Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 16 Nov 2016

Vol. 929 No. 1

Leaders' Questions

Deputy Micheál Martin

I am sure the Taoiseach will agree that the morale of An Garda Síochána has taken a hammering over recent years and that morale is now quite low among many members of the force. Many issues have achieved a high public profile, culminating in the industrial relations dispute that almost led to an unprecedented strike by An Garda Síochána just over a week ago. It calls into question the competence of the administration of justice and the apparent sense of dysfunctionality in how issues are handled in respect of An Garda Síochána under the justice portfolio.

The latest controversy the Garda is now mired in relates to the vacancies for chief superintendent positions in An Garda Síochána. A competition was held in December 2015 and, arising from that, on 25 May last, the names of the successful applicants were published in Garda headquarters and 18 people were notified by letter of their successful selection to the position of chief superintendent. There are significant vacancies across the force, including in Cork West, the special detective unit, the roads policy unit, the technical bureau, the crime policing administration unit, the central vetting unit, the operational support unit, the Dublin metropolitan regional office, the Garda Reserve and internal affairs. The Government eventually decided to appoint ten chief superintendents and not to appoint the remaining eight applicants, despite that the Government accepted the legitimacy of the competition and of the panel that was selected as a result of that process. The remaining eight who were not appointed would have legitimate expectation of being appointed.

This type of thing damages morale in the force. The O'Higgins report, which examined matters in the Cavan-Monaghan district, was very strong on the issue of supervision and on people being in place in senior, responsible positions to ensure mistakes were not made further down the line and that proper standards and so forth applied. However, these vacancies have existed for quite some time. The issue is that the competition took place under the 2005 Act, and under section 13 of that Act it is the Government's responsibility to appoint members. The Garda Síochána (Policing Authority and Miscellaneous Provisions) Act that established the Policing Authority was passed in December 2015.

Section 12 of the Act, and the regulations pertaining to it, which would give the body the promotional responsibilities for superintendents and chief superintendents, has not yet come into force, almost 12 months on. While there is always a transition between the old and the new law, it is the Government's responsibility to appoint in accordance with the Act that is the law of the land. We have paralysis on the appointment of judges and we now have paralysis and indecision on the appointment of gardaí to very senior and sensitive positions. It is damaging to the force and further compounds already serious issues pertaining to the Garda Síochána. Will the Taoiseach explain why we are where we are regarding the failure to appoint these people to vacant positions at senior level?

The Taoiseach

I will explain. The establishment of the Policing Authority earlier this year was the most fundamental change in the Garda Síochána since the foundation of the State. The establishment of the independent Policing Authority was to oversee the performance by the Garda Síochána of its relations in respect of policing services. It has already commenced its work and is holding regular meetings. The transfer of the function is a major signal about the Government's intent not to have the hand of politics in any of the appointments to senior positions in the Garda Síochána, for perception and for reality. The clear preference of the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Frances Fitzgerald, is that the authority should have the opportunity to exercise the function as soon as possible. This will give new confidence to the oversight arrangements in place and the role of the Policing Authority.

I agree there should be no undue delay in filling existing vacancies. The Tánaiste is anxious about it and it will be kept under very close review. Section 12 of the Garda Síochána (Policing Authority and Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2015 provided for the transfer to the Policing Authority of the appointment of persons to the senior ranks of the Garda Síochána. This was the function, intent and purpose of the Act. This function transfers to the Policing Authority by or on 1 December, a few weeks hence. There is a public consultation. In the interim, the appointment of persons to senior ranks remains a matter for the Government. Earlier this year, at the request of the Garda Commissioner, the Government made a number of appointments to fill vacancies in senior ranks. On 24 May, the Government appointed four members to the rank of assistant commissioner. On 13 July, the Government appointed ten members to the rank of chief superintendent and 18 to the rank of superintendent. Fianna Fáil rightly queried the Government as to why these appointments were being made. I remember having to give instructions to explain to Fianna Fáil that the Government had made a decision to transfer responsibility and authority to the Policing Authority. The appointments were drawn in order of merit from promotion panels which were formed on foot of competitions held by the Garda Commissioner in accordance with the Garda Síochána regulation Act of 2006. The Policing Authority was consulted on the proposal to fill the vacancies and supported the filling of them on the nomination of the Government, as provided by the Garda Commissioner, up to the limit of the agreed strength as approved by the Tánaiste and the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform under the employment control framework, ECF.

