 2002 created an implementation body to ensure that the intention of the Act was fulfilled. The main objective of the Act was to address the civil and human rights of mentally ill persons while additionally putting in place mechanisms by which the standards of care and treatment in our mental health services could be monitored, inspected and reviewed.

Following on from this reforming Act, A Vision for Change was developed under the then Fianna Fáil Government as a strategy document which sets out the direction for mental health services in Ireland. It describes a framework providing and supporting positive mental health across the entire community and providing accessible, community-based, specialist services for those with mental illness. It was developed by an expert group, which combined the expertise of different professional disciplines, health service managers, researchers, representatives of voluntary organisations and service user groups. It had broad support from patient groups and medical professionals and across the political divide.

A Vision for Change is a detailed strategy which proposes a holistic view of mental illness and seeks to address the many co-factors that can impose on one's mental health, such as biological, psychological and social factors that contribute to mental health problems. It proposes a person-centred treatment approach which addresses each of those elements through an integrated care plan, reflecting best practice, and evolved and agreed with service users and their carers. Special emphasis is given to the need to involve service users and their families and carers at every level of service provision. It is based on a recovery model that seeks, where possible, to keep those with mental health problems centred in their communities and retain their involvement in their family and social circles. While the document may be in need of updating, the principles it was founded on and its fundamentals remain sound.

As a republican party, Fianna Fáil believes that mental health policy is ultimately a question of citizenship. It is about a right to be able to participate in society on an equitable basis. That demands those with mental health problems being encouraged to seek help and ensuring that the rapid and expert help they require is available when and where they need it. We all know that currently is not the case. In the absence of the necessary mental health supports, these citizens are denied their rights to participate fully in their society. It has become clear that if we are to achieve the ambition of transforming the lives of those with mental health problems in this country, we need to drive a fundamental cultural shift in the attitudes of our health system, and that means giving mental health parity of esteem with physical health. That is why Fianna Fáil, in the confidence and supply agreement to facilitate a minority Government, made the implementation of A Vision for Change a condition of that agreement. The preamble to that agreement states, "The Confidence and Supply votes are dependant on the full implementation of the policy principles attached to this document (Appendix 1)". Within Appendix 1, one of the terms states, "Fully implement 'Vision for Change' in the area of mental health". The confidence and supply votes are dependent on the full implementation of the policy principles attached to this document. We agree to facilitate budgets consistent with the agreed policy principles attached to this document which run over a full term of Government.

The Government needs to understand that a commitment to increase investment by €35 million annually is a commitment to increase investment by €35 million, not to partially increase it or put in place initiatives with a full-year value of €35 million but only to spend €15 million in 2017. The Government tried that in 2016, announcing €35 million while withholding €12 million. It was forced into an embarrassing U-turn in June last. It must be borne in mind too that Fine Gael pledged to increase funding for mental health by €175 million.

Last week on budget day, the Minister of State at the Department of Health, Deputy McEntee, pledged to initiate €35 million in mental health spending in 2017. There was concern that this means only a partial spending of the €35 million. Such concern is justified on the basis of what the Minister stated today in the Dáil. The Government seems determined to repeat the mistakes it made last year when €12 million was withheld. It seems that only €15 million will be drawn down in 2017.

The confidence and supply arrangement commits to fully implement A Vision for Change in the area of mental health. I want to see a multi-annual plan for how that will be done. I want to see put in place the reforms necessary to deliver long-lasting improvements in our mental health services. Government credibility on this matter is stretched thin, especially in view of what happened in 2016. To restore credibility, we need a clear commitment on funding and an implementation plan with clear measurable goals with a multi-annual service plan.

In the time remaining, I will address the issue of Brexit. It would appear that many of those who campaigned for Brexit never expected the referendum would be passed. Since the referendum, the UK Government appears lost as to what to do. They are divided but even if they were united, they have no plan. They are totally unprepared. Equally, the Government here seems to be totally unprepared for the decision taken. We need to seek real measures to protect our industries against the consequences of what is, according to the Taoiseach, probably the most serious economic event in the past 50 years.