The Garda Commissioner informed the Tánaiste that a chief superintendent retired in September. This, together with the recent departure of an assistant commissioner to take up a post abroad, brings the number of vacancies in the senior ranks to three, including one at superintendent level. The ECF will be increased and, from 30 December, the independent Policing Authority will be in a position to make those arrangements and appointments. I assume the Policing Authority is readying for the opportunity when it arises.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Taoiseach has not told me anything new. He has basically repeated what I said, although using different terminology.

The Taoiseach

Deputy Micheál Martin did not tell me-----

Deputy Micheál Martin

The bottom line is that we queried why section 12 was not commenced. It has taken a full 12 months to commence it. Why have the competition? Why write to 18 people telling them they were successful but only appoint ten of them? That is the bottom line. There is one law. The 2005 Act is currently in situ in terms of promotions of superintendents and chief superintendents. The Garda Síochána (Policing Authority and Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2015 is a new Act and one that we support. We support the idea that the authority would be responsible for promotion to the senior ranks of An Garda Síochána, but the section has not yet been commenced. Why has it not been commenced? Why has it taken 12 months for the Government to get its act together in respect of that particular section of the Act?

This speaks to a dysfunctionality at the heart of the administration of justice. We have all witnessed it in different facets and manifestations. The latest is that we cannot appoint judges now because more reform is sought. There is a basic rule - a bottom line - in terms of the administration of law which is that the existing law is the law of the land until a new law supersedes it. Everyone abides by that clear distinction.

That there would be a competition and the names of the successful applicants would be published and that the Taoiseach would then resile from his duty and responsibility, because it is his duty and responsibility under the existing law to appoint them, is wrong. It damages morale, which is already quite low in An Garda Síochána, and creates division and all sorts of issues. The Taoiseach knows that. What will subsequently happen will create further divisiveness and so on. All of that needs to be avoided in terms of the best interests of An Garda Síochána. We have been supportive of the changes, but they have not been commenced. That is not the fault of anyone except those in government. The responsibility to commence legislation resides with the Government. In the interim, the existing law of the land applies.

The Taoiseach

I accept that Deputy Micheál Martin supported the reason behind setting up of the independent Policing Authority. I consider it the major significant change in policing in the country since the foundation of the State. The reason for the employment control framework was the poor state of public finances. We had no Garda training college. When we were able to reopen it, there were 500 recruits. There are now 800.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The recruits were never going to be appointed chief superintendents.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Taoiseach, without interruption.

The Taoiseach

The independent Policing Authority will be in a position to make the appointments to senior ranks as and from 31 December. The independent Policing Authority is well aware, as the memorandum for Government stated in the summer time, that the responsibility would pass to it by or on 31 December. I am sure it is making arrangements to be in a position to fill senior appointments, as will be its completely independent responsibility, shortly after that date. Deputy Micheál Martin queried the appointments that were made, as was his right. He also queried why the authority was not doing it in July.

Deputy Micheál Martin

That is the point, but the Government still has not-----

The Taoiseach

There were many matters to be dealt with by it.

There were four appointments to the rank of assistant commissioner, ten to the rank of chief superintendent and 18 to the rank of superintendent. Those appointments were all made strictly in accordance with the list submitted by the Garda Commissioner on foot of a competition held under the Garda Síochána Act. On 31 December, the independent Policing Authority takes responsibility for these positions.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Yesterday, I encouraged the Taoiseach to engage in urgent dialogue with public sector workers and their representatives, but he declined. Yesterday also saw the announcement by the private sector committee of the ICTU that it is seeking a 4% increase in wages in the private sector. I presume that the Taoiseach will be dismissive of that also. It is easy for us. We are well protected from economic difficulties. However, the issue of pay for workers who have suffered the brunt of the Government's policies is now front and centre and is not going away. I urge the Taoiseach, again, to enter into dialogue to address the very real issues affecting workers in the public and private sectors. What comes out of those negotiations is another matter, but refusing to engage is only making the problem worse. It does not make sense.

This morning, I wondered to myself if the Taoiseach ever asks himself why workers are seeking wage increases. Does the Taoiseach ever ask himself that question? Does he think they are being greedy or self-serving? Does he think they are trying to keep the recovery going? Perhaps the Taoiseach thinks it is because hundreds of thousands of citizens are in dire straits.