We have seen sterling weaken to 91p against the euro and most economists predict it will go to parity by the end of the year, with some saying that within another year these values could reverse. In my county of Wexford we are almost totally reliant on SMEs, the agrifood sector, the fabrication sector and tourism, which is extremely vulnerable. We are in a similar position to the Border counties, and while we do not have a land border with the UK, we have a harbour and a ferry with links directly to it and the majority of our tourists come from the UK. Those industries are the most vulnerable. They are significantly employment reliant. They have a very thin margin and are not in a position to take any hits. We need the Government to take significant steps to provide support for those industries. Counties like Wexford did not see any recovery in the past few years and are only now starting to see a small element of it. There are no shock absorbers for those industries. They cannot take any further hits and they need supports from the Government. The Government needs to set out quickly a clear plan on how it will protect those businesses. We have already seen with the mushroom industry the consequences of what is happening and we will see more of that happening in the concrete industry, the agricultural industry, the agrifood sector and the tourism sector. While some steps were taken by the Government in its announcements in the budget, they were nowhere near sufficient. Full support needs to be provided for those industries or we could find ourselves in a situation that could be even potentially worse than what we saw during the economic collapse.

Twenty minutes is available in the Sinn Féin time slot. I understand Deputy Ellis is sharing his time with Deputies Mitchell and Martin Kenny.

This budget is another missed opportunity to move towards a fairer society. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have colluded in forging this budget between them. It once again represents the failed politics of a failed class and a failed system and one with no vision. It is also a mean budget especially when we consider that politicians will be paid an increase in January which is totally unnecessary and, begrudgingly, pensioners will not see their increase, a mere €5, until March, leaving them without the increase for three of the hardest months of the year. It is not worth a damn for Ministers to say they will send back their increases; as we all know they can be claimed back in the future.

It is no secret to anyone that there is a major housing emergency and this budget will only add to the crisis with an ill-judged and irresponsible first-time buyer's scheme. A major component contributing to the housing shortage is the plight of renters. There is no direct intervention to help renters in this budget. Sinn Féin brought forward a Bill that would have provided rent certainty for landlords and tenants alike, but Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael colluded in stopping it. That Bill would have linked rent increases and decreases to the consumer price index, which would have provided some stability for the market. We have people tonight paying rents which, in some cases, are nearly twice what a mortgage would cost and wondering how they will manage.

New research by Savills Ireland, using CSO data, shows that the private rented sector has increased in recent years. This increase in the private rented sector is also a consequence of this and the previous Government’s actions. A good proportion of private renters have not been able to get into the housing market due to house price inflation, austerity budgets that affected wages, the increased cost of living and additional taxes such as water charges and local property taxes. At the same time there is an increase in demand for private rented accommodation. Social housing tenants are increasingly being housed in the private sector due to the decision by previous Governments to stop building social and local authority housing. The Government knows the scale of the problem and still did not include any measures in the budget, apart from giving developers a nice little bailout. In regard to water charges, there is no mention or provision in this budget for scrapping them, so this will be another bill for hard-pressed householders next year.

In addition to the lack of investment in solving the housing crisis, when we look at the health budget we can see that in terms of investment, we are at a standstill. The real increase for health in this budget is €147 million but that will not reduce waiting lists or go anywhere near to solving the trolley crisis. There is also no mention of funding for the much needed 24-7 mental health services. The budget will not go anywhere near solving the staffing crisis in hospitals. For example, I would point to the joint replacement procedures in Cappagh hospital. I have dealt with the case of a man who underwent an operation on his arm in August 2015 and is waiting on a further operation in Cappagh hospital. Due to his absence from work while waiting for the operation, he is in grave danger of losing his job as it is more than a year since he had the original operation. At the end of September, 258 people were waiting for a year or more on the inpatient-day case surgery waiting list for orthopaedics in Cappagh National Orthopaedic Hospital. It is a scandal that four out of the six theatres in Cappagh are out of action due to lack of staff, consultants and equipment such as artificial limbs and other necessary parts. How can waiting lists be reduced if this is the case? Each person on those waiting lists is in pain and putting their life on hold waiting for this important surgery. There is nothing in this budget that will increase resources and staffing levels to cut the waiting lists. Even the schemes already implemented will not by themselves cut the waiting lists. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael had the chance to support an increase in staffing levels in this budget but instead decided to give tax breaks for landlords and the wealthy.

This budget delivered next to nothing for the Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport, including essential capital investment. I am not sure if it is now Government policy to ignore our crumbling infrastructure. It certainly has been Fine Gael policy in recent years. It could of course just be the case that the Minister, Deputy Ross, failed to secure anything for his Department. He has delivered nothing in this budget for his brief and it is shocking that no new projects are planned and that only €72 million in additional funding is to be made available. There are serious questions to be raised about the levels of funding for public transport. Our public transport system receives the least subvention of all public transport networks throughout Europe. Ordinary people have had to cover this shortfall through the fare box but the numbers do not add up. A generous estimate, from looking at the numbers in the budget, tells us that €17 million in additional funding has been made available. In a statement released by the Minister, Deputy Ross, last Tuesday night, the figure was €31 million. His Department informed me this was a clerical error to the tune of €15 million. I hope this discrepancy can be explained to me. It seems the Government is determined to run public transport into the ground. A couple of weeks ago we learned that the Minister, Deputy Ross, sat like a dummy - incapable or unwilling to offer an opinion - when he was told by CIE management of its plans to essentially privatise or, to use its word, “separate”, the Expressway service from the other CIE services. The obvious privatisation agenda of the Government is alarming. This year 10% of routes are being privatised. It looks as though Expressway will be the next victim the Government will attempt to target. We all know full well that once these routes and services are privatised, the private contractor can amend the contract, cut back the service and leave areas completely stranded by opting only to service the most profitable routes. Clearly, the Minister, Deputy Ross, and the Government have very little interest in investing in the public transport system. Instead they have prioritised the increasing of the inheritance tax and capital acquisitions tax reliefs that will cost €20 million and will only benefit 2,000 people. They do not see the value in a well-funded, first-class public transport network. This is a fatal mistake for economic growth, rural communities, business and social inclusion, and the list goes on.

We also have the issue of accessibility on public transport for people who use wheelchairs or have reduced mobility. Accessibility on public transport has been ignored once again. Many people with disabilities are on a low income and rely on public transport. If a person using a wheelchair outside the Dublin area needs to go somewhere, the chances are he or she cannot travel. If he or she can travel, an enormous amount of forward planning is a hassle that has to be endured.

Other obvious omissions include the complete and total lack of a capital expenditure plan for transport. Instead we are being treated to a review next year. No new projects have been announced and there are no cross-Border projects either. I am furious that projects such as Narrow Water bridge and the A5 have not been prioritised, especially given the new challenges Brexit will present to the people on this island, North and South.

Road maintenance is one of the few areas to receive an allocation under the regional and local roads programme. An additional €25 million has been allocated, bringing the total amount available for 2017 to €275 million. By the Minister’s own admission, we need €3 billion to bring regional and local roads up to a reasonable standard. Thereafter we need €580 million annually to keep the network in a steady condition. The Minister has been making jokes about being the Minister for potholes but this is not something to make light of. Our road network has been allowed to disintegrate in the past eight years or so. This affects road safety and economic growth, especially in regional areas. Deaths on the roads have been increasing and rural Ireland continues to be left behind in terms of business, jobs and economic growth. The level of funding provided will not make a dent in those figures. The current allocation will ensure our roads will continue to deteriorate. Tá deis caillte leis an mbuiséad seo. Is mór an náire é.

This budget has been a joint venture. It has been a play acted out by Fine Gael with scripting by Fianna Fáil. This has been a show intended to create the image of action, justice and of being a budget for all people in society. Behind the acting, the people know exactly what they face. The manner in which increases have been extended to social protection payments lends itself to headlines and soundbites but rings hollow in everyday life. We all see the difficulties people face. While any rise in social welfare rates is welcome, this across the board, flat-rate rise does not address the major inequalities in our society. Ministers stated that everyone in society is better off under this budget and that it is fair and socially just but some are more prosperous than others. We define the meaning of fair and just clearly and differently from the Government parties. Ireland has one of the youngest populations in Europe. Would these young people see this budget as fair and just? For young people in receipt of social welfare this increase is pitiful to say the least. They seem to have been singled out for punishment and insult by the budget. For the young people in my constituency of Dublin Bay North, the increase provided for in the budget will get their bus fare into town once a week. They have to wait some months for this payment.

Alongside these issues, one in four children in a one-parent family lives in poverty. This group turns for help to bodies like the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. This group disputes how it has benefited from this budget as it continues to suffer from previous cuts. How just and fair will the future be for these families? The Government parties knew the figures going into the budget. They knew the poverty rates. It is essential we ask what direction the child poverty rate will go under the current budget? We know the financial pressures people face with motor insurance hikes, property tax and the possibility of water charges next year. These increases in living expenses have been presided over by Fine Gael. How far will a €5 rise in the pension go to counter these expenses? What is needed is to analyse the requirements of our people rather than taking a broad sweep to satisfy political ends.