There is a cost of living crisis crippling families in the context of rents, mortgages, insurance, child care fees, student fees and medical bills. People are justifiably seeking the restoration of wages so they can pay their bills. That is not unreasonable, yet the Government's position is that there will be no increase in pay despite the cost of living going through the ceiling, for those who are lucky enough to have a ceiling. It is not tenable. Ultimately, it will lead to industrial action and that will mean more school closures and emergency departments without doctors. Today, 528 citizens of this State are on trolleys in hospitals. It will mean unrest in the private sector as well as in the public sector. Not only does the Taoiseach need to get round the table with the unions, he needs to deal with the cost of living crisis.

Chief among the difficulties people face is the cost of spiralling rents. The average monthly rent is now almost €1,100. In Dublin, people are paying an average of €1,500 per month. That means low and middle-income families renting homes are paying between 40% and 60% of their incomes on rent. That includes those who have children in student accommodation. It is not fair. The Taoiseach is bound to know that, yet he and Fianna Fáil have consistently refused to tackle it and stop these outrageous rent increases. The Taoiseach is failing these citizens. In recent months, the Government and Fianna Fáil have twice voted against Sinn Féin rent certainty proposals. Rent certainty would put a break on the unaffordable rent increases that thousands of families and people are facing. My question is very straightforward. Will the Taoiseach commit to introducing rent certainty linked to the consumer price index without delay?

The Taoiseach

Deputy Adams raises a number of important issues. The first thing I want to say is that in recent years every person in the public sector has had to make real sacrifices in the interest of keeping the economy moving. The same applied in an even more serious situation in the private sector, where hundreds of thousands of jobs were either in jeopardy or lost. The situation is that the country is in a better position economically than it was but we still face very serious challenges ahead.

The Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government has committed to introducing a comprehensive rent strategy in the next couple of weeks. He has dealt with this matter at some considerable length and the strategy will be the point of discussion in this House. He is focused on the undoubted pressure that has arisen from increased rents particularly in the greater Dublin area. The Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform instructed his officials to meet representatives from ICTU last evening.

What the Government wants to do is have a co-ordinated approach - by means of a well-managed strategy - to deal with the challenges we face. There are many. Every day of the week, as a result of the success of Government in creating more and more jobs, people are under pressure to get out of their housing estates to travel to work. They spend longer times doing so. They want to work. As a result of the increase in employment and the rise in demographics, people are struggling because of the issues relating to the construction sector. The latter is a major focus of what the Government will be doing in the next number of years, with a €5 billion fund to back it up across five different pillars. It is very important that this country remains competitive in terms of the national and international situation. That means keeping costs down. This is why we have to focus on the issues of rent, mortgages, housing, public transport, access and the costs relating thereto. The Government has repeatedly attempted to reduce income tax, thereby making it easier for people to live. It increased the minimum wage on the recommendations of the Low Pay Commission and continues to focus on the creation of jobs and employment right throughout the country. That is why there will be a major programme over the coming years to provide access to broadband right throughout the country. It is an enormous physical and structural challenge, with a very substantial amount of trenching work to be done in order to bring fibre directly to houses.

All of the issues raised by the Deputy are serious and they are all challenges for Ireland. A central consideration is that we keep costs down and be competitive. Otherwise, given the uncertainty abroad in terms of the outcome of Brexit and other international issues, we need to focus on how as a country we can best move forward.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Tá díomá orm agus tá mé an-mhíshásta le freagra an Taoisigh. Níl freagra ar bith aige. I asked the Taoiseach to commit to introducing rent certainty. He ignored the question. Why not say either that the Government is not going to do it or agree to do it, which is what we want the Government to do? Instead, the Taoiseach has ignored it.

I was reading the remarks of Ken Loach, filmmaker and activist. He was talking about his Government and he said:

If they don’t know what they are doing to people they are incompetent and shouldn’t be in Government...If they do know what they are doing then they are not fit to be in Government.

From listening to the Taoiseach's answer, the only conclusion any sensible person could come to is that the members of the Government are both incompetent and unfit to be in government. I have asked already but I will ask the question again. Why does the Government not introduce rent certainty to lift the load and the burden off the thousands of people who cannot afford to pay rents without foregoing some other essential? The Taoiseach ignored the question.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Go raibh maith agat.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Ní bheidh mé ach bomaite, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. This week in the Seanad, the Government introduced legislation to amend the Residential Tenancies Act. The Government is happy enough to change its rental strategy whenever it suits. The Government could table an amendment to the Bill in the Seanad that would put a halt to the spiralling rents. I invite the Government to do so. If the Government is not going to do that, will the Taoiseach simply say that he will not do it?

The Taoiseach

Maidir leis an gceist eile, dúirt an Teachta go raibh díomá air, ach níor mhiste leis an fhírinne a chloisteáil am ar bith.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Sin tusa.