With the closing credits of this performance, Fianna Fáil needs to be acknowledged. As this is being acted out, Fianna Fáil can fall back behind its abstention cloak, which is serving it well. There has been a lack of vision in the proposals in this budget and unfortunately the most vulnerable suffer from it.

This budget did little to make life easier for working families and was a disappointment in the measures it brought forward to deal with the housing crisis and our health services, which have many difficulties and many inadequacies. While it was a disappointment, it was probably an inevitable conclusion of the alliance we have here between two very right-wing parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. While many of us could see it coming, it was a sight to behold to see Fianna Fail pretending it was not propping up the Government of the Taoiseach, Deputy Enda Kenny, and that it was going to produce its own alternative budget.

There was a time when Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael's finance spokesperson used to come into the House and talk about Sinn Féin's costings not bearing up to scrutiny. They seem to have given up that talk now and recognise what the people have come to know over the past five years, that when Deputy Pearse Doherty comes here to speak about budgets, he stands up for the ordinary people and represents fairness and common sense. It is impossible to improve public services, provide houses, build adequate schools and at the same time cut the taxes of the very richest in this society, which is what this budget continues to do. The capital acquisitions tax cut is an example of where we see a very small handful of people at the very top getting this cut while at the same time adequate provision is not made for our schools, hospitals and other services. The reality is that it makes common sense to have capital investment. It not only provides services but creates jobs and puts money back into our local economy.

It was ironic that Fianna Fáil came with its four-page excuse for a budget document that had no figures in it at all. It showed that it has at last given up the pretence it is an independent party. It has admitted that it is just here, on this occasion at least, to prop up Fine Gael and is the buttress to keep Deputy Enda Kenny in his Taoiseach's seat. It is doing exactly what it told voters in the previous general election it would not do. All the talk has been about holding the centre. What that means, when one thinks about it, is making sure the status quo is maintained, that the old traditional centre parties stay there and hold Ireland for them and theirs. Over the past century, politics in Ireland has become a culture of favour givers and seekers and it is this kind of thing that has brought Ireland to its knees so many times. We need to change it. There is no sign of a change in this budget. The housing measures are little more than a present to the big developers to ensure they get a higher price for their houses. It will not help anyone starting off trying to buy a house.

We also see it in our health services. They have been underfunded for years. In Sligo University Hospital and our mental health services in Sligo, the Mental Health Commission and the Health Information and Quality Authority, HIQA, are doing inspections. At the end of it all, the reality is the service has been depleted because of the absence of staff. There is little or nothing in the budget to ensure we get those staff replaced in those services.

There are also the home-help services for elderly people who wish to stay in their homes. The funding for those has only been increased by the tiniest amount, which will go nowhere near meeting the demand for the services required by a growing and ageing population. There is tinkering with the waiting lists, as mentioned by my colleague earlier in the context of Cappagh hospital. That is one example. The waiting lists throughout the country, even for minor operations, are growing extensively all of the time.

Another issue I must mention is rural Ireland. For some parts of rural Ireland, farm assist has been restored. That is welcome and I acknowledge that. I also welcome and acknowledge the sheep scheme as good and positive. However, there are many other matters which could have been dealt with in the budget and would not have cost much. One example is the forgotten farmers. These are the young farmers who have been farming for too long to qualify for the schemes and have been left to one side. It is not that it would have cost any money to deal with them. Usually, budgets are an opportunity for Governments to resolve issues such as this, but that was not done in this budget. There is also the issue of broadband. Fibre optic broadband would revolutionise rural Ireland if it could be brought to those areas, yet the amount of money provided for it in the budget is absolutely measly.

Finally, there is the issue of Horse Racing Ireland, whose members appeared before the agriculture committee last week. Horse Racing Ireland has been given an additional €6 million in this budget. That is a total of €66 million for the organisation. No other sector is given money in the same way. Basically, it is given €66 million and told, "That's grand, lads, spend it how you like". Horse Racing Ireland puts most of that money towards providing prize money for the richest people in our society. Consider what happens in every other sector. Take the example of the sheep grants that will be provided. The person who applies for those grants must have particular animal husbandry standards and fulfil certain measurable outcomes. There are no such outcomes for people in the equine industry. However, small breeders at the very bottom of the horse industry, who could do with some money and a helping hand, get nothing. The people who breed Connemara ponies and the harness racers get nothing. This money is ring-fenced for the wealthiest in our society. It is absolutely ridiculous and wrong. It is a bizarre way for the Government to handle that huge amount of money. It is something that will have to be dealt with in the coming year. While the appointment of the chief executive officer of Horse Racing Ireland was the issue, it has certainly shone a strong light on something that needs to be sorted out in our society.