The Taoiseach

Dúirt mé leis an Teachta go bhfuil an tAire tógála ag teacht isteach anseo le straitéis iomlán faoi chúrsaí tithíochta. I have already pointed out to Deputy Adams that the Minister has committed to bringing in a comprehensive rental strategy for the private sector as one of the pillars in dealing with housing responsibilities.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Does it include rent certainty?

The Taoiseach

That will be finalised by the end of this year. Pillar 4 of his programme, which relates to improving the rental sector, commits to developing that strategy by the end of this quarter. It covers four areas: security, supply, standards and services. I imagine Deputy Adams would agree that it would be appropriate for the Minister to have undertaken a public consultation on the matter to get very decent and good views from a range of people and organisations.

Deputy Peadar Tóibín

He would get views from Fine Gael landlords.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Taoiseach, without interruption.

The Taoiseach

He has committed to examining those standards, the costs and the feasibility of things like build-to-rent on a large scale as well as undertaking research in other ways to examine how investment in the rented sector can be encouraged.

Deputies will have the opportunity in the coming weeks to listen to, debate, give their views and agree whether they like it. The Minister wants to recognise the problem in the private rental sector and do something about it. That will be happening before the end of this session.

Deputy Pearse Doherty

Prices are jumping while those in the Government are twiddling their thumbs.

Deputy Gerry Adams

I take it that is a “No”, then, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Is that the case?

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Far be it for me to interpret for you. The next question is from the leader of the Labour Party, Deputy Brendan Howlin.

Deputy Brendan Howlin

In recent times we have heard the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, Deputy Ross, declare that reform of judicial appointments is his top priority, far above anything in the transport Department, we presume. In focusing on his top priority, he has launched the most aggressive attack that I can recall made by a Minister on the Judiciary. Yesterday, the Irish Independent published a column written by Jennifer Carroll MacNeill, an expert in the judicial selection process and, as Deputies will know, a former adviser to two Fine Gael Ministers.

She did us some service by documenting some of the statements made on the Judiciary by the Minister, Deputy Ross, in recent times. The Minister has said that the Judiciary has had a charmed life since the foundation of the State. He has said that those in the Judiciary might forget their constitutional oath.

He said that judges have a blank cheque to declare nothing. He also referred to the Judiciary as a protected citadel. When Members of this House raise any questions about the behaviour of the Minister, Deputy Ross, regarding these matters, he normally attacks them as being apologists or legal insiders. No more than the Taoiseach, I do not have a legal background. I have never studied or practised law so I hope Deputy Ross will not consider me a legal insider. However, I hope the Taoiseach will share my concern at his recent statements.

I do not disagree with Deputy Ross on everything he said. The idea of a register of judicial interests is a worthwhile proposal. Politicians declare their interests on an annual basis and I do not see why judges could not have such a register. As I said, the same rule should apply, but I do not think Fine Gael agrees with that. I also agree with Deputy Ross that there is no reason, in principle, that an inquiry into judicial conduct should not have a lay majority. After all, judges are finally accountable to this House, which is the ultimate panel of the laypersons. However, the notion, which Deputy Ross is determined to drive home and which, apparently, is to be resisted by Fine Gael - perhaps not - that only a lay majority should appoint judges is in my view bizarre. Would Deputy Ross seriously be willing to undergo surgery by a surgeon appointed by a panel of stockbrokers or journalists? Doctors, engineers, architects and academics are all appointed by panels comprising a majority of experts in their relevant fields. Any clear-headed analysis will conclude that being a judge requires expertise and we need experts to assess the expertise of the candidates proffered.

I have two questions. First, will the Taoiseach publicly dissociate himself from the comments made by one of his Ministers which clearly cross the appropriate line between the Executive and the Judiciary? More importantly, will he confirm to the House - while acknowledging the value of a lay minority in the selection of judges - that a majority of those involved in selecting judges should have expertise in the law and practical experience of how the judicial system works?

The Taoiseach

I have always had the utmost respect for members of the Judiciary.

Deputy Timmy Dooley

What about the Taoiseach's Cabinet?

The Taoiseach

I do not accept that members of the Judiciary would forget their judicial oath in respect of decisions they make. In that context, I dissociate myself from the remark made by the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, Deputy Ross. The vast majority of cases are dealt with-----

Deputy Timmy Dooley

Deputy Moran might get a step up. He might be moving again.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

This is Leaders' Questions.

The Taoiseach

-----in the best fashion by the courts. Some are appealed and some overturned. I am quite sure that members of the Judiciary are very cognisant of the fact that in superior courts up to the Supreme Court and even the European Court cases have been overturned. It is perfectly obvious that decisions of the District Court, the Circuit Court, the High Court and the Court of Appeal - even the Supreme Court only this week - have been overturned. The judges in these courts make decisions which they are perfectly within their rights to make and they do so completely independently of anything to do with politics. I do not have much association with members of the Judiciary. I expect them to do their job fully and in the best interests of the law of the country they serve.

The appointment of judges by the Government is a matter dealt with under the Constitution. The question is what kind of council one would establish to assess the applications, the criteria, the qualifications, the expertise and the kind of personality and character of potential appointees. The matter has not been finalised yet. However, the position is clear - the Constitution gives the Government authority in respect of recommendations. As to whether there will be a judicial council, that is a matter for decision.

Deputy Brendan Howlin

I welcome the Taoiseach's reply and the fact that he is distancing himself from Deputy Ross's remarks. An independent Judiciary is an absolute bulwark of our democracy. In the neighbouring jurisdiction, we have seen political comment encroaching upon independent judicial decisions and how damaging that is to democracy.

I welcome the Taoiseach's statement.

With regard to the appointments system, constitutionally the final decision is made by the Government. I remember many years ago, when the current system was decided upon politically, it was determined that we clearly needed an expert panel to make recommendations to the Government. Does the Taoiseach finally agree that the expert panel which makes the recommendations to the Government of those who are fit to serve in the Judiciary should be made up, in the majority and certainly not in an exclusive sense, of practising judges who understand the complexity of the Judiciary?

The Taoiseach

All judgments, as members of the Judiciary would tell us, are 90% common sense and 10% law. They have to make judgments and decisions in the interests of defendants, the law and the country. There is always a balance as to how this should be got right. Ultimately, the Government makes appointments on the recommendation of some group or council. The balance to be got right is having people with expertise from both sectors, the legal profession and general life, who can say on the basis of applications, experience, qualifications, etc., that certain people are recommended for consideration to be appointed by the Government. I know the Minister, Deputy Ross's best interests lie in having these processes absolutely transparent and accountable. There is always a risk if only members of the profession are appointed or they are in a big majority; all professions must be open to all people qualified on the basis of merit. That is where the discussion on how to do it is at present. At the end of the day, the Constitution is not changing. It is a matter for the Government.

Deputy Bríd Smith

I notice the Government is taking a very tough line on pay demands from workers. I also notice, very interestingly, that it is being joined by great moral upbraiders in this country such as Mr. John Moran, or "Mr. Austerity", in taking this tough line. The view is also shared by the Minister sitting next to the Taoiseach, Deputy Leo Varadkar, who claims that if workers keep demanding these pay rises, recipients of social services will suffer. I utterly condemn this approach by the Minister, Deputy Varadkar, the Government as a whole and others outside the Government, including former government employees.

The argument has always been put that there is no money available outside the Lansdowne Road agreement until 2018 or the economy will go back to the dark days of austerity. The recent 4% claim by the private sector has thrown another bit of fuel on the furnace of pay demands. Let us remember that Luas drivers in the private sector attained a pay increase of 18% and recently contract cleaners got a pay increase of 10%. A modest 4% rise is being requested. I welcome that request and on this side of the House we welcome that workers have woken up and are beginning to say to the Government and the State that they have taken the pain and cuts for long enough and it is payback time. I also note that profits and wealth have been restored to 2008 levels.

I put it to the Taoiseach that the argument from the Government that workers must show restraint and there can be no pay equality or restoration above the Lansdowne Road pay deals is utter hypocrisy when we have just voted to give ourselves a €5,000 pay increase. We will give gardaí €3,000 in January so what the hell is wrong with giving nurses, teachers and others working at the coal face a decent restoration of pay and pay equality? A pay revolt is taking place and the Government cannot stomach it. We welcome it because it is not a case of private versus public or worker versus social welfare recipient. If the boat lifts for any section of workers, it lifts for everybody. We can cut across the nonsense that the fiscal space does not allow it as the Government has just managed to give €600 million in VAT concessions to the hospitality industry.