What we in rural Ireland call blue-light services - namely, the ambulance and fire services - are in dire straits. They are stretched beyond the limits across the length and breadth of Ireland, but this budget has done little or nothing to help them. In the next 12 months, before we return here to discuss another budget, I hope the two parties of the right will realise that the ordinary people, particularly those in rural Ireland, must be looked after and that the budget is not just about looking after those at the top, who are often tax exiles.

I never expected, with the new politics, that I would find myself here on the graveyard shift.

The Deputy is still here. That is the main thing.

Old politics are back. However, I welcome the opportunity to speak on the budget. Listening to some of the contributions, one would think that some of the contributors never had an opportunity to be part of the Government, to shape policy and to make a difference, which is what I always believed we were all elected to do. I have said many things about Fianna Fáil over the years but at least its members had the bottle to ensure that the country has a Government. Others sat on the fence or ran a mile when the opportunity of having some level of responsibility arose. Those same people are now pontificating about what should or could be done. When they had the chance to act, however, they did not take it. I hope the people will remember that the next time they go to the ballot box and that they will recall those who stood up to be counted when the chips were down.

All budgets in the history of the State have been far from perfect. However, we have come a long way from where we were in 2008, 2009, 2011 and 2012. The first budget when I became a Member of the House was that introduced in 2012. Some of the measures it contained were extremely difficult. Desperate hardships were endured by the people of this country for a number of years as a result of the crisis in which we found ourselves. If I had been asked in 2011 if I would accept a budget such as that which will apply in 2017, I absolutely would have done so. We have come a long way in a relatively short period. Five or six years ago, people thought it would take us ten or 20 years to reach our current position. We have a long way to go but the progress that has been made must be acknowledged. Thankfully, the country is going in the right direction. It is far from perfect. We face huge issues and a huge amount of catching up must be done - we probably have to catch up on a decade of under-investment - but we have come a long way and hopefully we can continue on that trajectory and build on the progress made in recent years to ensure that every citizen feels the benefits of that progress.

I consider a number of measures contained in the budget to be positive. One is the retention of the 9% VAT rate for tourism and hospitality businesses. Its introduction was one of the most proactive and positive measures by a Government in the history of the State. When it was introduced in 2011 it drew a great deal of criticism and opposition. It is a measure that reached every rural community in the country. It was one of the most pro-rural measures ever from a Government. The benefits are clear to see. It was largely responsible for kick starting the tourism industry in 2011 when it was going through a terrible time. Other measures, such as the development of the Wild Atlantic Way, The Gathering and the scrapping of the airport tax, were very helpful. However, the 9% VAT rate was effectively a cut of one third in the VAT rate businesses had to pay. Other labour intensive industries benefited from it, such has hairdressers whose jobs are in every community in the country, but it was primarily tourism and hospitality businesses that benefited.

It has been under scrutiny in recent years and there was much pressure from certain quarters to abolish it. Much of that pressure came from people who cannot see beyond the M50 and Dublin. It was a lifeline for businesses in the regions, and particularly those in rural areas. While competitiveness problems might be creeping back into the tourism industry, with many of the problems in respect of our competitiveness in tourism that killed the golden goose in the early 2000s being seen again, punishing people in a nationwide business for the sins of a few is not the way to go. I welcome the retention of the 9% VAT rate and reiterate my call to have it extended to residential construction activity. That would be proactive and help increase supply on the market, which is one of the big problems. I would also welcome an acceleration of the implementation of the renovation scheme, which I proposed to the Government over a year ago. I believe it would be a positive measure and would bring extra supply to the market, which is crucial.

I warmly welcome the increases in social welfare payments, particularly the €5 increase in weekly payments across the board. Again, a number of years ago it was probably unthinkable that we would be in a position to do the like in a few short years. I particularly welcome the fact that the money is being spread across the board and that a large number of people will benefit from it. There is also the increase of 10% in the Christmas bonus, which brings the payment to 85%. It is a massive help for people at a difficult time of the year. With prudent management of the economy and further progress, I hope there will be a further increase in forthcoming budgets for those recipients.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 12 midnight until 12 noon on Wednesday, 19 October 2016.
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