I could also mention that the Government said it did not want the €13 billion bitter fruit of Apple, that up to €4 billion is uncollected because of our effective corporation tax rate and that the Government gave loopholes to developers and landlords in last month's budget. Those are just a few examples. The Government does not seem able to restrain rent and insurance costs, but it wants to restrain workers' pay. I put it to the Taoiseach that there is a great deal of hypocrisy in the moral upbraiding of working class people that is going on here. It is time for a real look at the question of pay. Workers spend their money and put it back into the economy. They do not have offshore tax havens. The Taoiseach needs to address this question urgently.

The Taoiseach

I have listened carefully to what the Deputy has said. I did not hear her mention that the unemployment rate has decreased from 15.2% to less than 8%; that thousands of jobs have been created in recent years; that the Government is proposing to provide 200,000 new jobs throughout the country between now and 2020, with 135,000 of them outside Dublin; and that the best route out of poverty is getting a job and having an opportunity for a career. Her view seems to be that a conveyor belt of borrowed money can pay everybody and we can continue as we did before. I assure her that we are not heading down that road again.

Every single household was affected when the country went over the edge. Over 100,000 people lost their jobs, thousands of people emigrated and the construction sector collapsed. The Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform is trying to keep us moving forward in line with the decisions and sacrifices made by all workers over five or six years to rectify the country. He is managing things well and is not going to lose control over what we have. All the public sector workers referred to by Deputy Smith, or the vast majority of them, accepted sacrifices because of the economic situation we were in. Under the Lansdowne Road agreement, 280,000 public servants agreed on a process for beginning to deal with the financial emergency restrictions. The Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform has outlined that position on many occasions.

While I note the decision of the private sector unions, I would make the point that as a country, we have to keep our costs down and make it easier for people to have jobs and get into employment. That is why we need to continue to focus on dealing with the Low Pay Commission in respect of the minimum wage and, where possible, on reducing the income tax paid by those who are paying 50% tax. We cannot do that unless we have an engine. We are all inundated with requests for hospitals, primary care centres, schools, housing projects and expanded infrastructure throughout the country. We do not have the resources to do all of these things. The only way we can hope to give all our people an opportunity is to have a well-managed economy. That requires choices to be made. Deputy Bríd Smith has said we are taking a very tough line on workers. I respect the work they do. We want to be fair to everybody in the decisions the Government will make. Deputy Bríd Smith does not seem to see that.

Deputy Bríd Smith

I absolutely see it. We welcome every job, but what good is a job to a worker who cannot afford to put a roof over his or her head or pay his or her car insurance? I refer to people who are struggling every day and getting into more and more debt. The Taoiseach has not addressed the fundamental issue of inequality that runs through my argument that Government decisions are allowing others to benefit from the sacrifices of all workers, including nurses, teachers and private sector workers, and all recipients of social welfare. Every measure taken by the Government in the budget allowed giant corporations, vulture funds, real estate investment trusts, developers and landlords, rather than ordinary working people, to benefit from the fiscal space.

The Taoiseach has acknowledged the sacrifices made by working people, but his platitudes will make no difference to nurses in January when they see gardaí getting an additional €3,000 and politicians getting an extra €5,000. Why should they stay back in the shadows, continue to work extra hours for nothing and show restraint in their pay demands? The same thing goes for the private sector workers. The Government does not have a solution for the inequality at the heart of the system. The fiscal space is there, but the problem we have is that the Government has not bothered to broaden it. People are not stupid. They see it. That is why there is a pay revolt, which we welcome, in this country.

The Taoiseach

As I said, the situation was absolutely dire a number of years ago. While it is still very difficult, some improvements have been made. For example, nurses who are currently being trained and who are qualifying are all being offered permanent contracts. The incremental grades that were removed in the past have been restored. Obviously, the intention of Government is to employ more teachers because of the growing number of primary and secondary school students. As I pointed out yesterday, for the first time in nine years almost €40 million was pumped into the third-level sector as part of a strategy to provide sustainable employment.

As the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform has highlighted, anybody earning under €25,000 will have his or her reductions fully restored, and so they should. The priority is the lower paid.

Deputy Bríd Smith

With 10 cent on the minimum wage.

The Taoiseach

Obviously, middle-income earners have received some benefits in the budget in terms of income tax. Nurses, gardaí, teachers and others are all doing important work for the country.

The Deputy mentioned the benefits of corporations. Obviously, 200,000 people are employed directly by corporations and there are many more besides.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I thank the Taoiseach.

The Taoiseach

There are also the many people employed in small- and medium-sized enterprises who struggle every day and who are now faced with increased competitiveness because they export to Britain and other locations.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The time is up.

The Taoiseach

We have to be fair to everybody across the board. That is where the Government will respond collectively and fairly.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I also have to be fair to all.